Sangachil: Death Ritual of Benguet

In Partial Fulfillment
Of the requirement for
Readings in Philippine History

BY:
M/3CL CHENGAY, JAN BURKMAR B.
ANG, ERVIN JOSHUA L.
PEÑONES, JOHN RENZY A.
GATTOC, THRISTAN PAUL M.
GUMABON, MYKL CYRUS S.
Abstract
This study was conducted to document the Sangachil Death Ritual, an old-age death ritual of
Benguet.
The objectives within the study were to define the step-by-step process during the Sangachil
Death Ritual practice, if this ritual is still being practiced until today, and knowing the good-side
and bad-side of the practice. This death ritual practice involves its pre-burial rites and post-burial
rites.
The practice of Sangachil Death Ritual must be passed on to the next generations to come. This
research may be published as long as it is only and aid and to pass information to the next
researchers who will finish this study, this will act as a support to the next researchers and for the
community to preserve this old-age ritual. Further conduction of study is still needed to
authenticate and legalize all the findings of the study.
 I. Introduction
The highlanders especially Benguet are generally described as simple and hardworking.
Mostly small-time farmers and gold panners, they cling to their cultural practices with love as
well as pride. They work hard to save money which oftentimes are spent for a ritual celebration.
A more pressing rite would be on death. The young adults would readily accede to spend their
hard –earned money especially on death rituals on the belief that such rituals would please the
old folks and acquire for themselves blessings from above.
As the Ibalois, Kankanaeys, the Isneg and other highland ethnic groups struggle for
existence, sometimes their optimism is dimmed by thoughts of death. The burden of loss
accentuated by death’s financial implications is onerous and oppossive enough, yet these people
attach positive values to elaborate death rituals. Despite the fact that they are saddled with
financial obligations, they willingly shoulder the expenses of these death rituals. This attitude is
deeply-rooted in their beliefs regarding death. It is interesting to note that many times the
Cordillerans wonder at the seeming ease of bearing sadness and the financial weight incurred at
wakes.As the Ibalois, Kankanaeys, the Isneg and other highland ethnic groups struggle for
existence, sometimes their optimism is dimmed by thoughts of death. The burden of loss
accentuated by death’s financial implications is onerous and oppossive enough, yet these people
attach positive values to elaborate death rituals. Despite the fact that they are saddled with
financial obligations, they willingly shoulder the expenses of these death rituals. This attitude is
deeply-rooted in their beliefs regarding death. It is interesting to note that many times the
Cordillerans wonder at the seeming ease of bearing sadness and the financial weight incurred at
wakes.
The inherent fear attached to death is universally felt by people of varying persuasions. The
highlanders are not exceptions to this fear brought about by the specter of death. Their wake
songs specifically the ba-diw and the baya-os, interpreted as an outpouring of sadness over
somebody’s death become a forum through which the inhabitants intercede for long and
meaningful life. These lines lifted from a ba-diw chanted in an Ibaloi wake, urge the dead to
implore from the creator Apo that he put a seal on death.
Statement of the Problem.

Typically, this study aims to ascertain the procedures in practicing death rituals of Benguet.

Moreover, the objective is to answer the following questions:

1. What are the methods being practiced in performing the death rituals?
2. What are the intended procedures being done in practicing death rituals?
3. What are the consequences in performing death rituals to the people of Benguet?
4. Is the Sangachil death ritual still being practiced by the modern people of Benguet?

Objectives of the Study

The study tried to document the performance of death rituals, the intended strategies being done
in the practice and consequences in performing death rituals to the people and if it still practiced
until the present day.

Importance of the Study

The main purpose of the study was to provide knowledge and understanding for the people of the
community concerning the practices of death rituals. Furthermore, this study is meant to give
information which will be distributed to everyone, not only to the people where the practice is
being done but also to any interested individual or group from other communities who wish to
understand the practice. Lastly, this study may serve as instruments for the natives and will soon
be a guide to other researchers who will be conducting a study of the related scope and as a
citation on other field of research.

Scope and Limitations of the Study

The study focused on the steps in performing the death rituals

in Benguet. Other practices of rituals are not included. And, the people of Benguet are not
inquired but limited only through online documentaries.
II. Literature review
Long before Spanish colonization, the Igorots developed their self-sustaining economy
and engaged in barter trade with the lowland communities.

