Communicating with the grassroots on contemporary

discourse on humanitarian operations and crises

management
Ayo Yusuff

Abstract
Non-literate indigenous people are disadvantaged on innovations through „foreign‟ (non-
indigenous) languages mostly. Information on disasters and crisis management will be more
effective if communicated in simplified (languages of the immediate environment) languages to
locals. The paper provides a terminology development template for sustainable humanitarian
operations and crises management for non-literate grassroots communities.

Keywords: disaster, crises and indigenous language

Introduction

Findings and breakthroughs abound in humanitarian operations targeted toward disasters and
crises management. Experts and specialists in varied disciplines, individually and collaboratively
have been working through workshops, seminars, conferences, debates and other research modes
and outlets to proffer solutions and methodologies for the prevention and maintenance of the
ever increasing disasters and crises happening all over the globe. Some of these disasters and
crises are traceable to environmental abuse while some are purely accidental. Whatever the
cause, most of these happenings are preventable. In most parts of Africa, consumption of the
goods and services provided by modern science and technology is on the increase while
knowledge of their application and likely disasters that can emanate from such applications is not
yet well known. Strategies for confronting sudden natural disasters are no doubt available in
African traditional societies but they hardly cope with those that are traceable to the use and
consumption of contemporary goods and services. Most of these strategies are embedded in
belief systems and oral genres (Yusuff 2010).

I observe that reports of research findings are often presented and published in developed
languages such as English, French, Russian and German and so forth. Access to the information
therein especially in most of Africa, is highly reduced due to mass non-literacy in those
languages. Majority of Africans still live in the rural areas where mass literacy is very low. Even
in the urban centers, the percentage of those who can comprehend the information in the research
reports is low. If the gains of the research efforts toward disasters and crises management must
be accessible to the majority and also be sustainable, the linguistic barrier must be removed. Also
problematic is the fact that the reduction of reports written in the popular languages to
indigenous languages is hampered by the absence of terms for most of the key words that are
peculiar to the disasters and crises management issues in the indigenous languages. Such

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challenges have been overcome by providing terminologies in other areas of scholarship such as
education (NERDC 1990), (Awobuluyi(Ed.) 1990), (Bamgbose(Ed.)1992) and modern politics
(FGN 1991). These had recorded tremendous success in breaking barriers to dissemination of
knowledge to all and sundry.

In this paper, I will randomly provide relevant disaster and crises management related terms in
the Yoruba language from existing terminology formulation efforts to show the plausibility and
possibility of such an exercise to the broadening of information dissemination through the print
media as some of the target audience are literate in the Yoruba language and through the
electronic for the stark non-literates. To produce a comprehensive glossary of such terms, a
workshop of linguists and experts on disaster and crises management will be necessary, an
endeavor this paper cannot fulfill. This paper will also further confirm the ability, capacity and
capability of the Yoruba language in particular and African languages in general to generate
terms needed to explain contemporary ideas and notions.

The Yoruba Language

Yoruba language is one of the three major languages of Nigeria. The other two are Hausa and
Igbo. It is the mother tongue of a substantial number of speakers in South -West Nigeria and
outside Nigeria, e.g. in the Republics of Benin and Togo . It has the status of a national language
in the Republic of Benin . Also, the traits of Yorùbá language remain in the oral literatures of
Yorùbá descendants now domiciled in Brazil , Cuba and parts of West Indies , Trinidad and
Tobago. In Nigeria , where it has the bulk of the speakers , it is spoken mainly in Lagos , Ondó,
Kwara, Ògùn, Èkìtì, Òỵ̀ ó ̣̀ and Òṣ̣̀ un States as well as in parts of Kogí and Edo States . The
speakers are contiguously located in southwest Nigeria (Adétugbo 1967). By the 2006 census,
the population of the speakers within Nigeria could be put at thirty million (30,000,000), close to
one-fifth of the population of Nigeria.

