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Two of The Last Provincial Kings of Ethiopia
Two of The Last Provincial Kings of Ethiopia
by BAIRU TAFLA
Yosédéq' s and Wälätä Esraél's son was Haylu the Great, whom
Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis I, reigning in the last quarter of the eighteenth
century gave the title of Ras.3 Ras Haylu the Great had five children,
two of whom were important; a son, Ras Mär'ed, and a daughter
Wäyzäro DenqenäS. This son and daughter formed collateral ruling
families which ruled Gojjam, Damot, and Agäw-Meder alternately for
most of the nineteenth century.
The female line was dominant, although the descendants of Ras
Mär'ed held power intermittently. Ras Mär'ed himself ruled from 1796
to 1800, and died at the battle of Fogära while aiding Ras Asratä
1. Some sources refer to her as Wäyzäro Meskab, but it has not been possible
to verify which of these two names is correct.
2. Asmé, Yä-Galla Tarik, part II (Ms., I.E.S. 173, N.D.), folios 45 and 48
3. Ibid., folio 48.
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of Lasta against the latter's brother, Ras Wâldâ-Gâbre'él. He was
succeeded in Gojjam by his son, Däjjazmaö Gwalu, who shared the
government with his aunt's husband, Däjjazmac Zâwdé of Damot.
After Däjjazmac Gwalu's rule, power shifted to the descendents of
Denqenäs, although Tädla Gwalu and his son Dästa Tädla governed
Gojjam for brief periods during the reigns of Emperor Téwodros II
and Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis II. The latter, Dästa, was the political
rival of Ras Adal, who descended from Ras Haylu through the female
line.
4. Little is known about the background and importance of this family. One
legend tells that this family, like that of Yosédéq, was of Galla extraction.
See T. Beke, An Enquiry into M. Antoine D'Abbadie's Journey to
Kaffa, in the Years 1843 and 1844, to Discover the Source of the Nile
(London, 1851), p. 37.
5. Aläqa Zännäb, Yã-Téwodros Tarik Bä-Bärlin Endámigaññ Abennät , (Pri-
nceton, 1902), p. 14.
6. Berru married Wäyzäro Yäwubdar, daughter of Ras Ali; he was thus brother-
in-law to Däjjazmac Kassa Haylu who married Wäyzäro Täwabäc Ali and who
ultimately captured him.
7. Berru remained in this prison until near the end of Emperor Téwodros*
reign; but Täsämma died of illness earlier.
8. Tädla was eventually recognized by Emperor Téwodros as governor of Gojjam,
which he ruled until the beginning of 1868. Aläqa Wäldä-Maryam, Yä-Dag-
mawi Téwodros Negusä-Nägäst Zä Ityopya Band Abennät Yä-Migaftn Tarik f
(Paris, 1987), p. 31.
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son, Adal, to him. Tädla took care of Adal and allowed him to
learn the recital of the psalms together with his own son, Lej Negusé,
under the tutorship of a certain Liqä-Kahnat Wârqé.9
Lej Adal Täsämma began to acquire popularity as early as the
age of eighteen. Tädla regarded him as a potentially dangerous rival,
and his jealousy was inflamed when Adal made Wäyzäro Guddayé,
one of Tädla's concubines, pregnant.10 Däjjazmac Tädla intended to
arrest him, and according to one story he actually did so. But Adal
had loyal friends; among them were Lej Wârqé, Ley (later Ras) Däräso,
and a few others. They helped him escape to the highlands of Da-
mot. Adal appealed to the population of Damot and gathered many
horsemen and able warriors. Damot was, of course, his home region,
and it was not surprising that he was able to obtain considerable
military support in a short time.
Part of the force which Adal mobilized ventured under the leader-
ship of some of his friends to Mänqorär, Däjjazmac Tädla's capital.
Däjjazmac Tädla has marched northward towards Damot, leaving his
capital unprotected. Lej Adal's men burnt Mänqorär down and left.
Däjjazmac Tädla pursued Lej Adal for a while and then returned to
his capital. In January, 1868, he died and was succeeded by his eldest
son, Däjjazmac Negusé.
Däjjazmac Negusé was not the right type of person for his office.
At least he did not impress his own army, and they were opposed
to his leadership. It is possible that there were other forces, including
his own brother, working against him. In any case, he was deposed
by his army, and his younger brother, Dästa succeeded him.
Dästa, otherwise known as Abba-Weqawn Dâssé, was an out-
standing soldier but a poor politician. He was too taken up with his
own bravery and military strength, and so he underestimated the
other political and military forces of the time. Adal Täsämma was
still a rebel in Damot. Emperor Téwodros, whose great military cap-
abilities haunted the regional lords, was already removed from the
political arena in April 1868, and a new Emperor, Täklä-Giyorgis,
had risen in his place. It would therefore have been wise for Dästa
to ally himself with the new Emperor in order to be granted supreme
control of the region. Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis demanded the submis-
sion of all the regional lords, but Dästa refused and even marched to
Bâgémder and plundered Dämbya.