For almost 300 years, the Igorots defended their land and gold mines and the right to
trade from Spanish expedition to establish its control. It was only in in the late 1800s when
Benguet was made a commandancia-politico-militar with La Trinidad (named after the wife of
Galvey) as its seat. Igorots participated in the war led by the Katipunan against Spanish and later
US colonial rule. In 1887, Igorots and other Philippine tribes were exhibited at the Madrid World
Exhibition. (Cesar Tomilas Taguba of Adaoay, Kabayan, Benguet at the 9 th ICBE
Consultation, Rome, Italy, and 29 April 2017)

Benguet is a landlocked region in Luzon. When an individual there dies they are
blindfolded and tied in a chair placed beside the main entrance of their home. The evening before
the funeral a special ritual is performed in which elders give a sort of chant-like a biography of
the deceased. As the body is buried other members hit bamboo sticks together, which will guide
the deceased toward heaven. The largest city in the Benguet region, Bagui City, has recently
become a popular tourist destination. (Justin Nobel, September 23, 2013)
The two main ethnic tribes, ''kankana-ey'' and ''ibaloy'' are not far apart in their belief
system, except that they are dissimilar in linguistics. Their belief system is common to both with
little deviation in methods of performance but do not change the intent and purposes.
The Benguet people believe in the existence of unseen beings that emanate from the
Skyworld and the underworld. That these unseen beings are called spirits thought to have power
over man. It is further believed that these unseen beings (spirits) can be manipulated by man to
his advantage. With this belief, the people strive to win the favor of the spirits using prayers and
material offerings in a ritual.
This belief resulted to a belief system from which customs, traditions and taboos are
establish. Through the centuries, the people had adopted this system as part of their life ways and
thoughtways. Although this belief system is unwritten, it was preserved by the native priest in
the form of ritual prayers, which was passed from one generation to another until this day.
The pagan worship referred to the natives of Benguet by western writers does not find
relevance in the belief system of both Kankana-ey and Ibaloy of Benguet. In fact, it has been a
taboo for both tribes to have images in their homes for purposes of worship, except for the love
of art. Hence, to understand Western concepts, the worship of idols, images, temples and sacred
places are flatly paganism and the worshippers are called pagans. (Severino Oblas, 07 JUNE
2013)
The siling, or funeral ceremony, is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanaey towns, and, indeed,
under various names, by the majority if not all of the Igorot tribes. Except in the case of infants
or very small children the dead are not buried immediately, but are put into a death chair around
which funeral rites are held. In the meantime animals belonging to the dead person or his
relatives are killed and eaten, while the burial is delayed. The interval between the death and the
burial varies according to the wealth of the deceased, sometimes lasting for months in the case of
the very wealthy. Even when the health authorities for ceimme-diate burial on account of danger
from infectious diseases, the siling continues just the same with a dummy corpse in the death
chair. Before anything is killed, then mambunong prays, asking that the food eaten atthesiliag
may not cause sickness. A female relative then leans on the death chair and says the following:
"You are dead. We are giving everything we can for your siling. Do not come back for us, but let
us live long. "After the siting ends the corpse is put into the coffin and buried in the ground, or
placed in a natural cave. The burial takes place either in the afternoon, between sunset and dark,
or in the morning before the sunrises.
In his book, Nabaloi Law and Ritual (Ibid: 289), he noted that “The Nabaloi practice about forty
different rituals…” Most of these play roles in curing specific illnesses or disease of any kind
caused by a particular class of spirits. Other rituals and ceremonies include war and 17 peace,
birth and death, witchcraft, and rice agriculture or harvest. In doing these ceremonies, they tend
to invoke souls of the dead, spirits, and gods, whom they pray and give recognition to. Sacrifices,
dances and songs, and ceremonies are performed during these rituals. The host will also be
considering the duration and cost of the rite before delivering these kinds of ceremonials. These
ceremonies require specific and a step-by-step process in performing their chosen rite. During
this period, Moss descriptively documented the 42 rituals and ceremonies of the Nabaloi
including the processes, their functions, and the people involved. One of the known death
ceremony of the Ibaloi community is the Siling, which is generally applied to all ceremonies
from the time a person dies until after his body has been put in a coffin (Ibid: 329).
The process includes the washing of the body by the relatives as soon as the person has died;
while others make the death chair or asal. This is where the deceased is placed within two hours
after death. After this, the mambunong or priest and two jars of tapuy or rice wine are secured
whereby the relatives by blood will drink it, from eldest to youngest, except for the wife or
husband of the dead. A hog is killed and the meat is cooked as the mambunong prays the
sabosab. This ritual often last for 5 days, but sometimes the rich people tend to extend it for
weeks or months. The body is put into the coffin just before the siling closes. He is placed on his
back with his legs bent at his knees. During this process, the mambunong prays the same prayer
he recited during the first killing of pig (Moss, 1920: 329-31). During the time of this writing, the
manner of burial in Kabayan caves, which includes mummification, was still prevalent among
the Ibalois.
Other death rituals such as Okat, is prepared two days after the burial. This is often done
through opening of the coffin, killing a hog, and the praying of sabosab by the 18 mambunong,
eating and drinking tapuy for the rest of the day. Another death ritual commonly carried out by
the Ibaloi is the Tabwak, which is done when the soul of the dead person refuses to go away
because the sacrifice during the okat is not enough. This is seen in dreams wherein the deceased
tells that it needs clothing or food. This dissatisfaction of the dead is often felt in the presence of
sickness among relatives or its appearance in dreams. The ceremony will again include killing of
hog, and serving of tapuy, and blankets or clothings are put into the coffin as the mambunong
prays the sabosab. This will be ended by asking the dead to eat and drink with the people, not to
cause sickness but to cure the illness he already caused (Ibid: 331-2).
(PUGAS) After a dead person has been buried, the people gather in his yard. They get a vessel
of water, and the m ambunong puts grass in It and sprinkles them, while saying the following:
Wada,kano,sandui a sinagi. Daeda Balitok un Obog. Nana nak daut napno san kabilibilig. Asid
an aatui san kay ili an da. Natui pay an in kapot da. As idam a ta pog nankay ipu puiga u ata lan
dasanu say pinganyalima ay tabon di pao, ut manpagas da. Man pagas da pay, kano, yan lato nu
lt ay maga ymamatu I un daeda. In gay an duiay ya lida ut ip figas das nan kay I ipu lip figau ut
si an an mo ada matui, maagum san ipui gau ut manpagas na. There were two brothers. They
were Balitok and Obog. They had children, and the mountains fell. Then their neighbors died.
When they died they buried them. Then the people gathered together, and took one plate and five
leaves of cogon grass and made a ceremony. They made the ceremony then so that none of them
would die. Then they handed it down to the people so that when there were deaths, the people
would gather together and perform the ceremony.The pugas corresponds to the Nabaloi okat.
(UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
AND ETHNOLOGY 1Vol.15, No. 4, pp.343-384 October29, 1920)

