Constantino The Sentence Patterns of 26 Philippine Languages

Lingua 15 (1965) 71-124, 8 North-Holland PuMshing Co.
, Amsterdam
Not to be reproduced by photoprint or microfilm without written permission from the pubkher
THE SENTENCE PATTERNS OF TWENTY-SIX

PHILIPPINE LANG’BITAGES .
ERNEST0 CONSTANTIN
1, INTRODUCTION
The main purpose of this paper*) is to i&senr a constituent analysis

and a transformational analysis of the major sentence patterns of
twenty-six Wi’iippine languages. This pap’:r is divided into three parts:
Part I: Introduction, Part IT: Constituent Analysis, and Part I JJ : Trans-
formational Analysis.*)
2. Ldnguuges
The twenty-six Philippine ianguages anzlysed in this paper are:

TagaJog (Tag.), Abak (Abk.), Bikol (Bkl.), Bolinao (Sol.), Botolan (Bat.),
‘) The research on which this paper is based has been supported by grants from the
Philippine Center for Language Study, the University of the Philippines, and the John
Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation. Professor Isidore Dyen of We University
and Prof. Fred WV. Householder? Jr., of Indiana University read drafts of this paper.
I wish to thank both of them for their helpful comments and suggestions. I wish also
to express my deep gratitude to the folIowing people at the Department of Oriental
Languages and Linguistics, University of the Philippines, for generously giving much
of their time in gathering some of the data that were used in writing this paper:
Mrs.Consuelo J. Paz, Mr.Ernestc H. Cubar, Mr. Ferdinand Z. Littaua, %4issMarietta
N. Posonck~y,Miss Corazon Mercado, and Miss Charito Perez. For typirlg the language
data, I wish to thank Miss Aurora B.Antonio and Miss Severina Sabado of the same
department. An early draft of this paper covering only ten of the twenty-six Ilanguages
was read in December 1953 during the Asia Week seminar on Life and Culture in Asia
sponsored by the Institute of Asian Studies, University of the Philippines. This draft
wa subsequently published in the new journal As&n Studies (published by the insti-
tute), 2, 1, 1964 under the title: ‘Sentence Patterns of the Ten Major Philippine
Languag&, without the author’s consent, corrections, revisions or proof-reading.
*) Another part, which contains the lisr uf equivalent wntences in the twenty-six
languages, was left out.
72 ERNEST0 CONSTANTINO
Hiiigaynon (Hil.), Xbanag(Jbg.), Ilukano (Ilk.), Isinai (Isn.), ltbayat (Itb.),

Itneg (ltn.), Ivatan (Ivt.), Kapampangan (Kap.), 11SIZ4iweg(Mal.),
Mauobo (Mnb.), Pangasinan (Prig,),, Sam& Bangingi (Smb.), S&ma1
(Sml.), ‘Sebuano (f&b.), Sta. Fe &g&d (Sfi.), Tausug (Tau.), Ternate
(Ter.), Tinguian (Tng.3, Waray (War.), Ylanon (‘%l~.)~ and Yogad (Yog.)?)
The informants used for these languages come from the following
places : For Tag. : Manila, Quezon City and sklandaluyong, Rizal; for
Abk. : Kapul Island, Samar ; for Bkl, : Naga City ; for Bol. : Bolinao,
Pangasinan; for Bot. : Botolan, Zambales ; for Hil. : lloilo City; for ITbg.:
Ilagan, Isabela; for Ilk.: Vigan, 110~0sSur; for Isn.: Bambang, Nueva
Vizcaya ; for Etb.: Mayan, ltbayat Island, Batanes Prov. ; for Itn. :
Binungan, Abra; for Ivt. : Basco, Batanes Brov. ; for Kap. * Saa Fernando,
Pampanga; for Maf. : Rizal, Cagayan ; foi Mnb. : ahi Barubu, Surigao
dcl Sur; for Png.: Lingayen, Pzngasinan; for Smb. : Sulu; for Smi. :
Bakong, Simunul, Tawi Tawi, Sulu; for Seb. : Cebu Gty; for Sfi. : Sta. Fe,
Nueva Vizcaya ; for Tau. : Jolo, Sulu ; for Ter. : Ternate, Cavite ; for Tng. :
Pefiarrubia, Abra; for War.: Tacloban C’ity; for Y~E.: Eanao de1 Sur;
and for Yog, : E&ague, Isabela.“)
3. Csnsonants aradvowels
The following consonants occur in each of the twenty-six Philippine
languages: /p, t, k, q (glottal stop), b, d, g, m, n, g, s, h, 1, r, w, y/. Pn
addition to these consonants, /cl (voiceless &es-p!ata~ affricate) occurs
in I& and Ivt. ; i5 / (voiced alvecs-palatai sfG*icaFe) in Isn., Itb., ivt., %4nb.,
Smb., srnf. and Tau.; /f/ in Ibg. and Mal.; iv/ in Ibg., Jsn., Itb., and Ivt.;
/z/ in ibg. ; I/x/ (voiced velar fricative) in Ith. ; and ,@’(alveo-palatal nasal)
in Itb. and Ivt.
The vowels /i, a, u/ occur in each of the twenty-six languages. In
addition to these vowels, /e, o/ occur in Tag., Bkl., Hil., Ibg., Isn., Itn.,
Kap., Mal., Smb., Sml., Ter., aild Yog.; ;E/ (schwa or ‘pep&‘) occurs in
3) The eight major languages in terms of nu&er of sgpders are: ?I’@.,Seb., Ilk.,
Hil., Bkl., War., Kap.; and Png. About thirteen of the twenty-six languages are
included in Isidore Dyen, Tk Ltxieos~~~ib~icul Clmsifiwfion cif the Austrmedim
&mgmge.s, [mimeqqaphedl, New Haven, 1963, 25-?71 L@a (35) tids Itbayat a118
l[va?zndialectsof the ‘&a&n language’. An earliercia&catior: of Philippine languages
was n&e in Har&l C.Conklin, Uutlihe Gazetteer of Nafive Phi&pike Ethnic md
Linguistic Groups, 1952 [mimeographed’).‘Chisoutline gives the geqraphic4 looati 6n
of the languages.
4, The names of the imformantshave been omitted sin= 1do not have all of them.
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES 73
Bol., Bat., Ilk., Itb., Itn., Ivt., Mnb., Prig., Tng., and Y In. ; and /a/
in Mnb.
4, Lf?ngth and StreSS
At least one phoneme of vowel length and one phoneme of stress

occur in each of the twenty-six Philippine languages. The phoneme of
vowel length is represented by +/ placed immediately after the vowel.
The stress phon -me is represented by I’/ placed over the vowel of the
syllable that receives the strLss. Stress falls predictably on the last syllable
of a word that has a long vowel, and on the final syllable if the qowei of
the penultimate syllable is n&he,- long nor stressed. In the transcription
of the sentences, stress is not marked where its occurrence is predictable.
5. Intonation contours
Four pifch k-4~: 10~ / I/, mid

/2/, high /3/, extra high /4/ ; and three
termind jernctures: rising /t/, falling /J/, sustained /I/, occur in each of
the twenty-six Philippine languages?) Two or more pitch levels and one
terminal juncture form an intonation cower. The fol!ov:ing inronation
contours occur in each of the rWznty-5:; lank!j.lges : /;2)32J/, /(2)32f/,
/(2)321/, /(2)2j/, and /(2)-l2J/. see section 7 for examples.
An utterance in anj of the twenty-six Philippine languages

is a segment
of speech before and after which “here is silence. It is either cornpZete ar
incomp?ete. A complete utterance ends with either a falling or rising
terminal juncture, as in
2- 32 ;
(1) TLag.: ltumakbo qan ba*taqJ/
(ran-away the child!
‘The child ran away.’

2- 32
(2) ‘Tag.: /tumakbo qag ba%aqf/
‘Did the child run away?’
6) PM Profkssor HousehoEder pointed out, the ‘phonemic’ status of the four levels
is doubtful.
74 ERNEST0 CONSTANI’INO
An incomplete utterance ends with a sustained terminal juncture, as in
2- 32
(3) Tag.: /tumakbo qarj bata//
‘The child ran away -’
Any utterance has two immediate constituents: the intonation pattern

ar d the nucleus. The intonation pattern consists of the pitches and
terminal junctures, e.g., /232J/ in (1). The nucleus consists of the re-
mainder of the utterance, e.g., /tumakbo qag ba*taq/ ‘the child ran away’
in (1).
7. lnr~nul;bn patter ns
The intonation pattern of ar? utterance may have one intonation
contour, as that of (l)-(3); or it may have two (or more) intonation
contours, as that of
2- 32 2- 32
(4) Tag.: /qarg bataq 1 tumakboJ/
- whicjn has two: 123211and /232J/.
The stretch over which a single intonation contour extends is a macro-

segmefit. The centre of the intonation contour, i.e., the highest pitch level,
falls on the last syllable of the last word of the sentence with a long vowel ;
or, if the word has no long vowel, on the last stressed syllable, as in
(l)-(4). If, however, the emphatic stress morpheme (“1 occurs within the
macrosegment, the cerht 1 Je
7 of the intonation contour falls on the syllable
that receives the emphatic stress, as in
2- 3i
(5) Tag.: /tumakbo qan baataql/