Dästa's actions might have brought serious reprisals from the
Emperor had it not been for the clergy of Gojjam who interceded
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and reconciled the two rulers. Dästa was made Dájjazmač and was
given a daughter of the Emperor for his bride. However, he was so
proud that he did not even go to the Emperor to receive his bride,
but rather she was sent to him. Nevertheless, he was saved from open
conflict with Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis and could turn his attention to
his struggle with Adal.
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to secure the Emperor's favour, he had married into the royal family,
and now he was closely allied with the Emperor in the eyes of all
other political figures whether he liked it or not. Therefore, he had to
take sides with the Emperor on all occasions. When Emperor Täklä-
Giyorgis marched to Tegré to fight his brother-in-law, Däjjazmac Kasa
Märäcca, Ras Adal sent five hundred riflemen to assist him under the
command of his brother, Däjjazmac Zälläqä.
His rival, Däjjazmac Dästa was still alive, and according to one
tradition13 he had a high position in the camp of the Emperor's
brother-in-law, who was soon to become Emperor Yohannes IV.
According to this tradition, in the battle between Däjjazmac Kasa and
Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis which took place in June 1871, at Asäm River
at Adwa, Däjjazmac Dästa fought hard at the front line. According
to another source14 Däjjazmac Dästa had been imprisoned by Täklä<-
Giyorgis and remained there until the new Emperor released him some
time after the battle. In any case, Emperor Täklä-Giyorgis was de-
feated and captured, and Däjjazmac Kasa proclaimed himself Emperor
Yohannes IV in January 1872.
This occasion must have been a sad one for Ras Adal, who
would be sure to be replaced by Däjjazmac Dästa under the new
administration. Emperor Yohannes left Tegré for the central regions
to receive hommage from the nobles there. Towards the end of 1872,
he entered Gojjam from Bâgémder and devastated the country. He
reinstated Dästa with the title of Ras of Gojjam. Realizing that he
could not resist the Emperor's forces, and seeing no hope of mercy
if he submitted right away, Ras Adal avoided a confrontation and
retreated to the lowlands of Mutära where the terrain was too rugged
for the Emperor to follow with a large army. Emperor Yohannes
returned to Bâgémder, leaving his newly appointed governor behind
to pacify Gojjam.
13. This material is drawn from an interview given by Blatta Dârésa Amanté,
«a retired Ethiopian official and a well-informed man concerning the events of
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on November 25, 1965 in
Däbrä-Zäyt.
14. Täklä-Iyäsus, op. cit., folio 82.
15. During the battle against the rebel Gäbru, Dästa fell wounded, and many of
his soldiers fled thinking that he was dead. He got up, rallied the remaining
soldiers and defeated the Agäws. On his retürn to his capital, he dealt severly
with the soldiers who had fled. Täklä-Iyäsus, op. cit., folio 83. Also inter-
view with Blatta Dârésa.
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were terrified of Ras Dästa and each man fought his hardest because
he knew Dästa would show him no mercy.
Ras Adal was not only an excellent fighter but also a clever
politician. He was always careful to avoid any conflict with an Empe-
ror. He gave allegiance to Emperor Täklä - Giyorgis and received re-
wards. He avoided a clash with Yohannes when the Emperor entered
Gojjam to reinstate Dästa. Ras Adal now realized that though he
had defeated Dästa in battle, the Emperor himself might march into
Gojjam or send one of his strong officers to subdue the province.
After all, the Emperor was at Däbrä-Tabor, close enough to receive
news from Gojjam and take action. Therefore Ras Adal sent a mes-
sage of reconciliation to the Emperor immediately. He explained that
his forebearers had fought Dästa's; that fighting between these two
families was not at all unusual. He finally assured the sovereign that
he would remain loyal to him and pay the required tribute. Abunä
Atnatéwos, Eččágé Téwoflos, and the clergy of Gojjam also interceded
on his behalf.
16. The name of this official was not mentioned in any of the sources available
at the time this article was writteen.
17. Literally "bed," it is a throne-like divan on which the highest Ethiopian nobles
sat.
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of Däjjazmac Nägas's soldiers and officers went after Ras Adal's fleeing
army, each wanting to kill or capture a number of enemy soldiers,
and the camp of Däjjazmac Nägas was poorly guarded. Abba Wäldä-
Giyorgis and his soldiers suddenly feel on the camp and captured
Däjjazmac Nagaš. When his sldiers found out he had been captured,
they turned around, and then Ras Adal's men were pursuing them.