The group reviewed a few written materials about death and burial practices. There was
no previous study conducted about death rituals and beliefs among the Cordilleran, although
there were articles relating to the focal points of the study particularly on aspects like animal
sacrifices, prayer, death, accouterment, and dirges or chants. A perusal on these areas of concern
vital to the present study yielded the following review, especially in the aspects dealing with
animal sacrifices, death accouterment, dirges, ritual and beliefs.
Animal Sacrifices offered to some spiritual deities seem widely practiced among the rural
communities for varying reasons. The mountain tribes offer animal sacrifices during their varied
ceremonies and burial rituals because of their firm beliefs in their ancestral spirits and other
spiritual entities whom they consider important and useful to guide their lives. The inhabitants
continually offer pigs and other animal thus maintaining close relationship with their ancestral
spirits. This relationship existing between the living and the dead signifies the mutual
dependence still existing among the mountain tribes. Several pigs were butchered as offering to
the spirits who were believed to have inflicted illness to a man in Ifugao. The offering of animals
were expected to appease the spirit and obtain economic prosperity for the celebrants.
III. Argument
Some rituals and cultural practices of Benguet are no longer being practiced, this is because
of the changing generations, some indigenous people try to preserve some and sooner or later
only a few will be passed down to the next generation. The “Sida”, is an old-age ritual passed on
from generation to generation, it is still practiced today by the Benguet kankanaey tribe in
Kabuyao. Sida is a form of sacred prayer offered for a tribe member who passed away on the
afterlife. Some contradictions to the beliefs of the Benguet kankanaey is caused by the
modernization and the introduction of new religions. Benguet in the early age are all pagan, they
have their own gods and goddesses that’s why rituals and religious rites are commonly practiced
every day. The wise elders are considered as the ones that will lead the community, all orders
will be coming from the elder.
“Sinangachil” or “Sinangadil” is another death ritual of the Benguet, this is where in for eight
consecutive days, the indigenous people from Benguet blindfold the dead and then place it on a
chair that is located next to their house's main entrance. The arms and legs are tied together in a
sitting position. A bangil rite is performed by the elders on the eve of the funeral, which is a
chanted narration of the biography of the deceased. During interment, the departed is directed
towards heaven by hitting bamboo sticks together.
According to Ikit Chao-it of Bontoc, she is of old age and has a little knowledge about the
Sinangachil ritual, the customs of Bontoc and Benguet and other tribes in Cordillera has
similarities when it comes to death rituals. The span of the ritual depends on the social status of
the deceased. If the deceased is a kadangyan (rich person) the span will be longer while the
others are less than 8 days. The elders who visit the deceased chants rituals of good travel to the
spirit and others tell their stories to the bereaved family this is the chanted narration of the
biography, the stories of the person who died when he/she was still alive. Ikit Chao-it said that
the deceased must not be left unattended because it is a bad omen to the spirit of the one who
already left.
The eight day rite expenses and source of the things needed made this practice controversial
for it is so expensive and a great burden to the family, even if the family is a kadangyan, today,
they do not follow the full span of the rite. The only difference of ritual performance of the
sinangachil of Bontoc people and the Benguet people is the mourners striking bamboo sticks in
the final day, the elders say that this striking of bamboo sticks is to ensure that the departed loved
ones reach the heaven and be reunited with Kabunian leaving behind nothing but to fade without
regrets.
IV. Research design and method
The method to be used in completing this research will all come from the reviews and on the
internet. It will be an observational research method, the group will be able to capture some data
by studying the rituals and cultural practices that are still being utilized. Observational method
involves systematically watching at the same time writing and interviewing people from
Benguet. The group will be having a survey on PMMA highland cadets from Baguio, Benguet
for the reassurance of the rituals if it is still being practiced by their family and relatives.
Respondents of the Study