‘The child did run away.’
There are four kinds of intonation patterns according to their final

intonation contour : (a) declarative, (b) interrogative, (c) exclamatory, and
(d) sustained. The final intonation contour of the deciarative intonation
pattern is /(2)32//, as in (I), (4) and (5); that of the interrogative in-
tomtion pattern is /(2)321/, as in (2). The exclamatory intonation pattern
ends with /(2)423/, as in
2 42
(6) Tag*: /qarayl/
‘Ouch!’
The sustained intonation pattern ends either with /(2)321/, as in (3), or

with /(2)21/, as in
2- 2
(7) Tag.: /tumakbo qagI/
‘Ran the ’
8. Nucleus
The nucleus of an utterance may have one macrosegment, as that of (1) ;

or it may have two (or .,lore) macrosegments, as that of (4). An emphatic
stress morpheme may occur within the macrosegment on any one of the
accented (i.e., either stressed as lengthened, or both) syllables.
The nucleus of a complete utterance, with or without its intonation
pattern, is called a sentence. The nucleus of an incomplete utterance is
called a fragment. In this paper, we analyse only declamtive sentences,
i.e., sentences which occur with the declarative intonation pattern.
XI. CONSTITUENT
ANALYSIS
9, htroduction
In the following constituent analysis of t:le major sentence patterns of

the twenty-six Philippine languages, we have excluded the negative,
cat&&e and imperative sentences.3 We have not used in the illustrative
sentences pronouns, proper nouns and the proper article.,, and the phral
forms of nouns, verbs, adjectives and articles, except in some cases where
their. use is obligatory or clarificatory.
Most of the illustrative sentences are from Tag.. though each of the
other languages is represented by at least r3ne sentence ; cf. Appendix.
The declarative intonation pattern is represented by a period (.) placed
at the end of the sentence. Tf the sentence has alverb, it is almost always
6, The ‘circumlol~utorydefinite sentence’ has also 5een excluded for lack of adequate
data from some of the langum. For another reason, sentences in which the subject
is a substantivized or nominalized verb, adjective, or adverb have also been ex&ded.
See n. 9.
in the *pasttense’ or ‘completed aspect’ form. Each of tbe sentences is

preceded by the name of the language to which it belongs if the language
is not Tag. In a group of senrences with the same EngIish translation,
the English translation, which is made R I literal as possible, appears on&
immediately after the first sentence in the group.
We define in this section the principal terms which are used in the
analysis of the sentences. The definitions are more descriptive than
definitive .
A word is ‘anly segment of a sentence bounded by successive points at
which pausing i E possible.‘?
A nom is a word which consists of a root, e.gs9Tag. : /ba*taq/ ‘child’,
or of a stem and a noun afbx, e,g., Tag. : /taga-lutoq/ (< /taga-/ ‘doer’ -/-
/tutoq/ ‘cook’) ‘one who cooks, cook’. (The hyphen indicates morpheme
boundary.)
A verb is a word which consists of a root, e.g., Sml.: /paragan/’ ‘run(s),
rag rurming’, or of a stem and a verbal affix, e.g., Tag.: /t-urn-akbo/
(4: /takbo/ ‘run + /-urn-/ ‘active, deliberate, past or completed’) ‘ran”.
Note that the verbal ati has three components: voice, mode and tense
or aspecta)
An aGecfir?eis a word which consists of a root, e.g., Ilk. : /dakkel/ ‘big’,
CC of a stem and an adjective affix, e.g., Tag.: /ma-gandaj (< /ma-/
‘fi.lli of” 7- /ganda/ *beauty’)‘beautiful, pretty’.
An advmb is a word which con&s of a root, e.g., Tag.: /bu*kas/
‘tomorrow’, or of a stem and an adverbial afGx, e.g., Tag. : /ka-gabiJ
(< /ka-j ‘!a& T !gabi/ ‘night’) ‘fast night’.
The nouh verb, adj=tive and adverb can each occur as abject,
pfe&care, or rn&&%~.They are full worthin contrast to the particles
which cannot occur wi& afBxes aa? in any of the first two syntactic
functions?) Most or’ the particles are either modifiers or markers of
syrU3cticrelations.
---
A
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PHILIPP1NI: LANGUAGES 77
The other terms, which are mostly terms for subclasses of particles,
are defined as we come to them in the analysis.
11. Sentencechss@Wion
According to their constituent structure, the declarative sentences in

the twenty-six Philippine languages are classified as (a) sinlgle, (b) com2-
pound, and (c) compZtx The simple sentences are described from section
12 to 24; the compound sentences in section 25; and the complex
sentences in section ~6.
12. Simple sentences
A simple sentence is either a predicative conwuction consisting or a

simple clause, or a non-predicative construction. A predicative construction
has two immediate constituents: ICI and I& in this order, one of which
is the subject and the other the predicate?) A simple clause has one
predicative or subject-predicate construction, e.g., (1) in which /tumakbo/
‘ran away’ is the predicate and /qag ba-taq/ ‘the child’ the subject.
A non-predicative construction does not have subject and predicate as
immediate constituents. The predicative sentences are described from
section 12 to 23, and the non-predicative ones in section 24.
The simple predicative sentences are classified according to their
constituents (and structural or transformational relation to each other)
as (a) de$nite, (b) indefinite, and (c) situational. 1r~this paper, the defimte
sentences provide the ‘keiM sentences from which we derive the other
sentences by means of trcuq$ormational rules. This operation is carried
out in Part III of this paper.
13. Definite sentences
In a de&_&e sentence, the ICI is the subject and the I& the predicate.
The subject is a noun phrase, i.e., a noun preceded by a nou)i marker
which is either an article or a demonstrative. The article is either common
n%ba.-tiqaq kuma-q;b sa mm./ (the greedy Lf child the ate the mango) ‘The greedy
child ate the mango.’ is transformed into /qar) mataekaw qag kumaqin sa ma9ga.l
(@ greedy the ate the mango) ‘The grczdy oze ate the mango.’ making the adjective
functiornas A?ject.
Q” Aways as predicate and I& always as subject.
‘0) Bbomfkid, lot. cit., atalyses I-,
We have not followed this a nalysis in every respect.
78 ERNEST0 CONSTANTINQ
or proper. The common article and demonstratives occur with CO~WUMZ

nouns, and the proper article with proper now.
(8) /qag ba+a qag tumakbo./
(the child the ran-awayj
‘It was the child who ran away.’
(9) /si pedro qag tumakbo./
(the Peter the ran-away)
‘It was Peter who ran away.’
13.1. In some of the languages, like Tag., a ligative particle (LP)

occurs between the demongtrative and the noun.
(19) /qito-9 beta qatl tumakbo./

(this-U child tbe ran-away)
‘Illtwas this child who ran away.’
In other languages, like Itn., no particle occurs between the demon-
strative and the noun.
Itn.: /sit qanak sid nanagtag.1
(this child the ran-away)
‘It was this child who ran away.’
In Smi., the demonstrative occurs after the noun and no particle occurs
between them.
(12) SmL : Jqanakqanak qiti qiya bay para*gan./

(child this the past run-away)
‘It was, this child who ran away.’
13.2. In Isn. and Sml., the common article is zero. See (13) and (14~
(13) Sml. : /qan&cfanak qiya bay paragan.1
(Chiid the past run-away)
‘it was the child who ran away.’
13.3. In Isn. and Tx~g-,~~)if the noun marker is the common article,
(DS) must occur aftir the following noun. The definite
3 ukjinite sug#jEv
jta/ with which the definite suffix&es

definite rtmmbg and coccursohlywith
suffixof Tsn. is {-ad): /-wad/ after /u, o/, /-yad/ after /i, e/, /-d/ after /a/,
and /-ad/ after a consonant. The definite sufEx of Tng. is {-e}: j-we/
after /II/, /-y5/ after /i, e/, /-IJ~/ after /a/, and /-El after a consonanl:.
(14) Isn..: /quga-d . si nana.gtag./

(child-DS the ran-away)
‘It was-the child who ran away.’
.
(I 5) Tng.: /di qanak-25 ta nagMay./

(the child-&5 the ran-away)
In Smb., if the noun marker is the common article, the definite suffix
/-=in/ may or may not occur af’ter the foilowing noun.
(16) Smb.: (a) /ya ciakanaek-in qiya bay para*gan./

(the child-M the past run-away)
(b) /ya (laka*nak qiya bay para*gan./
(the r:hild the past run-away)
‘It WB the child who ran away.’
13.4. The predicz!.te of a definite sentence consists of a v+zrbor verb
phrase, an adjective, a common noun, or a particulate phras,, preceded
by a predicate marker. Thus, according to the head of f hc predicate,
definite sentences ar.: classified as (a) verbal, (b) agectival. (c) nominal,
and (d) particulate.
14. Verbal sentences

A verbal sentence is a definite sentence in which the head of the
predicate is a verb or verb plrase. A verb phrase consists of a verb and
one or more CompZemenitS. ‘The verb is either active or passive. Thus,
according to t: &zir I)~L.._ _ verb, verbal sentences are either active or
c\4-~t~
passive.
15. Active sentences

In an active sentence, the predicate verb is an active verb. An active
verb is one which co-occ~urs with W. actor subject, like the verb for ‘ran
away’ in (Q-(19); if the verfi has an affix, it is an active afix. Each of
the twenty-six Philippine languages, except Ter., has several active affixes.
(17) Bol. : /si qanak qa nalay u./
(the child %theran-away)
80 ERNBST’O CONSTANTINO
(18) Kap. : /gig qanak qig milayi./

(the child the ran-away)
In km., there are two predicate markers : lsi}
. : l-t/ after a vowel and /si/
afbera consonant, and (di) : /ri/ akr a vowel and /di/ after a consonanLx~l
If {di} is used, the definite sulEx (13S) {-ad) must otiur after the predicate
verb. Compare (19) with (14).
-(l!J) Isn.: /quga-d di nanagta&xL/
@hild-DS the ran-awfl)I-DS’)
“lt was the child who ran away.’
One or more complements may occur with the active verb. A com-
plement consists of a complement marker and a complement head. The
compiement marker is a particle or a particle phrase. There are seven
drfferent kinds of complement markers: (a) the inde_lfnitegoal marker
(EM), (bj the d&nite goal marker (DGM), (c) the locative marker (LM),
(d) the benefactiwe marker (Slw), (e> the instrumental marker (IM),
(f) the reciprocalactor marker (RAM), and (g) the agentive mazker (AM)?)
16.1. The complement head may be a noun phrase, a common noun,

or an adjective depending on the preceding complement marker. If the
complement marker is the indefinite goal marker, the complement head
is either a cummon noun, ats in (20), or an adject&e, as in (21).
(20) /qag bagta qag kumaeqin nag rnagga.1
(the child the ate IGM mango)
‘It was the child who ate a mango (or some mangoes).’
(‘1) /qag ba=ta qag luma-kad nag mala-yoq./
(the child the walked IGM far)
‘It was the child who walked far away.’
16.2. If the complement marker is the locative marker, the comple-
ment head is either a noun phrase, as in (22), or an adjective preceded
by a nuun marker, a+~in (23).
to Put cmeor
(22) /qaQ binasta qaq‘bumili nag bulaklak sa bastaq.1