By undertaking this campaign, Ras Adal proved to the Emperor
that he was true to his word. The Emperor was also successful in
his military campaign against the advancing Egyptian forces in the
North. He crushed a sizable Egyptian force in November 1875, at
Gundät near River Maräb between Addi Kwhala and Adwa. March-
ing further north in February 1876, the Emperor attacked and defeated
a huge Egyptian force trained by American officers and led by Prince
Hassan, the son of Khedive Pasha, at Qayyeh-Korr (Red Hill) in Ak-
kälä-Guzay. A third Egyptian force led by Munzinger Pasha , a Swiss
who served the French, the British and the Egyptians at Massawa and
Bogos, was also crushed by the Dankils of Awasa when they tried to
penetrate the highlands of Tegré and Wällo. Thus the Egyptian mili-
tary advance into Ethiopia was successfully halted.18
Emperor Yohannes also captured about 20,000 Remington rifles
and 25 to 30 cannons. These weapons, added to those the British
left him in 1868, gave Emperor Yohannes indisputable dominance
throughout the Empire. Now that he had secured the whole norland
much of the center of the Empire, the Emperor turned south to Säwa
where one strong political figure, Negus Menilek, remained unsubdued.
Ras Adal was the strongest man in the central highland of the
Empire. He was loyal to the Emperor, and it is possible that the
Emperor rewarded him for his loyalty. It is said, for example, that
Yohannes provided Adal with 2,000 rifles.19 It is not clear whether
this gift was meant to reward Adal's loyalty and victories in 1875-76,
or whether it was intended to encourage the ruler of Gojjam to
follow a policy of expansion and check the growing power of Negus
Menilek. Ras Adal, in any case, decided in the late 1870's to push
his domain further south. Since his arrival in Säwa in 1865, Negus
Menilek had been engaged in pacifying theSäwans and annexing some
of the rich Galla-inhabited regions to the south, west and east. The
confrontation between Emperor Yohannes and Negus Menilek ended
in 1877, with a peaceful reconciliation and Menilek's formal corona-
tion as Negus .
The power struggle between Negus Menilek and Ras Adal, how-
ever, became intense around 1880. Menilek was interested in expanding
his control to the neighbouring regions and acquiring a port on the
Red Sea or the Indian Ocean. He had firearms and outstanding mili-
tary leaders, the most famous being Däjjazmac Gobäna, who was
given the title of Ras in 1878. According to one account, he was
18. W. McE. Dye, Moslem Egypt and Christian Abyssinia (New York, 1880), pp.
120-398; Sir E. A. Budge, A History of Ethiopia (London, 1928), II,
1-523;52C. Jesman, "Egyptian Invasion of Ethiopia," African Affairs (1959)
LVIII, 75-81, 145-146.
19. Interview with Blatta Dârésa on November 25, 1965 in Däbrä-Zayt.
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promoted because Ras Adal had made his faithful general, Däräso, a
Ras and had sent him to the Galla territories across the Abbay.20
Ras Däräso, like his master, was an outstanding military leader.
He began his conquest with Guduru, a Galla-inhabited region in
what is now Western Šáwa, and then he went further west and finally
south. He obtained submission from Moroda of Léqa, Joté of Qéllam,
and other minor chiefs in the west, as well as the rulers of Géra,
Guma, Limmu, Konta and Käfa. He received annual tribute from all
these regions which were rich in gold and ivory as well as slaves.
It seems that he maintained smooth relations with these areas in spite
of the difficulty or even the lack of communication.
The territories which Ras Däräso brought under control for Ras
Adal were separated from Gojjam by mighty rivers like the Abbay,
the Didésa, and the Omo. Communication and trade were almost
non-existent when these rivers were swollen during the rainy seasons.21
But paradoxically the communication problem seems to have contri-
buted to a smooth relationship between Ras Adal and the autonomous
rulers of the territories in the South who had been independent for
centuries. Käfa, Limu, Guma and Géra had their own kings, the first
from as early as the fifteenth century, and the rest from the six-
teenth or seventeenth century. Ruling families in Léqa and Qéllam
dated from the first half of the nineteenth century.22 Ras Adal's
suzerainty did not affect their authority or the local power structure.
All they were required to do was to send a specified amount of
tribute to Däbrä-Marqos. No official from outside was appointed over
or under them by their overlord, Adal, nor were they required to
account for their behaviour towards their own subjects. This was a
basic difference between the administration of Ras Adal and Negus
Menilek, who replaced Adal in the next decade. With the remoteness
of the territories and the difficulty of communication, a strict and
intensive control from Gojjam might have resulted in quite a different
situation.
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the east along the Awaš. Also Ras Gobäna had crossed south to the
Gibé in 1880-81, with the intention of adding Janjero, Jimma and
Käfa to the kingdom. Käfa already belonged to Negus Täklä-Hayma-
not, however loose his claim and control might have been. As a mat-
ter of fact, he regarded Käfa with greater esteem than the rest of
his territones, for it was Käfa from among all the regions south
the Abbay which was added to his royal title.24 Ras Gobäna's in-
tention to march to that kingdom was a direct encroachment on Negus
Täklä-Haymanot's claim.