Previous Efforts
The purposeful and deliberate efforts are in two categories: documented and undocumented. The
documented which are also published sources are Bamgbose (1992) and Awobuluyi (1990)
Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) (1991). Nigeria Educational Research and Development
Council (NERDC) (1990). Bamgbose (ed), (1992) is the first volume of Yorùbá Metalanguage. It
was first published in 1984 by Nigeria Educational Research Council (NERC) Lagos. Awobuluyi
(ed) (1990) is the second volume of Yorùbá M etalanguage. The terms entered in this volume
were also the result of a five-day workshop held in Osogbo, Osun State from August 22-26,
1988. FGN (1991) is the Quadrilingual Glossary of Legislative Terms. It is another effort of
linguists in providing terms which could be used to carry out legislative business in four
languages viz: English, Hausa, Igbo and Yorùbá. Nigeria Educational Research and Development
Council (NERDC) (1990) also has a national outlook like the legislative terms. In fact, this is
more broad-based in that unlike the legislative terms which considered four languages which are
made up of English and the three national languages : Hausa, Igbo and Yorùbá , this endeavor
covers nine Nigerian languages. It is a collection of terms in primary science and mathematics.
The undocumented source is the media. The media is a formidable source of language
engineering. This is so because the media is saddled with the responsibility of giving expression

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in the Yorùbá language to modern concepts and notions which are outside the experience of the
monolingual, non-literate and mostly rural speaker of the Yorùbá language

The Strategies and application to Disasters and Crisis Management Related Terms
In (Bámgbóṣé (ed.) (1992):viii) Metalanguage volume 1, five main strategies are adopted in the
coining of technical terms. They are: composition, semantic extension, dialect borrowing, special
coinage and loan words. I identify four main subdivisions, namely: coinages, socio-linguistic
variables-based, intuitive substitution and borrowing. I have subsumed Bámgbós ̣̀ é‟s semantic
extension under intuitive substitution, his dialect borrowing under socio-linguistic variables-
based and his composition under coinages. I observed a dominated – dominator relationship in
each of the three pairs mentioned above. Also it makes my categorization to be firm, concise and
wholesome.

Owolabi (2006) lists fourteen strategies that have been employed in creating new terms by
scholars. He however rightly notes as follows:
…. there is a glaring lack of uniformity in the application of the devices
for creating new terms in native languages either by the same person at
times, or across all the proponents and/or users of these devices
(Owolabi 2006 : 41).

Coinages↓
Coining could be description of an item or thing. It could also be by sound imitation.

Description
i. Oṭ̀ ẹlemúye
̣̀ ̣̀ he who steps softly = detective
ẹni tí o te ̣̀ ilè ̣̀ múyé ̣̀
person who pro match ground softly
(ẹni tí ó) tè ̣̀ ilè ̣̀ múyé ̣̀
↓by deletion and contraction

ò ̣̀ tẹlè ̣̀ muye
agentive match ground softly
↓ by lexicalization

ò ̣̀tẹlè ̣̀múyé ̣̀ = detective

ii. Ìdánásunlé act of setting a house on fire = arson

ì dá iná sún ilé
pre make fire burn house
↓by deletion & contraction
ì dáná sunlé
pre make fire burn house
↓by lexicaliizaation
ìdánásunlé = arson

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iii. Amúnisìn he who holds person for servitude = oppressor
ẹni tì o n mú e ̣̀ni siǹ
person who pro prog hold person serve

(ẹni ti o n) mu e ̣̀ni siǹ

a mu e ̣̀ni siǹ
pre hold person serve
↓by deletion & contraction
a múni siǹ
pre hold person serve
↓by lexicalization
amúnisìn = oppressor

iv. Adúnkookòmo ̣̀ni he who puts fear in one like a spotted hyena = terrorist
ẹni tí o n dún ik̀ ookò mó ̣̀ ẹni
person who pro prog. sound spotted hyena on person