There were seven informants who were interviewed with the help of the cadets from Baguio and
Benguet about the practice of
Sangadil Death Ritual. They are 3CL midshipman and midshipwoman. The cadets are 3CL
Martin Alvarez, 3CL Rock Sukaw, 3CL Senen Wadasen, And 3CL Luis Dulagan, and the
cadettes are 3CL Rizza Simion, 3CL Hannah Donglos, and Nicole Gumpad . The key informants
had experience of sangadil death ritual in the past. They are present during the rituals when and
the only way to gather information are the cadets and cadettes since the researchers cannot go out
from the academy to gather information from the elders of Benguet.

Data Collection

This study collected data from five knowledgeable and pure blooded Benguet cadets and
cadettes through an interview schedule.
Guide questions were used to gather the data. The medium of language used during the interview
was Ilokano from Benguet.

Data Gathered

The data gathered included: the processes being done during the informants experience
during the death ritual; the procedural steps of the 8 day Sangachil dead ritual; and, the
consequences of the practice to the people.

Data Analysis
The information is gathered and analyzed through the support of the statements of the
respondents and the data that has been collected. The data was analyzed in a narrative way of
interpreting data.
V. Data
Based from the data gathered and experiences from the informants form Baguio, Benguet, there
are procedures when performing the “Sangachil” death ritual.
The rituals and practices relating to the death and burial of the Benguet people are presented as
follows:
Pre-burial Rites
Nangmesan Sha. It is done on the first day. It the rite wherein the body is washed with
water, after which the death attire is put on. The corpse is either seated on a sangashelas was the
common practice about twenty years ago, or laid in the coffin, the usual common practice today.
Bangon To. On the second day, this is the stage where a death blanket is identified and
wrapped around the body or placed over the body of the dead
Katdu. During the third day, a large male carabao is slaughtered as a part of animal
sacrifices needed for the wake. The caring, a mourning bracelet, is worn by the offsprings. The
senie-si is prepared out of the animal slaughtered for the dye. The sec-kot ni dubid starts to
function on this day, as relatives and friends come to bring their conditions.
Ka-pat. On the fourth day, this rite can be an interment day should the family choose to
bury the dead. It is also a day where relatives can bring their donations.
Kalmia (fifth day). This is the rite considered by many inhabitants as a lucky day to offer
one’s opoday where relatives can bring their donations.
Ka-nim (sixth day). It is an opo day where relatives can bring their donations.
Kapito (seventh day).This rite can be an atmosphere of preparation, being the day before
interment. Madmadis said during the evening and at dawn as preparatory activities before
interment.
Kawalo (eighth day).It is an interment day marked by the slaughtering of animals
sacrifices. The cleansing rites of the living people are performed after interment.