Meanwhile, Negus Täklä-Haymanot had not stopped expanding
his territories. Ras Däräso went to Jimma in late 1881 or early 1882,
to receive hommage and collect tribute from the Sultan of the terri-
tory, Tulu, often known as Sultan Abba Jefar. This coincided with the
arrival of Ras Gobäna and his army from the north with the same
purpose. For a while confrontation seemed imminent, but considering
the fact that he was too far away from Däbrä-Marquos to hope for
reinforcement, Ras Däräso withdrew, warning his opponent that he
would return better armed some time in the future. The Gojjam army
left Jimma hurriedly, leaving behind the tribute they had collected, and
it was at this time that the following couplet was sung in Säwa:
MIW ijppif arit
How will the people of Gojjam laugh from now on?
TCAÏOKÎ TAfl* dh& hfc *
They say they went away and left their teeth [
Ras Däräso's threat was soon carried out. He sent for his master
in Gojjam, and Negus Täklä-Haymanot sent back a message blaming
him for withdrawing without a fight. He sent Ras Däräso reinforc
ments, this time under the command of his own son, Ras Bäzabeh.
Negus Menilek himself drove these soldiers from Guduru and pursued
them as far as Wälläga; finally Menilek granted them permission to
return home to Gojjam.25 This defeat at the hands of Menilek
infuriated Negus Täklä-Haymanot and he was determined to fight.
The resulting developments were dramatic. Negus Täklä-Haymanot,
whether out of anger or over-confidence sent messengers to the court
of Negus Menilek at Entoto to inform him that he planned to march
across the Abbay to the Galla territories. Perhaps Täklä-Haymanot
was not sure if Menilek was really determined to defend the Galla
territories that his general had claimed for he sent his message to
the court at Entoto verbally so that it had to be presented in public.
But Negus Menilek was confident of what he was doing. He required
only a written message which might serve him as evidence that he
was on the defensive.26 Täklä-Haymanot sent a written message soon
afterwards.
Negus Täklä-Haymanot mobilized his men and crossed the Abbay
to Guduru. It seems that he did not get the help of the Galla.
24. It should be noted however, that neither Gojjam nor Käfa appears in the
seal, which evidently was given to him by Emperor Yohannes. See Gäbrä-
Sellasé, Tarikä-Zämän Zä-Dagmawi Menilek (Addis Abäba> 1959 E. C.),
p. 107.
25. Asmé, loc. cit., part II, folio 91; and Gâbrâ-Sellasé, op. cit., pp. 102-108
26. Asmé, op. cit., part II, folio 92.
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Tradition attributes this to the fact that Negus Menilek had secretely
convinced Moroda and other Galla leaders to remain neutral.27
A battle took place at Embabo in the vicinity of the Abbay in
early summer 1882. Both sides had horsemen and infantry with
firearms as well as spears and shields. They did not have to wait
long for the fight. It was the beginning of the rainy season and a
long delay would have been disastrous for Täklä-Haymanot and the
Gojjam army since the Abbay was difficult to cross once it was flood-
ed. Also, an epidemic had broken out in Negus Menilek's camp, and
a number of animals and soldiers had died before the battle began.28
Thus, both camps were eager for action.
The army of Negus Täklä-Haymanot attacked first. The battle
raged for a few hours, and Täklä-Haymanot's soldiers were fighting
bravely, but they were soon outmanoeuvered by Ras Gobäna who
had led a force from behind their position. The Gojjam army was
routed; Negus Täklä-Haymanot was wounded and captured together
with Ras Däräso and many of his officers and counsellors. Negus
Menilek treated his captives well and released the Gojjam soldiers
in time, but the balance of power was destroyed, to the dissatis-
faction of the Emperor.
27. This material is drawn from the interview with Blatta Dârésa on December
22, 1965.
28. Asmé, loc. cit ., part II, folio 92.
29. Interview with Blatta Dârésa on November 25, 1965 in Däbra-Zäyt.
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The four years that followed the battle of Embabö were generally
peaceful for Negus Täklä-Haymanot. During these years he devoted
himself to domestic matters and proved to be rather progressive. He
encouraged and subsidized all sorts of skilled people- scribes, black-
smiths, carpenters, weavers, saddlers and tailors. He was also inter-
ested in the development of trade and communications throughout his
domain. Gojjam did not have access to the sea and was not visited
by as many foreigners as Säwa, so Täklä-Haymanot was not able to
find out about a lot of Western innovations or introduce them to his
people. But he . did his best with whatever opportunities were available
to him. In 1880-81, Negus Täklä-Haymanot strongly urged the Italian
traveler, Gustavo Bianchi, to construct a bridge for him over the
Abbay in the south. Bianchi drew a plan for him, and in return the
king secured the release of Antonio Cecchi, who had been detained
for two years by one of his vassals, the Queen of Géra.30 Later he
had another Italian traveller, Salimbeni make a bridge over the Tämca
River at Dämbäca, and he himself took part in the construction in
order to encourage his people.31
Negus Täklä-Haymanot was also a religious man. He got along
well with Abunä Luqas, one of the four Coptic bishops brought
from Alexandria by Emperor Yohannes in 1881. He adhered to the
Hulät-Ledät32 Doctrine and built many churches in Gojjam, the most
famous being that of St. Mark at Däbrä-Marqos.33 His administration
in general seems to have been efficient and just, qualities which made
him popular in Gojjam both during his lifetime and afterwards.