(ẹni tí ó ń) dún ìkookò mó ̣̀ ẹni

a dun ìkookò mó ̣̀ ẹni

pre sound spotted hyena on person
↓by deletion & contraction
a dúnkookò mó ̣̀ni

pre sound spotted hyena on person

↓by lexicalization
adúnkookòmó ̣̀ni = terrorist

Sound Imitation (Onomatopoeic ideophones)

i. Katakata „caterpillar” from the noise it makes while moving. Also “agricultural
equipment for clearing bush” = Tractor. It is also descriptively called [È̀ ̣̀rọ ahúgihó ̣̀pè ̣̀]
for road builders and building demolishers. (Onomatopoeic)

ii. Bààlúù “aircraft ”: This term emanates obviously from the noise it makes in motion.
Another far fetched analysis traces the etymology of bààlúù to „ballon‟, an inflated
elastic membraneous rubber which floats in air like the aircraft.
iii. Tatapùpù „engine or motorbike‟ : This term is coined from the noise which grinding
machines and motorbikes make . This is more general than „tatagànràn‟ which refers only
to motorbikes. This word replicates the noise emitted by the machines.
ta ta pù pù (machine sounds)
↓by lexicalization

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 Tatapùpù (onomatopoeic noun) = motorbike/engine

iv. Tánńganran „breakable enamel plate‟ : This term evolves from the sound which the
plate makes when it is either put on concrete floor or when it breaks as a result of
being dashed to the concrete floor.
tàn ń gan ran (breaking sound)
↓by lexicalization
tánnganran

v. Rògbòdìyàn : (lit. onomatopoeia depicting confusion) = crisi

Sociolinguistic Variables-Based
This category is meant to accommodate those items which I consider found their way into
Yorùbá language from sources that reflect socio -cultural experiences . Such sources are slang ,
jargon, taboos and euphemisms, and even dialects of Yorùbá.

Slang
Slang is colloquial language. Everybody recognizes it but it can hardly be defined. It is useful in
introducing new words into the language by recommending old words into new meanings. For
example:
i. Àjàgbé ejò „ a Yorùbá cognomen‟ a long vehicle . ọko ̣̀ àjàgbé ejò náà ti dànù „ the trailer
has been upturned‟.
ii. Ṣewo
̣̀ ̣̀n (lit: „be imprisoned‟)–it is used to refer to a perfectly refrigerated drink or item.
Fanta náa s ̣̀e ̣̀woṇ̀ jọ̀jọ „The Fanta drink is very chilled‟
iii.. Rógà, a slang for street urchins, popularly known as „area boys‟, is traceable to the
English word „rogue‟ which means a cheat, deceitful and mischievous person. It is a noun
in the source language (English), but it seems renominalized into roguer ? [rógà], not
roger (rodʒa) (in radio communication). Rógà portrays the meaning of one who practices
roguery, with all the characteristics of a rogue mixed with violence and hooliganism . It is
a common scene in Lagos to see the police arrest „rógà‟ in groups esp . at bus-stops. But,
surprisingly, no sooner they are arrested, than they are released after money must have
exchanged hands. Sometimes, they arrest innocent citizens along with the „rógà‟ boys .

Jargon
These are technical terms relating to disciplines such as sciences, profession, trade,
occupation. For example:
i. Kòkò-ìdí (lit: pot of buttock). It is used to refer to the rear axle of a motor vehicle by the
motor mechanics. It is a transfer of the sense and name of pelvic girdle in some
mammals.
ii. Owó-orí (lit: head money) = tax. Here it is used connotatively, hence a jargon in fiscal
policy or financial administration. Denotatively, it means money meant for the purchase
of the head‟ . Consider „owó orí mààlúù‟ „money meant for the purchase of cow head‟ ,
owó-aṣọ, owó ọ bè ̣̀, owó iléèwé for „money meant for the purchase of cloth‟ , „soup
preparation money‟ and „school fees respectively‟. Owó-orí as a jargon, is the tax
payable by every adult citizen to the government for the provision of essential services
and community development.