Post-Burial Rites

The post-burial rites included eben, ocat,seisi ni oling, and kapi. These activities are the
concluding function of wake.
VI. Analysis
Practicing the “Sangachil” death ritual spends a heavy amount of money, one of the informant
said that, the bereaved family suffers from a handful of payments due to the daily slaughtering of
animals for the people who are present from the ritual and the tribute given to the mambubunong
(priest) during and after the rite.
The group’s analyzation added some positive and negative impacts of the death rituals in
Benguet and these are:

Positive Impact:
Strengthened family ties. Death ceremony commences with the presence of at least the adult
members of the family not only for the purposes of discussing the procedures but also a moral
obligation imposed of them to honor a dead member of the family for the last time. Death rites
nd with the family assembled in a show of cooperation and unity. The sabosab, the madmad,and
sindad are among the many specifics urgently mandating individual presence.
Development and enhancement of a deep sense of community. The feeling of being an
important member of the village exists. It is manifested when villagers assume important tasks as
in food preparation where visitors are expected to eat ahead of all others, the meat-sharing
scheme where each family receives bundles of meat cooked and uncooked and the oporites
where neighbors bring in their donations without expecting any returns.
The meat-sharing scheme particularly those given out to the community members on katdu and
burial day renews and strengthens community relationship. Meat from wakes informs each
recipient of somebody’s demise. It also establishes and affirms active community memberships.
Development of desirable traits. The responsibility of hosting wake celebrations demands
thriftiness and modest ways of living if a sponsor would properly honor the dead in accordance
with customs and tradition. The idea of ultimately shouldering burial expenses for parents
requires strict financial planning. The knowledge that neighbors are indispensable partners in
ritual activities make the villagers cooperate with one another in many functions, as seen in their
planting, harvesting and other daily chores.
Respect and obedience to elders and other senior citizens of the community. The most
requested groups to initiate bad-iw or liwliwa are the elders. The old folks preside over the rites
that they become the undisputed mentor in wake services. Many offspring yield to the clamor of
the old people only for the purpose of pleasing them.
The cathartic value of burial practices. The performance of the customary death rites is a form
of catharsis in the sense that release of pent-up emotions that have existed between a relative and
the dead find wakes as venues of release. A specific example in point is when a wayward child
asks forgiveness and is deemed forgiven by a dead parent during the wake. Laments said during
the wake lighten individual burdens. Appropriate celebrations generate contentment and peace of
mind for the celebrants and relatives as well as the whole community.
Negative Impact:
The wake practices have adverse effects in the light of the concepts of modern civilization and
successful living. Listed below are some unpopular effects of the customary practices of the
Benguet.
Benguet wakes are too expensive that a family could suffer a substantial financial setback. The
slaughtering of large animals could amount to thousands of pesos which could have been utilized
for the purchase of other basic needs like housing and education.
Wake rituals actually hinder progress, thus, in society’s march to progress, some Benguets are
left behind explained by their resistance to change. Wake rites prefer the perpetuation of age-old
practice, indeed a degenerating activity. The expense component of wakes particularly explains
the existence of poverty and poor educational output level in Benguet.
The lengthy funeral wakes of seven to nine days subject the members of the family to a gloomy
ambience which could be psychologically hazardous. Added to the expenses is the painful
atmosphere that saddles the family. Still faulted of the lengthy wake is the possibility of losing
one’s job or loss at business ventures owing to the practice of watching the dead for a long time
According to the interviewed cadets that was interviewed they said that on the first day of the
wake, the elders bathe and cloth the deceased person, the clothing depends on the social status of
the dead. The higher the social status the more design the clothing. One of the cadettes said that
the elders are entertaining the deceased because the spirit did not yet leave the body, thus the
elders talk to it just like a normal conversation.
According to the interviewed cadets, Sangachil is a hard ritual to practice today because of
financial problem and the number of elders that knows the procedure in practicing this ritual gets
lesser and lesser. Even if the Sangachil death ritual is still being passed on by other families to
generations, the chances of the death ritual being forgotten is still a problem. The practice of this
ritual is also tiring for the bereaved family, they are sleep depraved and the effort on welcoming
also the visitors that are joining the ritual, but even though there are problems that are occurring
during the ritual, one goal of the ritual is for the spirit within the dead body leaves in peace.
VII. Conclusion
Based on the findings of the study through interviews and citations, the following conclusions
were drawn:

1. The Sangachil death ritual is an eight day ritual and is also very tiring.
2. The color of the cloth that is used depends on the social status of the deceased person.
3. The practice of the death ritual Sangachil directly affects the people’s life in many aspect
especially to the family who performed it, they lose a huge amount of money during the process.

Recommendations

Based on the results of the study, the following recommendations in order to pass and to make it
known are:

1. A video documentation on the practice of Sangachil Death ritual should be made so that

it will not only be passed on to the family who knows the procedures in performing the
ritual, this is to help the community preserve their culture and so that the next generations
and the neighboring regions will be able to know.

2. This research is not yet fully complete due to circumstances and the global situation
today, and a study must be conducted within Cordillera in order to clarify how other
tribes perform the ritual whether it be the same of there is another kind of procedure.
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