After the fall of Khartoum at the hands of the Mahdists in
1885, events developed which had percussions on the internal histo
of Ethiopia. The Egyptian threat on the northern and western fro
tiers of Ethiopia subsided after the defeats of 1875-76, but in 18
a new force threatened - the Mahdists. The Egyptian garrison at Mä-
tämma was saved by an Ethiopian army under the command of a
certain Sum-Dähna Fanta, dispatched by Emperor Yohannes in ac-
cordance with the treaty concluded at Adwa in 1884, between Ethio-
pia, Great Britain and Egypt.34 Unfortunately, the Ethiopians left
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Galabat, a trading center and capital of the district of Mätämma,
unoccupied, and a Mahdist force took over on March 5, 1885.
For a time, there was no serious threat from the Mahdists. But
later in 1886, they raided part of Western Bâgémder, burnt down
churches, took booty and retreated to Mätämma. The situation also
became more tense when a few people from the Sudan, among whom
were Salih Idris, a Moslem theologian, and Mudawi Abd al-Rahman
the former chief of Mätämma, took refuge in Ethiopia, and the
Khalifa wanted to get them back.35
Emperor Yohannes entrusted the defence of Bâgémder to Negus
Täklä-Haymanot, who immediately began to get ready. According to
the estimate of the Ethiopian writer, Blâttén-Géta Heruy, he raised
100,000 soldiers, and in January, 1887, he fought the Mahdist forces
which numbered about 16,000.36 He routed the Moslems, killed gover-
nor Muhammad al-Arbab, took booty and captives and returned
to Gojjam, leaving Galabat undefended.
The reason the Ethiopians repeatedly withdrew from Galabat is
unclear, but it was certainly an inhospitable, hot and malarial area,
and the commanders must have feared that their highland men might
not survive if they were garrisoned there. Whatever the reason, the
Mahdists found it deserted, and they fortified it more strongly. Their
commander was Hamadan Abu- Anja, an outstanding military leader
who had previously led an expeditionary force to South-western Sudan,
The provocation again came from the Mahdists' side. The Khalifa
wrote a letter to Emperor Yohannes demanding his conversion to
Islam. The Emperor made no reply.37 Hamadan raided Čelga in West-
ern Bâgémder and plundered churches and villages, and Negus Täklä*
Haymanot was again ordered to defend Gondär. Emperor Yohannes
himself marched north to stop an Italian advance from Massawa.
Negus Täklä-Haymanot mobilized his men and camped at aplace
called Sarwäha not too distant from Gondär. Abu-Anja attacked the
camp on January 18, 1888. Täklä-Haymanot's men fought bravely and
defeated the first column of Mahdists, but a fresh contingent replaced
them, and in the end Täklä-Haymanot was defeated. Many of his
people were killed, and others captured, including one of his daughters,
Yäwubdar. Täklä-Haymanot himself escaped with his eldest son, Raš
Bäzabeh. Five days later the Mahdists ransacked and burnt Gondär
and retreated to Mätämma.
35. P. M. Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan , 1881-1898 (Oxford, 1966), pp.
151-152.
36. Heruy, p. 5
37. Holt, ibid.
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defend Gondär against the possibility of a second attack by the Mah-
dists.
The only political figure in Ethiopia who could now claim the
Imperial throne was Negus Menilek, and from Boru Méda in Wällo
he immediately declared himself Emperor when news came of Yohan-
nes's death. He moved north to Wäldya and Lalibäla where he received
submission and appointed territorial governors. Negus Täklä-Haymanot
who survived the disasterous defeat at Mätämma humbly submitted
to him, having given up all hopes of supremacy or even independence.
The new Emperor met him at Quana in Wällo, and honoured him
with a pompous reception. Thereafter they had a smooth and lasting
relationship.
