Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mechanisms of Social Control
Mechanisms of Social Control
We have seen that socialisation specifically refers to the process by which people
learn the skills, knowledge, values, motives and roles (that is, culture) of the groups
to which they belong or the communities in which they live. Socialisation is
generally quite effective but there is always the possibility that members of society
may be tempted to deviate from agreed standards, norms and rules. Consequently,
most societies feel the need to use ‘social controls’ – to regulate and reinforce ‘ideal’
behaviour to make sure that citizens conform to the rules or laws agreed upon by a
society and to publicly punish those who fail to abide by cultural values and norms.
Members of society agree to consent to these social controls because they realise that
they benefit from them in the long term. Sociologists tend to distinguish between
two broad agencies of social control: formal and informal.
Some of the more extreme sanctions available to formal agencies of control across the
world may also include capital punishment, extra-judicial (not legally authorised)
execution by police officers or death squads, torture, imprisonment without trial,
solitary confinement and the denial of basic civil liberties. However, evidence
suggests that the regular use of extreme negative sanctions such as violence and
physical coercion by formal agents of social control often leads to hostility, dissent,
defiance, protest and social instability. This oppositional resistance to the real and
symbolic violence used by some agents of social control may mean that social order
is constantly under threat because citizens see themselves as outsiders and feel
forced to engage in deviant action such as rioting (which they may interpret as
‘uprisings’), public protests and demonstrations and, in extreme cases, terrorism
(which they may interpret as ‘freedom fighting’).
Control by consent
These potential problems with formal social controls have led to many governments
seeking to control by consent. This involves those in power ‘persuading’ society that
the law is ‘blind’, that it seeks to protect all social groups equally and that all formal
agencies of social control operate in a just way according to that law. For example,
members of society are persuaded to follow the traffic laws laid down by the state
because it protects life; and citizens are persuaded to follow the law and consent to
policing because the state is willing to pursue justice on their behalf if they are ever
victims of crime. However, control by consent is criticised by Marxists as an
ideological device which functions to convince members of society that social
controls are both fair and necessary. Marxists claim that social controls are actually
aimed at controlling the poor and proletariat, who are seen by the wealthy and
powerful as a potentially dangerous class.
David Morgan (1996) suggests that a great deal of family interaction between
parents and children is concerned with social control and encouraging conformity.
For example, parents often use positive sanctions to reinforce and reward socially
approved behaviour, and negative sanctions to discipline and punish ‘naughty’ or
deviant behaviour.
Positive sanctions might include praise, sweets and the promise of extra television-
viewing or new toys, while negative sanctions may include the threat to ‘withdraw’
love, sending children to sit on a ‘naughty step’ or to their room. Parents may punish
adolescents by banning them from going out at night or by temporarily confiscating
their smartphone, tablet or laptop.
Some cultures may even encourage the physical punishment of children via
smacking or beating. A 2013 study by Sylvia Y.C.L. Kwok, Wenyu Chai and
Xuesong. He found that about 72 per cent of Chinese children said that their parents
had beaten them. Kwok, Chai and He conclude that the evidence suggests that
Chinese parents often use physical and emotional punishment to solve parent-child
problems and conflict, which sometimes leads to child abuse. Chinese law,
specifically the Law on the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency, authorises ‘strict
discipline’ of children by parents and guardians. Corporal punishment is at present
lawful in the home in China, South Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia. However, over
40 countries around the world have now made parental smacking, beating and
spanking of children illegal.
There is evidence that peer groups, friendship networks or subcultures are also
successful informal agents of social control. (A subculture is a distinct group that
exists within a wider society which has a very distinct and separate identity, for
example, in terms of the way they dress or behave, that stands out from
mainstream culture.) These groups, networks and subcultures may put considerable
peer pressure on teenagers to conform to subcultural values and norms which may
differ from those of adult society, and consequently encourage deviant and even
criminal behaviour. Some adolescents may identify with spectacular youth
subcultures (highly visible groups of young people whose behaviour is often
interpreted by the media as ‘threatening’ the moral order of society), for example,
mods, punks, soulboys, skinheads, metallers, goths or hippies that they see
portrayed in the global media. They may aim to copy the distinctive and often
symbolically ‘shocking’ dress and hairstyles of these global subcultures in order to
challenge and oppose adult society’s attempt to turn them into conventional citizens.
This symbolisation makes the group stand out from ‘normal’ society as ‘different’
and therefore deviant.
However, the majority of youth rarely come into contact with spectacular youth
subcultures. Rather, their lives are much more likely to revolve around their peer
group in the mundane contexts of school, the street and social media. Peer groups
may use positive sanctions such as the endowment of respect or status (although this
is often awarded for deviant activities), as well as negative sanctions such as gossip,
ridicule, sarcasm, criticism, shame, bullying, discrimination and exclusion to socially
control the attitudes and behaviour of those in their orbit. Consequently, the peer
group sometimes has more of an influence on the behaviour of adolescents than their
parents do, although sociological studies generally demonstrate that the majority of
adolescents usually end up conforming to the same set of cultural values and norms
as their parents.
Critics of the media point out that these representations are often ideological in that
they stereotype particular social groups as engaged in either ‘right’ or ‘wrong’
behaviour. For example, females may be ‘demonised’ or negatively labelled
because their behaviour is interpreted by journalists as not sufficiently ‘feminine’.
Some women may be ‘fat-shamed’ by the media because journalists subscribe to
patriarchal stereotypes which interpret slimness as best representing femininity.
Similarly, both men and women may be ‘persuaded’ by the media that their social
destinies should be on very different trajectories. The media may reinforce the idea
that the certain arenas of work such as science, business, medicine and engineering
are best suited to male abilities and traits. A great deal of media content may
represent females as either nurturers and domestic workers so reinforcing the notion
that women’s skills are better suited to the home and the raising of children.
On a more positive note, Deidre McKay (2016) found that Filipinos living and
working in Europe used social network sites to stay true to the social duties and
obligations encouraged by Filipino culture in their home villages and towns despite
being thousands of miles away.