(the bachelor the bought .IGM flower LM-the anhild)
“It was the bachelor who bought some flowers (or a flower) from
the child.’
(23) /qag ba*ta qag qumupo sa mala=yoq./

(the child the sat LM-the far)
‘It was the child who sat far away.’
The complement markers and the noun markers are indistinguishably

fused in most of the twenty-six Philippine languages, as in Tag. However,
some languages, like Tng., show clearly the boundary between the
complement marker and the noun markers. Thus, the equivalent
sentences in Tng. of (22) and (23) show clearly the boundary between
the locative marker and the common noun marker.14)
(24) Tng.: /di kaqitaequ-w5 ta gummi=na ta sabsaebug kan-di

(the bachelor-M the bought IGA4 flower LM-the
qanaek-&./
child-M)
‘It was the bachelor lwho bought some flowers from the child.’
(25) Tng.: /di qanaak-5 ta nagtugaw kan-di qadayu./

(the child-DS the sat LA&the far)
16.3. If the complement marker is the definite goal marker, as in (26);

the benefactive marker, as in (27); the instrumental marker, as in (28);
the reciprocal actor marker, as in (29); or the agentive marker, as in (30),
the complement h.ead is a noun phrase.
(216) /qag ba*ta qag kumaaqin sa ma0ga.l

(the child the ate NW-the mango)
‘It was the child who ate the mango.’
(27) /qag binaata qag burnili nag bulaklak pa*ra sa dala*ga./

(the bachelor the bought 1GM flower B&Z-the maiden)
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers for the maiden.’
Ia) The different f’orms of the markers and the narker plus another marker com-
binations will be investigated in another paper. There is a strong structural reason for
analysing the complement heads (except that of the indefinite goal complement) as
consisting of a noun marker and a noun. Cf. the passive transformations in Part III
of this paper.
82 EWNESTOCONSTANTINO
(28) /qar~binata qax~pumutol nag kaehoy sa pamamagitan nag qitak.1

(the bachelor the cut EM wood PM-the bolo)
‘It was the bachelor who cut wood by means of the bolo.’
(2% /qag bina*ta qan nakipagquesap sa

I dalaaga./
(the bachelor the talked RAM-the maiden)
‘It was the bal=helor who talked with the maiden
c
( _4‘01 /qag hasri qasj namatay sa
I malQrya./
(the king the died AM&e malaria)
‘It was the king who died of malaria.’
Again the equiv$ent sentences in ‘Tng. show clearly the boundary
between the first three complemenl
.
markers and the common noun
magker., The boundary between the agative marker and the common
noun marker is shown clearly in the equivalent sentence in Kap., (50).
(31) Tng. : /di qana&E ta naqan kan-di marJga*-r#./
(the child-DS the ate DGM-the mango-N?)
(32) Trig.: /di kaqitaequ-we ta gummina ta sabsambug pa*la kan-di
(the bachelor-&5 the bought IGM flower RM-the
bala*say)-&/
maiden-DS)
‘It wa.sthe bachelor who bought some flowers for the maiden.’
(33) Tng. : /di kaqita=qu-wE ta nakipatag kan-di baiasag-&/
(the bachelor-&Y the talked RAM-the maiden-LW)
‘it was the bachelor who talked with the maiden,’
(34) Tng.: /di qariw-yE: ta natay ta malhrya. /
(the king-DS the died A.&&themalaria)
16.4. In Abk., Kap., Smb., Sml., and Ter.. the indefinite goal marker
. is zero.
(35) Abk. : /qi dadiqdaediq qi qagkakan marjga.1

(the child the ate mango)
‘It was the child who ate a mango.’
(36) Kap. : /qirJ qanak qig me*qan marJga,/
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PWILIPP%SE LANGZIAGES 82
(37) Mb.: /ya dakan,a%in qiya bay qamarjan mampallam,,

(the child-M the- past eat marag@
(38) Sml.: /qanakqa*nak qiya bay mqsn quwanni.1

(child the past eat
(39) Ter. : /qel mutsatsu qel ya kome mQ

(the child the past eat
In Tau., the indefinite goal marker is either /sin,’ or zero.
(40) Tau.: (a) /qin subul qirr nami* sin sumpig pan
ha b~jag./
(the bachelor the bou ht 4GM Rower B&i-the maiden)
(b) /qin subul qin namio sumpig pa=ra ha buj8rJ.l
(the bachelor the bought flower &U-the maiden)
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers for thu
maiden.’
16.5. Iri Isn. and Trig., the definite sufix must occur ;tftcr the cC,rnm~~~~
noun which occurs as the head of the CoIlowing compilcments: (a) the
defiGte goal complement, as in (31) and (41); (b) the benefactive comple-
ment, as in (32) and (42); (c) the iocative complement, as in (24) and 44.7);
and (d) the reciprocal actor complement, as in (33) and (44).
(41) Isn.: /qurJa-d si nagan si ma!@@=d.1

(child-M the ate DGAd-the ,nangO-DS’)
(421 Isn, : /beyuntaku*-wad si rlantaliw si tavurj pa.r611-tmart

(backielor-fX5’ the bought IGM flower &M-the maiden-A!9
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flower% for the maidas.
(43) lsn. : /beyuntaku*-wad si nantaliw si tavurJ si yurJa-cf./

(bachelor-DS the bought KM flower LAY-the child-L=)
‘It was the bachelor dho k.~ouhr somefbwcrs
fi=om
thechki.'
(44) Isn.: jlneyuntaktie-wad si nisavz.yat si mariqi+ad./

(bac!le lor-BS the talked RAM-the maiden-DS)
‘It way the bachelor who talked with the maiden.*
In Smb., the definite suffix occurs only after the common noun head sf
the definite goal complement.
(45) Smb- : /ya dakana-k-in qiya bay qama-gan ma

(the child-DS the past eat DGM-the
mampallam-in. /
mango-DS)
.‘It was the child who ate the mango.’
16.6. III Kap., a dt$nite mrpheme (DM) may or may not occur
with the complement marker and the common article before the head of
the following complemt~nts:16)(a) the definite goal complement, as in
(46); (b) the locative complement, as in (47); (c) the benefactive comple-
ment, as in (48); (d) the reciprocal. actor complement, as in (49); and
(e) the agentive complement, as in (50).
(46) Kap.: (a) /qirl qanak qig me-gan kitj ma?Jga-/

(the chilld the ate DC&U-themango)
(b) /qirJ qanak qig me*gan kerJ marJga.1 .
(the child the ate DGM-D M-the mango)
(47) Kap. : (a) jqir3Jbainlau qirJ se-h sampaega kig qanak./

(the bachelor the bought flower L M-the child)
(b) /qig baint8u qig se-li sampa-ga keg qanak.1
(the bachelor the bought flower LM-DWthe child)
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers from the
child.’
)48) Kap. : (a) /qig baintau qig se-h sampa-ga para kig da1aaga.l
(the bachelor the bought flower BM-the maiden)
(b) /qirJ bainttiu qig se-li sampa*ga para kerJ
(the bachelor the bought flower BM-DM-the
dala-ga./
maiden)
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers for the
maiden.’
(49) Kap. : (a) /qig baintau qig me-kisaabi kig dala*ga./

(the bachelor the talked RAM-the maiden)
‘6) It seems arbitrary whether assign the definite morpheme to the complement
marker or to the noun marker.
SENTENCE PATTERNS 1N PMlLlPPINE LANGUAGES 85
(b) /qig baintiu qig mekisa*bi dals*pa./

(the bachelor the talked DM-the maiden)
“It was the bachelar who talked with tl:e maiden.
(50) Kap. : (a) /qig qa-si qig mete Kirk maUrya./

(the king the died AM-the malaria)
(b) /qir) qamriqirj me*te key) mal&-yn,,’
(the king the died AM--DM-the malaria)
‘It was the king who died of milEaria.’
17. Active verb subclasses
According to the 6-t’mplements weich occur with them either obhgatorrty

or optionally, ~11~rtctive verbs may be divided into sir sub~lasses:~~)
(a) those with which the definite or indefinite oal complement is oblige-
.rrrdI..-.m_4~.Y --_
tory anb the tocati33, ;mu UIIISIlLUP and lx3Ydhctive comp:ements al-t:
optional; (i>)those with which the definite or indefinite goal and locative
comp!emcnts are obligatory and the benefactive and instrumental
complements are optional; (c) those with which the locative complement
is obligatory and no other complement occurs; (d) those with which the
reciprocal actor complement is obligatory and the locative complement
is optional ; (e) those with which the agentive and locative complements
are optional and r,ci other complement occurs; and (f) those with which
the locative complement is optional and no other complement occurs.
‘The active definite sentences are kernel sentences. From them are
derived the passive sentences by means af transFormationa rules. These
rules are formulated in Part III of this paper.
18. Passive sentences
A passivt sentence is a verbal (definite) sentence in which the predicate

verb is a passive verb. A passive verb Co-occurs with a non-actor subjerl
and has a p~~~~ive complement in addition to the complements that
aetiCpp
occur with the active verb, excep;t the particular complement whir:11
becomes the subject of the passive tsentenee. The passive actor comple-
ment occurs immediately after the passive verb and is preceded by the
pussiw actor marker (PAM), A passive verb is ats~ characterized 3s
I@)For Tag., see Lydia Fer.Gmuales, ‘The Active Verbs and Active Affixes in
Tag4og’ (MA. thesis, University of the PhiIippines), 1963.
ERNESTOCY3NSTANTlNO
having a passive afix. Each of the twenty-six Phalippine languages