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Negus Täklä-Haymanot did not attend the elaborate coronation of
Emperor Menilek at Entoto on November 2, 1889, due to the flood-
ing of the Abbay. Two of his sons, Ras Bäzabeh and Däjjazmac
Bäläw, attended. Negus Täklä-Haymanot himself visited Entoto in
early June, 1890, and he was received with great pomp and was
decorated along with his officials. Soon he returned to his province
which had been struck by the famine40 and epidemic raging
throughout Ethiopia from 1888 to 1892. The famine was especially
severe in that region because it had been preceded by Emperor Yohan-
nes's punitive expedition in early 1889, and now there was not enough
food to feed Täklä-Haymanot's army. Emperor Menilek therefore
advised him to lead an expedition to Käfa at the beginning of the
next year, not so much to really take control of Käfa, but rather to
move his troops to a region that could support them. This was not
an unusual procedure, for the rest of the Emperor's officials were
also ordered to move their retinues to the east, south and west.41
By this wise plan the Emperor was able to save all those from famine
who had the means to leave the devastated areas.
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ing its western frontiers. In the years 1896-99, he went beyond Agäw-
Meder to the lowlands bordering the Sudan, pacified the region and
built a town at a place called Boräna. This area was rich in gold,
and Negus Täklä-Haymanot appointed one of his gold-smiths, a cer-
tain Bäjerond Mehrâté, governor of the region. He also built many
churches in Gojjam during this period. He rebuilt the church of St.
George at Tami in gratitude for the victory at Adwa won on St.
George's day. He also rebuilt the church of St. Mark which had
earlier burnt down.
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less, both of them were outstanding military leaders, and Emperor
Menilek respected them. The French traveller, Monsieur Le Roux, saw
them with the honoured guests of Emperor Menilek around 1900.47
Yet knowing that they were not on good terms with their father,
Emperor Menilek must have been careful about what positions he gave
them.
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Ras Bäzabeh replaced Däjjazmac Seyyum as governor of Gojjam.
In order to strengthen his governor's loyalty, Emperor Menilek ar-
ranged for his grand-daughter, Wäyzäro Zännäbä-Wärq Mika' él, tó
marry Ras Bäzabeh. Zännäbä-Wärq was born in the mid-1890's, and
she must have been a child of about ten when Bäzabeh married her.
In any case, she died soon afterwards, and Ras Bäzabeh took up his
brother's intrigue against Ras-Bitwäddäd Mängäsa. He was sent to the
prison of Afqära in 1905, and died there in August of the same year.
Chronicler Gâbrâ-Sellasé notes that Emperor Menilek was disap-
pointed with the sons of Negus Täklä-Haymanot and governed Gojjam
through his own meslanéwoč , or proxies.49 However, the decline of
Emperor Menilek's health after 1906, and the increasingly active role of
Empress Tay tu in state affairs brought Dájjazmač Seyyum back into
the political arena. In December, 1906, the Emperor released him
from prison and reinstated him in the next year to his governorate.
In order to gain an advantage over his rival, Ras-Bitwäddäd Mängäsa,
Däjjazmaö Seyyum divorced Wäyzäro Askalä-Maryam Mängäsa and
married Wäyzäro Assäläfäö Wândé, the Empress's niece and widow of
Däjjazmac Yelma Mäkonnen.50 In addition, Wäyzäro Negest, his half
sister, was married to Däjjazmac Gässässä, a nephew of the Empress.
Däjjazmaö Seyyum was consequently made Ras and given a new name,
Haylu, after his ancestor51, Haylu the Great. He was also made
governor of Gojjam, including Damot. Agäw-Meder and the western
lowlands were retained by Ras Käbbädä, the son of Ras - Bitwäddäd
Mängäsa who succeeded his father around 1910.
Ras Haylu was interested in keeping his position and regaining
his father's lost territories. He also maintained an interest in com-
merce until his death. Soon after Empress Taytu was removed from
politics and the Regent Ras-Bitwäddäd Täsämma Nadäw died in April
1911, Ras Haylu gave his daughter, Sâblâ-Wângél who was only
fourteen, to the ruling prince Lej Iyasu. He also divorced Assälä-
fač, and Lej Iyasu restored to him Agäw-Meder and the territories
bordering the Sudan. Thus he governed all of present day Gojjam,
which had been carved out by his father.
Although Lej Iyasu had helped him in all his achievements, Ras
Haylu did not openly support the deposed prince in 1916. Because
of his stance of opportunistic neutrality, he was able to maintain his
position throughout the reign of Empress Zäwditu. In fact, he married
a young lady brought up by Fitäwrari Habtä-Giyorgis, who shared the
administration of the government with Empress Zäwditu and His
Highness Ras Täfäri, and he maintained a smooth relationship with
the central government. He also visited Europe in 1924 with the
Regent.
Ras Haylu, though interested in new things, did not introduce
many innovations in Gojjam. He had a few bridges built and im-
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proved the road from Däbrä-Marqos to the Abbay,52 but he opened
no schools or hospitals in Gojjam and is not remembered for his
social reforms. He owned a number of taxis, a cinema, and a night
club in Addis Abäba,53 but these were outside the province he governed
and amounted to personal business more than anything else. He taxed
the people heavily and put down rebellions severely, and he became
one of the richest and strongest men in the country. In the years
1925-27, an American zoological expeditionary group described him as
follows:
52. Pankhurst, Economic History of Ethiopia , 1880-1935, pp. 290, 294, 302, 715.
53. E. Waugh, Remote People (London, 1934), p. 43; also Pankhurst, ibid.
54. E. Baum, Unknown Ethiopia (New York, 1935),
p. 241.