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Taboo words and Euphemisms
Taboos are actions that are forbidden or which are to be avoided in “polite behaviour‟. The
avoidance of the words which express the actions stimulates the creation of euphemisms. They
replace taboo words or obscene language. This is a good and viable source of language
engineering in Yoruba. For example:
i. Bàbá-ọmọ „father of a child‟ euphemism for Okó „penis- (obscene)
ii. Ojúara „eye of the body‟ euphemism for Òbò „vagina‟ (obscene).
iii. Okùn-ilẹ̀̀ (lit: ground rope ), euphemism for ejò „snake‟ (to be avoided ). The Yorùbá
people believe that the mention of the word ejò especially at night can invoke its
appearance. It is therefore taboo to pronounce it. The euphemism coined to make
pronunciation possible is okùn-ilẹ̀̀.

From Dialects
Dialects are versions of the same language, usually measured by geographical spread or
arrangement (Fromkin & Rodman 1978:315). They are mutually intelligible, of the same basic
grammar but with systematic differences between them. This is highly unproductive. This can be
refered to as intra-language borrowing. For example:
i. Wúnreṇ̀ „item‟ from the Ìjè ̣̀bú Yorùbá dialect.
Ii. Afo ̣̀ „discourse‟ from the Òw ̣̀ ò ̣̀ Yorùbá dialect
(culled from Bámgbós ̣̀é(ed.) Yorùbá metalanguage vol.I)
iii. Pónna „ambiguity‟ from the Ọ̀yọ Yorùbá dialect.
iv. Idu „fallacy‟ from the Òỵ̀ ó ̣̀ Yorùbá dialect.

Intuitive Substitution
This is the use of existing words in the Yorùbá language to convey other senses . It could be
descriptive and it could be based on semantic extension or idioms.

Descriptive Intuitive Substitution

i. Ìjàpá „tortoise” refers to Volkswagen (Beetle) car because of their similarity in shape.
ii. Ayo ̣̀kelẹ̀ ̣̀ „moving stealthily‟ refers to a state-of-the-art motor car because of the low noise
characteristic of such cars. Such cars are fast moving though. This description is in
contradistinction to bigger vehicles such as lorries, which make loud noise and hardly run
fast.

Intuitive Substitution Based on Idioms

i. Fàyàwo ̣̀ (lit: „crawl on all fours‟) “smuggling”. This is an idiom that depicts the secret
and illegal transfer of goods across borders while also avoiding the watchful eyes of the
custom officials. In actual sense, goods are smuggled in motor vehicles, aircrafts and
ships. Smugglers do not crawl!
ii. Àjẹpajúdé (lit: eating with eyes shut) “profiteering”
This idiom gives the picture of a trader who cares less about the welfare of his customers.
He is self–centered. His only concern is making excessive profit. The literal meaning
relates to gluttoning in respect of food consumption.

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iii. Ṣínábole ̣̀ “Solel Boneh”. It is an Israeli construction company that is very popular in
road and building construction in Nigeria. It got involved in taking of big contractors
from the Nigerian government since the end of the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) and
in subsequent reconstructions that necessarily followed. The idiom pictures the process of
laying hot asphalt in the course of road construction. Incidentally, the idiom is fashioned
out from the name of the company. So, it is a special kind of domesticated borrowing but
whose meaning conveys one of the major activities of the company , that of road building.
It is also drawn from borrowing -by-ear. The monolingual speaker of the Yorùbá language
perceives a sentence in his language in the name of the company and that sentence tallies
with what he sees the company do. Consider this analysis:
Ṣí iná bo ilè ̣̀
open fire cover ground
↓by deletions and contraction
Ṣínábọlè ̣̀ = Solel Boneh
Express roads are called Títì Ṣ ínábole ̣̀ or òpópónà ṣ ínábọlẹ̀̀ „Solel Boneh streets or
roads‟ even when they are constructed by companies other than Solel Boneh.

Borrowing From Other Source Languages

The strategy of borrowing produces items that are borrowed from other languages such as
English, French and Arabic, but majority of the borrowings comes from English. Borrowing
could be integrated or domesticated. When it is integrated, it is used in the same sense as in the
source language. When it is domesticated, it is used in a sense different from its original sense in
the source language. Also borrowing could be in basic form and it could be used as stem or root
in a derivative process.
Let us consider five examples to illustrate each of these four classes of loan words.