, several passive affixes.
18.1. The, e are six types of passive sentences according to their
subject noun * (a) the gqdpassive, in which the subject is the gmzl mm,
e.g., (51); (I+ the hwtive passive, in which the subjwt rmm is the
locative noun, e.g.,, (52); (e) the bmmfactivepassive, in which the subject
noun is the benefactive noun, e.g., (53); (d) the instrummtai passive, in
which the subject noun is the instrumental mw, e.g*, (54); (e) the
reciprocal actor passive, in which the subject noun is the reciprocal actor
noun, e.g., (55); and (f) the agentivepassive, in which the subject noun is
the agentive noun, e,g., (56).
/qag magga qag kinaeqin nag baataq.1 (cf. (26))
(the mango the eaten PAM-the child)
“itwas the mango which was eaten by the child.‘
/qarJ ba-tr qag binilhan nag bina-ta nag bulak1ak.l (cf. (22))
[the child the bought PAiWhe bachelor KM flower)
‘The child was the one froir whom the bachelor bought some
flowers.’
/qaq)dalaega gag qibinili nag bina*ta natl) bulaklak./ (cf. (27))
(the maiden the bought PA M-the bachelor IGM flower)
‘It was the maiden who was bought some flowers by the bachelor.’
/qag qitak qarj qipinamutol nary birzta nary ka*hoy./
(the bolt, the cut PAM-the bachelor IGN wood)
(cf. (28))
‘It was the bolo which the bachelor used in cutting wood.’
/qarj dalagga qarj kinaqusap nag bina*taq./ (cf. (29))
(the maiden the talked PAM-the bachelor)
‘The maiden was the one wit11whom the bachelor talked.’
/qag malarya qag qikiriamatay nag ha*riq./“) (cf. (30))
(the malaria the died PA M-the king)
‘It was malaria which killed the king.’
Each of the passive affixes of the passive verbs is correlated with a
-
I’) The indefinite form of this sentence, i.e., the form in which the subject has no
noun marker, is preferred.
particular noun as subject. That is, a particular passive afix is used
when the subji;rt no3.x is a goal noun, anli>thsr when the sub_&xt noun
is zlt ‘twtive lwxul, ads)
118.2.An ordjectiva may occur as the subject of the oal or locative

passive sentence, in which case it ~311not be preceded by any marker.
(57) /mala*yo qar) niia*kad nag baataq./ (cfa (2 I))
(f t&r the waiked PAM-rhe child)
‘The child walked far away.’
(58) /maIa*yo qag qimguqan nag ba*taq./ (cf. (23)b
(fat the sat PA M-the child)
‘Where the child S~SO~8s f&r away.
These two sentencti are structurally i,rdefiniSesentences. See section 2 I.

18.3. The locative and benefactive passive sentences cannot have a
definite goal complement. zlee(52~(33). %nTer., the locative, benefactive
and reL:procal actor passive sentences do not occur.
18.4. In ICap., a pfz8ive aclop pronoun in cross reference So She passive
actor complement is added immediately after the passive verb.
(59) Kap. : /qirJ;maqga qio pega-na nig qanak./ (cf. (46))
(the mango the eaten by+im PAM-she child)
‘It was the mango which was eaten by the child.’
If the sentence has an indefinite goal comple ns, it isplaced immediately
following the pronoun and /q/ is suffixed to the pronoun.
(50) Kap. : /qig dala-ga qig se+ ma-g sampagga nirj
(the maiden the bought by-him-g flower PA M-the
baint8u.f (cf. (48))
bachelor)
‘111was the maiden VV~Owas bought scme flowm by the
bachelor.’
18.5. In Tau,, if the passive sentence has an indefinite goal comple-
ment with the zero marker, the complement is placed optionally im-
mediately after the passive verb.
Ia) For the correlation between the passive affixes and the subject nouns, in Tag.,
see Antonia Silverio, ‘The Passive VerlbalSentence Constructions in Tagalog’ i MA,
thesis, University of the Philippines), 1962.
88 ERNEST0 CONSTANTlNO
(61) Tau. : (a) /qin bujag gin binkhan sin subul sumpig./
(the maiden the bought PAM-the bachelor flower)
(cf. (40b))
(b) /qin bujag qin binkhan sumpig sin sJbul.1
(the maiden the bought flower PAM-the bachelor)
(cf. (Mb))
‘It was the maiden who was bought some flowers by the
bachelor. ’ I
18.6. In Isn., the definite suffix which occurs with the active verb is
dropped from its corresponding passive verb. Compare the active verb
in (62) with its correspomding passive verb in (63). Note that the definite
suffix also occurs after the passive subject noun and the passive actor noun.
(62) Isn.: /qurja-d di nagaen-ad si magga-d.f

(child-DS the ate&S DGM-the mango-DS)
(63) lsn. : /maqga-d di qinnan di quna-d./
(mangooDS the eaten PAM-the child&S)
19. Non-verbal srntefices

Non-verbal sentences are definite sentences in which the head of the
predicate is nDt a verb or verb phrase. They are: (a) the adjectival, in
which th,* head of the predicate is an adjective, e.g., (64).(66); (b) the
n.ominz$ 1.1which the head of the predicate is a noun, e.g., (67)-(69);
and (c) the particulate, in which the head of the-predicate is a particulate
phrase. The particulate sentences are analysed and illustrated in section 20.
(64) /qaq dalamgaqalj nuaganda./

(the maiden the pretty)
‘It is the maiden who is pretty.’
(65) Bol.: /si bala*saij qa mablsta./
(66) Kap,: ,,lqig dala*ga qirJ malagu./
(67) /qag binaeta qarg qabuga*do./
(the bachelor the lawyer)
‘It is the bachelor who is a lawyer.’
89
(the bachefot
(69) Kap.: i’qig baint6u qig qabu

(the bra&efcbrthe lawyer)
19.I. In Isn., if the predicate mark r is {ditt tRe definite suftix E-ad)
must occur after the adjectiue or noun.
(30) kn. : (a) /mariqkt-ad si maserot./

(maiden-DS the pretty)
@I /mariqi+;ad di maserot-ad.1
(maiden_BS the pretty-D.!?)
‘It is the maiden ,whe is prettyJ
yufltaktr-wad si qabts
(bachelor-LAS the lawyer)
(bj /beyuutaku~-waddi qabu
(bachelor4.S the lawyer-DS)
‘It is the bachelor who is a lawyer+’
Particulate sentences are non-verbal definite sentences in which the keaJ

of the predicate is a particulate phrase, i.e., a particle foltowed by ;a
locative complement or a noun. Theft are three types of particulate
sentences : (a) the prepositimd, (b) UI~ kwh=md, and (c) the posses riw.
Pn a prepositional sentence, the head of the ~~~~~~~teconsists of a
preposition and a locative complement.
(72) /qag buiaklak qag paera sa dala*ga..I

(the flower the for &A&the maiden)
‘It is thct flower which is for the maiden.’
(73) EM.: /say bumrakqa gaara sa b&%-g‘/
(the flower the for EM-ttse maiden)
(74) Kap.: /qig sampaaga qig paera kig
(the flower the for LM-the ~~.~den~
(75) /qag t&ta qaxl)tugkol sa paTiq./

(the news the about &M-the priest)
‘It is the neFvswhich is about the priest.’
90 ERNEST0 CONSTANTiN
In Isn., the preposition /para/ ‘for’ is followed by a noun phrase and

not by a locative complement. Also, the definite suffix {-ad} occuss
after the noun following the preposition.
(76) Isn.: /tavu*g-ad si pabra mariqi+ad./
(flower-IN the for maiden-DS)
‘It is the flower which is for the maiden.’
(77) lsn.: /balieta-d SI qasunto-t pario-yad./
(news-DS the aWMJ4-the priest-M)
‘It is the news that Is about the priest.’
20.1. In a locational sentence, the head of the predicate, i.e. the
locational phrase, consists of a IocaConal particle and a locative comple-
ment There are two locational particles : the afirmative and the negative.
The affirmative locational particle denotes the existence of the subject
in the place cited by the locative complement.
(78) 1qz.r)pa*ri gag na*-sa baghay.
(the priest the exist-IA&the house)
‘It is the priest that is in the house.’
The negative locational particle denotes the non-existence of the subject
in the place cited by the locative complement.
(‘79) ;qarJ paeri qag waia sa baahay.
(the priest the none IN-the house)
‘It is the priest that is not in the house.’
20.2. In a possessive sentence, the head of the predicate, i.e. the
possess. ve phrase, consists of a possessive particle and a common noun.
There are two possessive particles : the aflrmative and the rteg&ve. The
affirmative possessive particle denotes the possession of the following
noun b:y the subject.
(80) /qarI) dalaega qag mey bulak1ak.l
(the maiden the possess flower)
‘It is the maiden who has some flowers.’
The negative possessLive 3articie denotes the non-possession of the
followmg noun by the subject.
(8 1) /qarj dalaega qag wala-g bulaklak.,
(the maiden the none-g flower)
‘It is the maiden who has no flowers.’
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PHILfPPINF LANGC:,4<3ES a)t
20.3. In km., if the predicate marker is (di), the definite sufh (-rad’~
must BCCWafter the affirmative existential particle joy/, hxational or
possessive. The definite suffix must &o occur afttr the xx’~n 0f the
locative complement.
(82) Isn.: /pa-i*-yad di joav-ad si beyo*y-&l./
(priest-DS the exist-D.5 jl*,rW-the
house]
‘It is the priest who is in the house.’
(83) Tsn.: /mariqi+ad di jo-y-ad si tavurJ na.1
(maiden-1)(‘Sthe possess-DS PRT flower her) BWTr pwticfe
‘It is the mai+n who has some flowers.’
20.4. A particle (PRT’) cxc‘urs between tfaflr posscssix par Mc,

a@rmative or ne tive, and the common noun in the folh~in
Bki., Isn,, It&., Itn., Kap., Pn b., Trig,, and Yin.
(a) A.rmutive
(84) Bkl.: iqan dara-ga qan qigwa-r-j buarak.1
(the maiden the possess-PRiP flower)
(85) Itb. : /nu ka-nakan qa mavakes qu myan su 5avusavLlgnaq./
(the young LP woman the possess PRTfIower t-WI”)
(86) Itn.: /sid baiasag sid qawad da sagburnha. ’