55. Africana Orientale Italiana , loc. cit., see in alphabetical order under "Hailu."
According to Moseley, Haylä Sellasé's biographer, the Emperor had intended
to take Ras Haylu abroad and actually took him on the train to Dire-Dawa,
but Ras Haylu escaped, see Leonard Mosley, Haile Sellassie the Conquering
Lion (London, 1964), pp. 231-232 He was, in any case, with the Italians until
1941.
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political marriages for his female relatives.56 For example, he married
his daughter, Denqánáš, to Ras Gétacâw Abatä, a nobleman who had
joined the Italians. The Fascist sent him to pacify Gojjam in Decem-
ber, 1940, at a time when the patriots had become more active. A
few months later he met the Emperor at Däbrä-Marqos. He was
not reinstated as governor, but remained in Addis Abäba until he
died of illness in 1950. His nephew, Däjjazmac (later Le'ul-Ras)
Haylu Bäläw was made governor of Gojjam and after some time was
appointed Crown councillor.
Gojjam was thus ruled from the eightenth century to the middle
of the twentieth century by its own dynasty which enjoyed a certain
degree of autonomy and full power within its own territory. The
ruling family had already become so large by the middle of the nine-
teenth century that the members were divided by political rivalry.
The most powerful ruler in the family was Ras Adal, a descendent of
Ras Haylu the Great through a female line who was crowned Negus
Täklä-Haymanot in 1881. He was able to rule Gojjam in peace for
only a brief period, but during this time the province was expanded
geographically, achieved political stability, economic development and
religious unity. Täklä-Haymanot's sons, though given this substantial
inheritance, lost prestige and power by their rivalry and incessant
intrigues. In addition, political power was being centralized in Addis
Abäba, and regional authority was on the decline. Except for the period
of about ten years when Täklä-Haymanot ruled in peace, Gojjam, like
many other provinces of Ethiopia, suffered intermittent plunder and
devastation which hampered consistent economic growth and progress.
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Negus Wäldä-Giyorgis Abboyyé Abba-Säggäd
c. 1859-1918
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Däjjazmac Wäldä-Giyorgis was constantly engaged in strenous ef-
forts of pacification and reconstruction within his vast territory. In
1893 he was rewarded by Emperor Menilek with the title of Ras.
The regions under his care were remote and difficult to govern. When
Emperor Menilek II declared the mobilization of the Ethiopian army
in 1895 to repel the advancing Italians in the North, Ras Wäldä-
Giyorgis could not arrive at the capital in time to participate. Menilek
however, ordered him, together with Azza j Wäldä-Sadeq and Däjjaz-
mac (later Ras-Bitwäddäd) Täsämma Nadäw, to campaign in Awsa
against Muhammad Anfari, who at the instigation of the Italians had
rebelled. The commander of this expedition was Azzaj Wäldä-Sadeq.6
The campaign ended with victory for the triumvirate forces, and news
of their success coincided with the victory of Emperor Menilek at
Adwa.7
The territories that Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis had governed for several
years now seemed in need of further pacification. In his absence dur-
ing 1895 and 1896 Gansa, king of Dawro, had risen in rebellion and
destroyed the governor's house.8 This news was not, however, received
with alarm at the victorious court of Emperor Menilek: it was proba-
bly taken for granted, and rightly so, that this rebellion could easily
be brought under control; therefore the Emperor entrusted Ras Wäldä-
Giyorgis with a more formidable task, that of conquering Käfa.
The conquering of the kingdom of Käfa was perhaps the most
difficult task that the army of Emperor Menilek faced in the late
nineteenth century. Ras Gobäna (1882), Däjjazmac Bäsah Abboyé9
(1885 and 1889), and other officers (1890) had led unsuccessful expedi-
tions against the kingdom. Galli and Gaki, consecutive rulers of Käfa,
pretended to submit to Emperor Menilek, but repeatedly refused to
pay the required tribute. It was Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis who finally cap-
tured Gaki and brought the country under control.
In the spring of 1896, soon after the victory of Adwa, Emperor
Menilek appointed Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis to lead a huge military force
whose efforts were to ensure the complete conquest of Käfa. A num-
ber of generals were assigned to assist Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis. Bulatovich,
the Russian soldier who took part in the campaign, gives an estimated
count of the expeditionary forces: 15,000 men, half of whom were
equipped with guns, led by Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis; 8,000 men, half of
them with guns, under the command of Däjjazmac Dâmessé; and 8,000,
almost all with guns, commanded by Däjjazmac flater Ras-Bitwäddäd)
Täsämma.10 Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis was thus at the head of 31,000 sol-
diers, most of whom were equipped with modern weapons.