Integrated Loan-Words
i. Lo ̣̀yà “lawyer „ in the sentence:
Lo ̣̀yà ti dé “ the lawyer has arrived”
Lawyer perf.asp. arrive
This integrated form has agbe j̣̀ ó ̣̀rò „one who argues a case on behalf of someone else‟ as a
synonym. They are used interchangeably, as in: agbẹjó ̣̀rò ti dé „the lawyer has arrived‟ . It
is not so for the domesticated form.

ii. Kannkéré „concrete‟ : This term is borrowed from the English language . It has been
subjected to the phonological structure of Yorùbá language . It is ear-loaned. This term
depicts the meaning from the source language , that is , mixture of sand , gravel and
cement, either in the wet form or in the dry form . It has been perfectly integrated into the
Yorùbá language.

iii. Pete
̣̀ ẹ̀ sị̀̀ „upstairs‟ = any building consisting of two or more storeys. The word „upstairs‟
in the English language describes the ascending order or movement in the stairs of a
storey building to reach the top floor(s). The descending order or movement to the
ground floor is called „downstairs‟ in the source language . In the Yorùbá language , the
term has been used to refer to a storey building . By ear -loaning, the word has been
perfectly integrated into the Yorùbá phonological system.

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Domesticated Loan-Words
i. Lo ̣̀yà “lawyer‟ in the sentence:
Ma lo ̣̀yà mi „do not engage me in a technical interrogation‟
NegImp. lawyer me

Witness that the word „lawyer‟ is a noun in the source language which is English. It has
changed to a verb in the target language which is Yoruba.
ii. Táátì (thirty) ta a ti = „not able to accomplish‟ . Ordinarily and denotatively , táátì is
borrowed and integrated into the Yorùbá language to mean „thirty‟ (30). The same word is
structurally similar to a verb phrase in Yorùbá ta a ti which means „failure‟ or
„unaccomplishment‟. It is common for the Yorùbá speaker to strike the resemblance and
probably consider the figure „thirty‟ as a symbol of misfortune. Hence the song, even in
churches:
Má jẹ n mú táátì Olúwa „Let me not pick thirty , O Lord‟ where „táátì‟ is regarded
as a misfortune. The term táátì has therefore been domesticated to mean „failure‟.

iii. Rìbá (Arabic language) = usury or interest (on loan): This term has been domesticated
to mean „bribery‟ among the Yorùbá . The Yorùbá language has indigenous words such as
àbe ̣̀te ̣̀lẹ̀̀, owó e ̣̀yìn for „bribery‟. Preference for rìbá is probably due to its short form when
compared to the two indigenous words. The three words are simultaneously used for the
same sense, but „riba‟ undoubtedly enjoys the highest patronage.

Conclusion and Recommendations

This paper is making a clarion call for the dissemination of reports of research findings on
disasters and crises management documented in developed languages to the grassroots who are
non-literate in those languages. It was observed that the main impediment to reducing these
reports to the indigenous languages is lack of equivalent lexical items for the technical words in
the reports. The Yoruba language of Nigeria has been used as example. Efforts at solving such
challenges in the past are mentioned. Strategies utilized in the formulation of terms are used to
provide sample related terms for disaster and crises management. The samples provided here are
by no means comprehensive. A workshop comprising experts in Linguistics and those in
disasters and crises related area will be necessary for the production of a glossary of relevant
technical terms.
I hereby recommend as follows:
- Engage the services of linguists and media practitioners in the translation of reports from
the developed languages to the indigenous languages.
- Cull out important information and key issues relating to prevention and management of
disasters and crises from the translated version for the media for broadcast to the
grassroots.
- Also cull out same for billboards and bulletin boards mounted in strategic locations
such as places of worship, markets and major road junctions.
- Information can also be disseminated in rural areas verbally at village squares and town
halls from time to time under the instruction of village heads and other traditional rulers
in the languages of the immediate environment.

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Acknowledgements
Immense gratitude is due to Mr. Fadairo Yusuf, Dr. Oladiipo Ajiboye, Dr. Alabi Soneye and
Prof. Olu Alaba for their contributions to this paper.

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