(the maiden the possess PRT flower !-K~B
(87) Kap.: /qig dala-ga gig qati-9 ssmpa-ga.j

(the maiden the possess-P-‘&Vflower)
(88) Png.: /say marikit su wala-y rugsas tu./

(the maiden the pmess-PRT flower her)
(89) Seb.: /qatJ dawgaqalg na*qa-y bU*WidC,,/
(the maiden the possess-RR?” flower)
(90) Tng. : /di balaesatg-E ta quwad ta sabsa%urj IM/

(the maiden-DS the possess RRT filower her)
(91) Yin. : /su ra*ga su qaden qa sumpig./

(the maiden the possess PR?” fio,/er)
See (83) for Isn.
(b) Negative
(92) Bkl. : /qan dara*ga qan daqi-rl) bu*rak./

(the maiden the none-PRT flower 1
‘It is the maiden who has no flow&s.’
(93) Isn.: /mariqi+ad si nayid Ian tavurJ na./

(maiden-M the ni2onePRT flower her)
(94) Itb.: / nu k aanakan qa mavakiSsqu cpra*hi su savusavurj naq./
(the young LP woman the none P??1”flower her)
(95) Ptn. : /sid balaesag sid naqid da sambugna./
(the maiden the none PRT flower her)
(96) Kap. : /qin daega qirJ qala-rJ sampa*giL./
(the maiden the none-CRT flower)

(97) Png. : /say marikit su qangapu-y rusas tu./
(the maiden the none-PRT flower he;)
(98) Seb. : /qarJ dalaega qan wa*-y bu*wak./
(the maiden the none-PRT flower)
(39) Tng. : /di balasan-e ta qawan ta sabsaebur) na./
(the: maiden-DS the none PRT flower her)
(100) Yin. : /su ra*ga su da* qa sumpig./
(the maiden the none PRT flower)
20.5. A particle occurs only between the negative possessive particle
and the common noun in the following languages: Ibg., Ivt., Mal.,
Tag., War., and Y‘og.
(101) Ibg. : /qim magigaeney qi qawan tu lappaw na./
(the maiden the none PRT flower her)
‘It is the maiden who has no flowers.’
(102) Ivt,: / nu k a9naka.nqa mavakb qu qaaa’va qu savusavug na./
(the young LP woman the none PRT flower her)
(103) Mal. : /ya magirfaney ya qawan ga lappaw na./
(the maiden the none PRlYlower her)
(104) War. : /qan daragga qan wara-y bukad.1
(the maiden the none-PRT flower)
noun.
(106) Bat.:
(Ias) Ml.
20.6. Xn
refe?re!lceto
sentcsce: Abk,, Bol,, Ibg*%Ilk,, Isn., Itb., Ian., lvt.,
Sml., Trig., and Yog.
(a) A#hmztive
(113) Ilk.: /dyay bala*aagti qadda ra+spna./

(the maiden the possess Aowcr-her)
(114) ht.: /nu kaenakan qa mavak& qu miyaa savusavfiq-na./

(the ~OUZ;: LP woman the psssess flower-her)
(1 i 5) Mal. : /ya magiaaney ya qinyan lapp&w-na./

(the maiden the possess flower-her)
(116) Sfi. : /qi baalahag qi wagday haabug-tu./
(117) Sml.: /qigkanda qiya niyaq s~&z~+a.,/
(maiden the possess flower-her)
(I 18) Yog. : /yu magiganay yu wara lapp&w-na./
See (83), (85), (86), (88), and (90) for Isn., Itb., Itn., Png., and Trig,,
respectively.
(b) Negative
(119) Abk.: /qi dagkanda gi ga-naq buarak-wa./
(the maiden the none flower-her)
‘It is the maiden who has no flowers.‘
(120) Bol.: /si bala-sag qa kasan buerak-na./
(121) ilk.: Jdyay bala-sag ti qawan sambug-na./
(the maideii the none flower-her)
(122) Sfi.: /qi ba4aharJ qi qandi haebug-tu./
(123) Sml. : /qigkanda qiya. maha niyaq sumpiq-na./
(maiden the not possess flower-her)
See (93), (9% (95), (97), (99), (101), (102), (103), and (105) for Isn., Itb.,
Itn., Png., Tng., Ibg., Ivt., Mal., and Yog., respectively.
The active, adjectivai, nominal and particulate definite r dntences are
the kernel sentences.
2 1. Indefinite sentences
An indefinite sentence is a simple predicative sentence in which the IC1
is the subject and the I& the predicate. The subject consists of only a
common noun without any marker. The predicate is like the predicate
of definite sentences, verbal and non-verbal. Thus, like the definite
sentences, the indefinite sentences are classified iato v-zybal: active and
passive, and non-verbal : adjectival, nominal and particulate.
SENTENCE; PATTERNS IN PHllkIPPfNEL,ar\lGUAGES 95
/ba*ta yag kuma*qin nag magga./ (cf. (20))

(child the ate
‘The one who ate a mango was 12chilld.’
/magga qarl) kina*qirnnag ba*taq./ (cf. (Wj

(mango the eaten 4?4b+-the child)
‘It was a mango which wab eaten by the child.’
/dala-ga qag maganda./ (cf. (64))
(maiden the pretty)
‘The pretty one is d maiden.”
/bina% ;iz:; ‘7”i.rga$do.i (cf. (67))
(bachelor the lawyer)
‘The lawyer is a bachelor.’
/bulaklak qag paera sa dalayga./ (cf. (72))
r’flower the for LM-the maiden)
‘The one for the maiden is a flower,’
(129) /pari qao na-sa ka*hay.,/ (cf. (78))

(priest the exist-LM-the house)
‘The one in the house is a priest.‘
(130) idala-ga qag mney bulaklak./ (cf. (80)1
(maiden the possess flower)
‘The one that has some fl+~wersis a mai&6
Certain passive indefinite sentences have an adjective without any marker
as subject. See (57).(58).
21.1. In Isn. and Smb., the definite suAFixdoes not occur with the
subject noun. Also in Isn., the predicate marker [si) is not used.
(131) Isn.: /quga ri nanagtaek-ad/ (cf. (19))
(child the ran-away)
“It was a chiid who ran away.’
(I 32) Smb. : /daka*nak qiya bay para*gan./ (cf. ( 16))
(child the past run-away)
21.2. In Kap., a nominative pronoun in cross reference to the subject

noun is added immediately after the noun; if the noun is an inanimate
noun, the addition of the pronoun is optional.
96 ERNEST0 CONSTAN I’INO
(133) Kap. : /qanak ya qir~me-gan kiq magga./ (cf. (46))

(child he the ate DGM-the mango)
‘It was a child who ate the mango.’
(134) Kap. : (a) /maljga ya qirj peegag na nirj qanak./ (cf. (59))
(mango it the eaten by-him PAM-the child)
(b) lmagga qig pe*gamna niIJ qanak./ (cf. (59))
(mango the eaten by-him PAM-the child)
‘It was a mango which was eaten by the child.’
22. Situational sentences
A situational sentence is a simple predicative sentence in which, unlike

in the definite and indefinite sentences, the ICI is the predicate and the
IC2 the subjecP) The subject is like the subject of the definite sentence,
i.e., it is a noun phrase. The predicate is also like the predicate of the
definite sentence, except that it has no predicate marker and the predicate
verb cannot have a definite goal complement. Thus, like the definite and
indefinite sentences, the situational sentences are classified as verbal:
active and passive, and non-verbal: adjectival, nominal and particulate.
(135) /tumakbo qag ba*taq./ (cf. (8))

(ran-away the child)
22.1. The subject of active situational sentences occurs immediately

after the verb or after any of the complements.
(136) (a) lk umaeqin gag ba-ta nag magga./ (cf. (20))

( te the child IGM mango)
(b) /iuma*qin nag marl)ga qag bagtaq./ (cf. (20))
(tae IGM mango the child)
‘The chi!d ate a mango (or some mangoes).
(137) (a) /bumili qag bina-ta nag bulaklak paera sa dala*ga./ (cf. (27))
(bought the bachelor IGiMflower 13Mthe maiden)
(b) /bumili nag bulaklak gag bina*ta para sa dala*ga./ (cf. (27))
(bought IGM flower the bachelor 18Mthe maiden)
--
le) McKaughan, op. cit.? 15, 19-24, analyses the isubject of verbal situational
sentences as ‘always the actor’ even when the sentence i!Gpassive.
SENTENCE PATTERNS XN PHIILIPPI’YE LANGUAGES 97
(c) /b&q-&j bulaklak para sa d;ala.*gaqar~ binaetaq.1 (cf. (27))

2s
{bought .I& flower &U-the n aiden the bachelor)