The campaign was an arduous one for both sides. King Gaki
Säroco, otherwise known as Čanito, fought on even after his capital,
Andarača, was captured. He ordered the destruction of grain and houses
in order that his enemies might suffer and retreat, but in vain. Ras
6 . For a biography of this commander, see Bairu Tafia, "Two Ethiopian Biogra-
phies," Journal óf Ethiopian Studies (1968) VI, 1, 123-125.
7. Gäbrä - Sellasé, Tarika - Zämän Zä - Dagmawi Menilek (Addis Ababa, 1959
E. C.), p. 258.
8. Bieber, op. cit., I, 95.
9. Brother of Negus Wäldä Giyorgis, a brave commander who governed vast
regions in the South; he died at the Battle of Adwa, March 2, 1896.
10. Quoted in Bieber, op. cit., I, 100.
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Wäldä-Giyorgis pressed hard, and in March 1897 the various forces
met at Andarača. In September 1897, after a pursuit of several months,
Čanito was captured. Two months later he was brought to Addis Aba-
ba in silver chains and presented to Emperor Menilek
The success of Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis in this campaign greatly enhan-
ced his prestige as a leader; his following grew immensely and his
popularity was tremendous. On the occasion of the seventh anniver-
sary of the campaign of Adwa, he paraded in Addis Abäba at the head
of 32,000 armed soldiers, the largest group among those participating.
Once victory was his, Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis set himself the task of
rebuilding Käfa, which had been devastated by both the defenders
and the attacking forces. He restored peace and revived the economy
through agriculture, trade, and cattle rearing; his moderate and just
administration was a striking contrast to the administration of his
successors in the governorship after 1910. In that year, Ras Wäldä-
Giyorgis was transferred to Bâgémder, which he governed in conjunc-
tion with Semén and Agäw-Meder until his death in 1918.
What role Ras Wäldä-Giyogris played in the period of politica
turmoil following the illness and death of Emperor Menilek is not
clear. His personal valour, his prestige as a military leader, his patrio-
tism, and his family and marital connections would have placed him
in a good position if he had chosen to lead a faction or bid for
power. In fact, as Dr. Mérab, the Georgian physician who knew him
well, states certain people attempted to interest him in marching to
Addis Abäba and seizing the crown, but he remained loyal to the
ruling house, and Lej Iyyasu himself seems to have held him in
high esteem.11 Certain government officials at Addis Abäba were
perhaps among those who urged the Ras to claim the crown: Lej
(later Qämazmac) Bäyänä, Minister of Posts and Telegraph, was
accused of cabling Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis, telling him to be ready to
take power, since the situation in Addis Abäba was deteriorating.12
The Ras was, in fact, in legitimate line for the crown, as the fol-
lowing genealogical talbe shows.
Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis stayed in his governorship throughout the
regency of Lej Iyasu and probably remained aloof from the political
plot of 1916 that ended with the overthrow of the ruling prince. It
would seem, however, that he was concerned to some extent about the
political situation, which had placed the fortunes of the Empire in
jeopardy. A couplet of the time implies his dissatisfaction:
M rtt-Ä4 hftlňa*
Abba-Säggäd Wâldé should not be di
KM.V vnc Arta*
For Gobé, too, did so pacify for others13
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Leland Buxton, a member of the British diplomatic corps in Addis
Abäba in 1917, remembered that when Ras Wäldä-Giyorgis attended the
coronation of Empress Zäwditu, he seemed discontented with the
political situation of the time.14 If this allegation is true, his discon-
tent would have been likely to perpetuate the political instability of
the country. At this juncture, however, he was rewarded in proportion
to his accomplishments by being given the crown of Negus of Gondär
in March 1917. He died, probably of an illness, a year later and was
buried at Gondär.
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was later proposed by his officers that this sum be increased, but the
increase was met with complaints and criticism by the people. A man
from Käfa is said to have told the governor: "Birds feed on the fruit
of a sycamore tree; they cry, but the tree never complains." On hear-
ing this, Wäldä-Giyorgis immediately instructed his officials to treat the
people more justly, and the raising of the tax was abandoned.
21. Aläqa Kenfä Addisu, a contemporary writer, records that Wäldä-Giyorgis and
Ras Täsämma were involved in a boundry conflict in Gimira in 1900, but
that the question was soon settled when officers sent by Menilek demarcated
the area. See Diary of Aläqa Kenfä Addisu (Folio 5 V), an unpublished ms.
in the private possession of Dr. Aleme Eshete. This conflict did not affect the
friendship of Wäldä-Giyorgis and Ras Täsämma. Later sources leave .no
doubt in confirming this point. See Rosen, op. cit€> p. 201; and, Mérab,
op. cit., II., p. 71.
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colonels were as amiable as possible, and we became vary good
friends.22
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