‘The bachelor bought come flowr!rs for the maiden.’
However, the subject cannot occur before t’le indefinite goal complement
whose marker is zero, as in Abk., Kap., Smb., Sml., Fau., and Ter.
(138) Abk.: lqagkakan magga qi dadiqda*diq./ (cf. (35))
(ate mango the child)
‘The child ate a mango.’
(139) Kap. : /me*gan ya-g marjga gin qan&./ (cf. (30))
(ate he-5 mango the chilld)
(NO) Smb. : /bay qamagan mampallam dakanaak-in./ (cf. (37))
(p-ast eat mango child-W)
(141) Sml. : lb Y magan quwanni qanak ;la-nak./ (cf. (38))

(pZst eat mango child)
(142) Tau.: /kimaqun mampailam qin b;,.taq./ (cf. (4Ob))

(ate mango the ct ild)
(143) Ter. : /ya k ome m@ga qel mutsAsu./ (cf. (39))

(past eat mango the child I
In passive situational sentences, the si b.$xt occurs immediately after

the passive actor complement.
(144) jqibinili nag binaeta qarJ dalaaga nag bulakl;A/ (cf. (53))
(boupnt PAN-the bachelor the mAiden KM flower)
‘The maiden was bought some flowers by the bachelor.’
(145) Kap. : /se-h ne-rJ sampa-ga nig baint6u qipg

(bought by-him-she-f! flower PA M-the bachelor the
dala-ga./ (cf. (60))’
maiden)
22.2. In Smb.. if the subject noun is a common noun, the noun

h- definite suaix /-in/ always occurs after the
marker becomes zero and t...,
subject noun. Compare (MO) with (37) and (146) with (16).
(14611Smb.: /bay para-gan dakana-k-in./ (cf. (f6))
(past run-away childaDS)
‘The child ran away.”
98 ERNEST0 CONSTANT1 NO
In Isn., the common nour- marker of the subject becomes (di} and
the definite suffix (-ad] occurs with-the following noun, as in (147)-(148).
The definite suffix never occurs with the head of the predicate, nor after
the existential particle /joy/, as shown in (149)-(1SO).
(147) km.: /nagan si magga ri quga-ad./ (cf. (‘62))

1ate IGM mango the child-M)
*The child ate a mango.’
(148) Isn.: lqinnan di quga-d di magga-d./ (cf. (63))

(eaten PAM-the child the mangooDS)
‘The mango was eaten by the child.’
(149) Isn.: /joy si beyomy-addi pari--yad./ (cf. (,82))

(exist LA&the house=*DSthe priest-M)
‘The priest is in the house.’
(150) Isn.: Is‘0 Y si tavug di mariqi+ad./ (cf. (83))

(possess PRT flower the maiden-DS)
‘The maiden has some flowers.’
22.Y
2I In Bol., Ibg., Itb., Itn., and Sfi., the possessive pronoun which
occurs after the possessive predicate is dropped and the subject noun
marker is preceded by a possessive marker.
(a) AJ~rmaCw
(151) Bol. : /maqin bugrak nan Ma-sarJ./ (cf. (1 J 1))
* (possess flower of-the maiden)
(152) Ibg. : /qigga lappaw nam magiganey./ (cf. (112))

(possess flower of-the maiden)
(153) Itb. : /myan su savusavug nu kanakan qa mavak&./

(possess PRT flower of-the young LP woman)
(cf. (85))
(154) Itn. : /qawad da sagbug nit bala-sag./ (cf. (86))
(possess PRT flo&er of-the maiden)
(155) Sfi.: /wasday ha-bug ni balahag./ (cf. (116))

In Kap., a nsmin tivc: p t2noun Ixxcross rcferencc to the subj,jccb
noun is addend immediately after the head of the ptcdi~tc if it is an
active verb, an adje&ve, or a ~~XHI.
(162) Kap. : /malagu ya qir~dala*ga./ (cf. df,61b

(pretty she the maiden)
‘The maidcta is pretty.’
If the predicate verb,

ment, I-g/ is suffixed to the added nominative propiaun.
loo ERNEST0 CONSTANTINO
(165) Kap : /megan ya-q magga qirj qanak./ (cf. (36))

(tae he_a mango the child)
(166) Kap, : /se4 ne-n sampamgarug baintau qig
(bought by-him-she-g flower PAM-the bachelor the
dala*ga,/ (cf. (60))
maiden)
*The maiden was bought some flowers by the bachelor.’
If the predicate is a prepositional phrase, the nominative pronoun is
added immediately after the preposition.
(167) Kap. : /para ya kitJ dalaega qirJ sampa*ga./ (cf. (74))
(for it LM-the maiden the flower)
‘The flower is for the maiden.’
If the predicate is a possessive phrase, the pronoun is added immediately
after the possessive particle.
(168) Kap.: /qatin ya-q sampa-ga qig dala*ga./ (cf. (87))
(possess she-g flower the maiden)
‘The maiden has some f?owers.’
(169)l Kap. : iqala ya-q sampa-ga qii. da1aaga.l (cf. (96))
(none she-g flower the maiden)
‘The maiden has no flowers.’
22.5. In Bol., a nominative pronoun in cross reference to the subject
noun is added immediately after the head of the predicate if it is an
active verb, an adjective, or a noun.
(170) Bsl. : /nalayu ya-y qanak./ (cf. (17))
(ran-away he-the child)
(171) Bol. : /mabZlstaya-y bala-sag./ (cf. (65))
(pretty she-the maiden)
‘The maiden is pretty.’
(172) Bol. : /qabuga-du ya-y tububaqyu./ (cf. (68))
(lawyer he-the bachelor)
‘The bachelor is a lawyer.’
If’ the predicate is a prepositional phrase, the nominative pronoun is
added afier the whole phrase.
(174) Bol.: /qitaw ya sa Bali qa pa-c%,
(exist he LA&kc hctusc the I~riest)
‘The priest is in the house.’
The Ks ofa predicative smmmx may IY.W invr;s”rted,

i.e., the ICp is placed
b ‘ore the ICIP) The imetsicm is marked in all the twenty-Lx Philippine
Ian ges by the occurrence of an srcdir~ma&er (OM) &cwcen the re-
arranged constituents. tn some of the languages, like Tag. and Dot., the
partide (OP) or the sustained terminal
order marker is either the m’1’4F
juncture /,I.
(175) (a) /qar]l baeta-y turnakbo./ (cf. (135))
(the child-OP ran-away)
(b) lqarj bagtaq, tumkbo./’ (cf. ( 135))
(the child , ran-away)
‘The child ran away,’
(176) Bat.: (a) /hay qanak qay n~wayu+
(the child OP ran-away)
(b) /hay qanak, lIlUW@fTL/
(the child , tan-away)
In other langua s, like Hi!. and
juncture oc4x.m as order marker,
(177) HA : /qag ba*taq, nagda1aagan.l
(the child ) rat:tsawayi
*The child ratl away.’
(178) Mnh. : /kan baataq, migya-guy .I
(the child , ran-away)
$9 It seems that in Sml. this order is the normal order, for situi~tional wntenm at
least.
102 EltNESD3 CONSTANTiN
23.1, In Isn., any I& jvith the marker {si} cannot be placed befopfs
the ICI,. Also in Isn. and in some of the other languages, the markers of
the subject and the predicate change their form or are replaced by other
markers when their position is changed. Thus, for example in Isn., the
{di} of the subject of situational sentences is replaced by /quwad/ when
the subject is placed before the predicate.21) Compare (179) with (147).
(179) .Isn. : /quwad quga-d ya narl)an si magga.1 (cf. (147))
(th e child-DS OP ate IGM mango)
23.2. In Smb., the marker /ya/ may OCCNbefore the preposed subject
of situational sentences.
(180) Smb.: (a) /dakana*k-in, bay para*gan./ (cf. (146))

(child-DS 3 past run-awalr)
(b) /ya dakana-k-in, bay parasgan.1 (cf. (146))

(the child-DS , past run-away)
Also the definite suffix /-in/ may occur after the last word of the preposed
predicate of definite and indefinite sentences if the word does not already
have it.
(181) Smb.: (a) /ya bay paraegan, daka*nak./ (cf. (132))
(the past run-away, child)
v?) /ya bay paraagan-in, daka*nak./ (cf. (132))
(the past run-away-DS, child)
‘A child ran away.’
23.3. In 1301.,l&g., Itb., Itn., and Sfi., if the immediate constituents of

the possessive situational sentences are inverted, the possessive marker
before the marker of the subject noun is dropped ,and the possessive
pronoun in cross reference to the subject noun reappears after the
predicate.
(182) Bol. : /si balaesag Et maqin burak-na./ (cf. 15 1))

(the maiden OP possess flower-her)
. -
%*)Cf. S&xrer, op. cit., S-60. In Trig., the marker of the preposed predicate /ta/
is re@xzd by (di) and the defiaite suffix {-5) occurs immediately after the noun, verb
or adjective head ol: the predicate. If the head of the predicate is an active verb with
a goal complement, x a passive verb, &I/ remains.
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PWIILIPPINE LANCJUAGES 103
(183) Ibg. : /qim magigavney qe qigga lapp&r-na./ (cf. ( f 52))

(the maiden 0 P possess flower-her)
(184) Itb.: / nu k aenakan qa mavakes qam myan su SWUSaVUQ
(the young LP woman OP yossess P!?T flolwer

naq./ (cf. (153j)
her)
(185) Itn. : /sid balaasag k& qawad da sa*bur~ na./ (cf. (I 54))
(the maLlen OP possess PRT flower her)
3:186) Sfi. : /qi ba*lahag, waeday hambug-tu./ (cf. (155))

(the maiden , possess flower-her)
24. Non-predicative sentences
We describe here four types of IIon-predicative sentences: (a) the

existential, (b) the meteorological, (c) the descriptive. and I(d) the
temporal.2”j
24.1. An existential sentence consists of a possessive phrase (Le., the

predicate of possessive situational sentences) but without the possessive
pronoun and with or without a following locative complement.
(187) /mey ta*qo sa ba- hay./

(exist person LM-the house)
‘There is someone in the house.’
(188) /wala-rJ taeqo sa banhay.

(none-PRT person .LM-the house)
‘There is nobody in the house.’
(18% /mey dyas.,l

(exist god)
‘God exists.’
w3 /wala-g dyes./
(none-PRT god)
‘There is no god.’
24.2. A meteorological sentence consists of a verb belonging to F

--_I__
ar) Calls, greetings, interjections, excltimatory sentences, ‘completive’ or ‘impersonal-
anaphoric’ sentences. expressions of afirmation and negation, brusque or familiar
commands, etc. are excluded.’
closed class of verbs which state certain natural phenomena, usdy

meteorological ones. The sentence may occur with an adverb or a locative
complement, or both.
091) /qumuIan kah.a*pon sa meyni*hiq./

(rained yesterday EM-the Manila)
‘It rained yesterday in Manila.’
(192) /hum ;s-r$n nag malakas.1
(wind-blew PRT strong)
‘The wind blew strongly.’
(193) /lumindol./
(earth-quaked)
‘The earth quaked.’ or ‘There was an earthquake.’
24.3. A descriptive sentence consists of an adjective belonging to a

closed class of adjectives which describe certain natural phenomena
followed by an ad:rerb of time or a locative complement, or both.
(194) /madihm sa kusi-naq./

(dark LN-the kitchen)
‘It is dark in the kitchen.’
(195) /maIiwa-nag sa labas./

(bright LiKthe outside)
‘It is bright outside.’
(196) /maginaw kagabi./
(cold last-night)
‘It was cold last night.’
(19:;) /maqi enit sa pilipi*nas./

(h 0 t UWthe Philippines)
‘It is hot in the Philippines.’
24.4. A temporal sentence consists of a noun belonging to a class of

nouns that denote time or season. The sentence always has an adverb
of time and may also have a locative complement.
(198) /gabi n&l
(night already)
“It is night already.
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PHILIPP’.NE LANGUAGES 105
(199) /pasko n&l

(Christmas already)
‘It is Christmas already.‘
(200) lta9Gnan na ntiman.1

(planting-time again)
‘It is the planting season again.’
25. Compound septtevces

A compound sentence has two sentences (under one intonation pattern)
as KS. The two sentences arp joined together by a cortjt;nctiorr, which
is either co-ordinating oh subordinating. I$ the conjunction is a co-
ordinating one, the two sentences are in a struc~e of co-ordination.
(201) /natu*log qag dalagga aat aumuwi qar~ bina*taqJ
(slept - the - maiden
- and Kent- home the bachelor)
‘The maiden went to sleep and t”?c bachelor went home.’
One G both of the co-ordinate sentences ma)r be non-predicative.
(202) /qWquwi sa*na qar) bina=ta pemro qumulan./

(will-go-home PW the bachelor but rained)
‘The bachelor was about to go home but it rained.’
(203) /qumlr (.:G qat bumagyo.1

(rained and stormed)
‘It rained and stormed.’
If the conjunction is a subordinating conjunction, the two sentences
are in a structure of mod@wtion; the sentence which follows the sub-
ordinating conjuncti n, the subordinate sentenw, modifies the ether
sentence, the principal sentewe. Eat h of the twenty-six Philippine
languages has several subordilnating co njunctions.
(204) /qumuwi qag bina-ta nag lumubog qag qa*raw./

(went-horrz the bachelor when set the sun)
‘The bar,helor went home when thp sun set.’
Either one or both of the subordinate and principal sentences may be

non-predicat ivc.
(205) /qumuwi qag binaata nag qumulan.,

(went-home the bachelor when rained)
‘The bachelor went home when it rained.’
ERNEST0 CONSTAN-fINO
/qumulan nag qumuwi “;llaQ

binaetaq./
(rained when went-home the bachelor)
‘It rained when the bachelor went home.’
4
/bumaha nag qumultin./

(flooded when rained)
‘It flooded when it rained.’
26. Complex sentences

A complex sentence is formed when another sentence occurs ‘embedded’
in another sentence. The embedded sentence is called the constituent
sentence and the ‘embedding’ sentence the matrix sen&we?) There are
t:Ho types of complex sentences according to the function of the con-
stituent sentence.24)
(a) The constituent sentence is the goal of the verb of the matrix
sentence. The matrix sentence is always an active definite sentence. The
constituent sentence occurs after the verb of the matrix sente Ice preceded
by the ligative particle. Only certain verbs can occur with a constituent
sentence as goal.
(208) /qag ba*ta qag nagsa*bi-r) qumuwi qarJ bina*taq./

(the child the said-M went-home the bachelor)
‘It was the child who said that the bachelor went home.’
The constituent sentence may be non-prtzdicative.

(209) /qarJ bamtaqag nagsaebi-rJqumu1an.j
(the chiid the said-U rained)
‘It was the child who said that it rained.’
(2 10) /qag ba*ta qag nagsaebi-g mey taeqo sa baghay./

(the child the said&P exist person LM-the house)
‘It was the child who said that there was somebody in the house.’
The constituent sentence may be a compound sentence,
es.)Cf. EmmonBach,An lntroductbn to Trartsformational G~wmm~.~, New York,

1964,75.
*9 entences in which the verb of the matrix sentence is like Tag.: /nagtanorJ/
‘nlrked’and the constituent sentence is preceded by the particle meaning ‘if’, like Tag.:
lku0f, have inadvertently been omitted in tiris paper.
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PMt.LIPPIPJE LANGUAGES IQ7
(211) /qaq ba-ta qarI) nagsa-hi-g natu-log qal) dakga qat qumuwi
(the child the said-LP slept the maiden an4 went-home
qag binaQq.1
the bachelor)
‘It was the child who said that the maiden went to sleep und the
bachelor went home.’
(2I2) /qag ba*ta qag nagsa-bi-g qumulan nag qumuwi qa!J

(the child the said-U rained when went-home the
bina*taq./
bachelor)
‘It was the child who said that it rained when the bathe lor wet I
home.”
(b) The constituent sentence is the subject of the matrix y:.t;:ntence.This

type of complex sentences is a passive transform oi the first type. The
matrix sentence may be it passive dcrrBm;Fsentence, in which case thd
subject constituent sentence occurs after the predicate of the matrk
sentence preceded by the order particle.
(213) /qag sina-bi nal3 baeta-y qumuwi qarJ bina*taq./ (cf. (208))
(the said PAM-the chM-QP went-home the bachelor)
‘It was said by the child that the bachelor went home.’
(214) /qag sinaebi nag ba*ta-y c;r?mulan./ (cf. {209))

(the said PAM-the child-QP ramed)
‘It was said by the child that it rained.’
The matrix sentence may be a passive situational sentence, in which case

the subject constituent sentence occurs after the predicate of the matrix
sentence prf reded by the ligative particle.
(2 15) /sina+i nag ba*ta-g qumuwi qag binc;Uq./ (cf. (213))

(said PA M-the child-U went-home the bach&f ;
‘The child said that the bachelor went home.’
(216) /sina*bi nau b;r*ta-rl) qumulan.:’ (cf. (2 14))

(said PA M-t he child-LP rained)
‘The child said that it rained.’
There are three subtypes of the second type of complex sentences which
are not transforms of the first type. In the first of these subtypes, the
matrix sentence is an adjectival situational sentence. Only a few
108 ERNEST0 CONSTANTIN
adjectives, like Tag. : /totoqo/ ‘true’, /maqa*qa*riq/ ‘possibr J’, ,mstlamag/

‘probable’, and /siguraedo/ ‘certain, sure’. can occur as the predicate
adjective of the matrix senten&. The 6~Lj~t Constituent sentence occurs
after the predicate preceded by the ligative particle.
(217) /totoqo-9 qumulan nag qumuwi qag bina+aq./
(true43 rained when went-home the bachelor)
‘It is true that it rained when the bachelor went home.’
(218j /sigura*do-rj nabasa qa:g binataq./
(certain43 got-w:: the bachelor)
‘It is certain that the bachelor got w&’
In the second subtype, the matrix sentence is an adjectival definite
sentence. Again only a few adjectives, like Tag. : /mabuti/ ’
and /masamaq/ ‘bad’, call occur as the predicate adjective of the matrix
sentence. The subject constituent sentence occurs after the predicate
preceded by the order particle.
(2 19) /qag*mabuti-y dumatirJ qag pariq./’
(the good-QP arrived the priest)
‘The good thing was that the priest arrived.’
(220) /qag masama-y qumulan nary malakas./
(the bad-W rained P!? ,?ong)
‘The bad thi,n ; :a*~ that it rained strongly.’
The third subtype is : transform of the second subtype. It is formed by
dropping the predicate marker of the second subtype sentence and re-
placing the order particle by another particle, like Tag.: {qatj (I-t/ after
a vowel and /sat/ after a consonant) meaning ‘for the reason that,
because’.
(221)/ma buti-t dumatig qarg pariq./ (cf. (229))
(good-for-the..reason-that arrived the priest)
‘It is good that the pries. arrived.’
(222) /masama-t qumulan nag m&&as./ (cf. (220))
(bad.-for-the-reason-that rained PRT strong)
‘It is bad that it rained strongly.’
III. TRANSFORMATIONAL
ANALYSIS
This transformational analysis26)deals only with the simple predicative

06) For this part of the paper, the following works were consulted : Woam Chamsky,
sentences analysed in Fart I1 af this paper. It has ken WMX! ~QI-the
main purpuse of showing in a caear and COrlCiseform (a) the structural
onship of the sian gredic6tive $enterI;::Csin the twentv-six
the syntactic simiiaritics and diRkr
oreover, this is an attcmp9 be construct 2 single
4,Tansformation form sf the tweldy+ix
s3zctions: (a) Phrase ,Ca’trw6u~osand (b) l‘hms-

formtatha~ Srsr~tsrr~. Each af the two sections cmsists of rules; these
MC the grammatical rutcs which are used to generate s enees, The rules
in the Phrase Structure section which list the me s uf moryheme
classes have en excluded, except for a vcr1yfew with two or three
1Pt, ,,.I- .1- ACrt, CA,, .

1 iI& I U153 iaJC U1 LIIF JUJ JlJ. ti + f5,
r, *I..
113 tir”
pfirase Qr;jciute s&qian, ihis
rule is tc be interpreted: ‘rewrite a as b’, CT ‘b is an 2. Zn the Trans-

formational StrucWe section, dhk rule is to interpreted: ‘a becomes b
by structural change’ or ‘B is derived from u’. Every symbol used in
each rule is glossed immediately after the ruie where it first appears.
The rules are to be applied in the order given. Parenthesized symbols
may be chosen or not. If all the syrxlbois are parenthesizeci, at least one
of them must be chosen; the instruction for this is ‘choose one’.
The Phrase Structure rules generate the abstract strings that underlie
the simple non-passive definite sentences as des~ri d in Part 11 of this
paper. These are the kernel sentences, Thl* rransformdona1 rules
generate the abstract strings which underik tLe other sentences; these
are the derived sentenws, or t~~~firrns.
Eacit transformational rule has two parts. Tfie first part is the
Structurd Description (SD) which specifies ahe class of strings to whkh
the rule applies. The second part specifies the St~rrc~urtrfC’~JFI~~ (SC)
by means of X with subscript numbers,
All the Phrase Structure rules are obhgatory ; they must be applied
SvrrtucticSfrwttdres,The Hague, t964; “A Tramformationa1 Approach to Syrtti~x’ in I

Third Tents corlfcrreflceOHProblem of Llngui.W Attd_W~ irt Etzglidt, cd. Ar&ibdd
A. Hill, Austin, 1962. E. Bach, op. cit. ; Rsbwt B, Lees, 7J”re Grammr of Engdish
Nomidizatisns (Indiana U.Remarch Center in Anthropology, FoSkiore, and Lin-
guistics,Publication 12; identical with IJAL, 26, 3, II), Blmni~~tar~, 1960; Jerrotd
J. Katz and Paul M. Postal, An Integrated Theory qf Unguisstie Descriptims, Cambridge,
Mass., 1964.
*@)Obvisurrly, this sketch is just a fragment of the grammar. Marc languages will
be added as soon as the necessary data are available.
1lcI ERNESTQ CONS~AN’I’INO
when generating sentences. Some of the transformational rules are

obligatory, the others optional. The obligatory transformational rules
are staried.
Some of the rules apply to particular languages only, These are
distinguished from the others by putting immediately after their number
or description the names of the languages to which they apply.
One or two examples are given after each transformational rule to
&ow how the rule operates. In the examples, the morphophonemic
changes have been made in order to make them more intelligible. For
example, the definite &5x (Ds) which is placed before the word with
which it occurs by the Phrase Structure rules will be suffixed to the word
in the examples.
A, Phrase structure
Given : #Sentence#
# : sentence boundary
1. Sentence -+ NP + PRED
NP: noun phrase, PRED: predicate.
AV (C)
ADJ
2. PRED -+ PM + CN
I PP
AV: active vertj, C : complement, ADJ: adjective, CN : common
noun, PP : particulate phrase.
3. AV + AF -b VB
AF: active affix, VB: verb base.
4. VB + TM -+-VS
TM: tense/aspect and mode, VS: verb stem.
5. TM + TA + MD (MA:!
TA: tense/aspect, MD: mode., MA: ability.
CI (LC) G)
6. C + RAC (LC)
1 (LC) (AC) ‘choose one’
LC: locative complement, RAC: reciprocal actor complement, AC:
agentive complement.
VSI in envi. -C1 . . .
7. vs --$I VS2 in envi. -(LC)
I VS3 in envi. -RAC . . .
1 VS4 in envi. -(LC) AC . . ,,
SENTENCE PATTERNS iN PHILOPPI;L:ELANGUt'.GES 111
8.
CM : csmplenrrent marker.
9. CB--) (BC) fK) ‘crhooseone’
BC: benefactive complement, IC : instrumental ~omplernent.
PR
10. PP-, PL
I PS
PR : prepositional phrase, PL: locational phra:;e, PS : possessive
phrase.
11. PR --) PREP -1 EC
PREP : preposition.
12. PL -+ LXX + LC
1 fW*
I-IVX4. Idvviktir\naL
&“VUC.VULU f>&rt,i&.
I?. PS PSP + CN
--+
PSP: possessive partit le phrase.

DGM in ewi, -NP
14. C’M+ f
‘IIGM
DGM: definite goal marker, 1GM : indefinite goal marker.
NP
95. LC -+ LM +-
ADJ except in envi.
LM : locative marker.
16. RAC: + RAM -+ NP
RAM : reciprocal actor marker.
17. AC-+AM+NP
AM : agentive marker.
18. BC-+BM+NP
BM : benefstctive marker.
19. IC+IM-+-NP
IM : instrumenta b n arker.
20 NP-+NM+N
NM: noun marker.
21.
PN: proper noun.
22. CN -+ ;f
c
AN: animate noun, IN: inanimate noun.

PNM in envi. -PN
23. NM+ CNM
1 DEM
PNM: proper noun marker, CNM: common noun marker, DEN:
demonstrative.
@ in envi. AM-
24. Isn. : CNM +
I 0 + {-ad)
25. Kap.: CNM -+ J /sw
\/4id + ma except in envi. #-
ya -j- /-in/ in envi.
26. Smb.: CNM +
Ya
{di} in envi. AM-
27. Tng.: CINM --)
@>
(di} + -5
i in envi. -
PREP
I
28. Isn.: PM
B. Transformations
I
--) {di} + {-ad} InaYidI ‘none’
{si >
l.* Addition of possessive pronoun: Abk., Boi., Ibg., Ilk., Isn., Itn., Itb.,
Ivt., Mal., Prig., Sfi., Sml., Tng., Yog.
SD: (NP, PM, PS)
SC: X,-_&--X3 -9 NPi-X,-Xs + PPri,
where PPr stands for the possessive/passive pronoun and there is
cross reference between PPri and NPi.*‘) Example:
Tbg.: /qim magigaaney qi qigga lappaw. -+
(the maiden the possess flower)
/qim magigaeney qi qigga lappAw-na.1
2. Goal passive
NP
SD: (NP, PM, AF, VB, X, GM, CN , Y)
I[ ADJ I
s7)Since an NP in this paper is always singular, the PPr is always the third person
singular pronoun.
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PMiLlPPlNE LANGtJAGES 113
where X and Y stand for gily string, including the ‘nuli’ string,
and GM stands for either DGM or IGM.

SC: x~-x~-xIp-x~-x~-xfj-xy-x*-+
xv- X%- G&F + x1 + PAM +- x1 -- X6 - X8
GPF : goal passive affix, PAM : passive actor marker.
Ex.: /qag ba$a qalg kumaqqin sa mafJga./ -+
(the child the ate DGM-the mango)
“It was the child who ate the mango.’
lqarJ magga qag kinaeqin nag baetaq.1
(the mango the eaten PAWthe child)
“It was the mango which was eaten by the child.’
3. Locative passive:
except in Ter.
SD: Same as 2, exe that LM ap=pearsinstepd of ~jll4bijl
and only N?
and ADJ appears after LM anc3 no DGC sppears in the string.
SC: Same as 2, with 1,PF (locative passive a&%) in place of GPF.
Ex.: /qarJ binaeta qag bumili nag bulaklak sa baataq.1 --+
(the bachelor the bought IGIM flower LM-the child)
“It was the bachelor .who bought some flowers from the child.’
/qag bas>taqag binilhan nag binabta nag bulaklak./
(the child the bought PAM-the bachelor KM flower)
‘It was the chiW from whom the bachelor bought some flowers.”
4. Benefactivepassive: except in Ter.

SD: Same as 2, except that BM appears instead of GM and only EdP
appears after BM and IGC appears instead of DGC.
SC: Same as 2, with BPF (benefactive passive affix) in place of GPF.
Ex.: jqag binaeta qan bumilli nag bulaklak paera sa dala0ga.l --+
(the maiden the bought IGIV flower BlW-the maiden)
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers for the maiden,’
/qag dala-ga qag qibiniii nag binaata nan bulaklak.!
(the maiden the bought PAM-the bachelor IGhf flower)
‘It was the maiden who was bought some flowers by the bachelor*.”
5. Instrumental passive
SD: Same as 2, except that liM appears instead of GM and only NP
appeals after IM.
SC: Same as 2, with IPF (instrumental passive affix) in place of GPF.
114 ERNEST0 CQNSTANTINO
EL: /qarg binata qag pumurol sa kabhoy sa pamamagi*tan nag

(the bachelor the cut DGM-the wood IM-the
qitak.1 --+
bolo)
‘It was the bachelor who cut the wood by means of the bolo.’
/qag qitak qag qipinamutoi nag bina*ta sa kamhoy./
(the bolo the cut PAM-the bachelor DGM-the wood)
‘It was the bolo which was used by the bachelor in cutting the wood,’
6. Reciprocal actor passive: except in Ter.

SD: Same as 2, except that RAM appears instead of GM and only NP
appears after RAM.
SC: Same as 2, with RAPF (reciprocal actor passive affix) in place of
GPF.
Ex. : /qag bina*ta qan nakipagqusap sa dala*ga./ -+
(the bachelor the talked h,4M=the maiden)
‘It was the bachelor who talked with the maiden.’
/qalg dalaega qan kinaqusap nag bina*taq./
(the maiden the talked PAM-the bachelor)
‘It was the maiden with whom the bachelor talked.’
7. Agentive passive
SD: Same a3 2, except that AM appears instead of GM and only NP
appear after AM.
SC: Same as 2, with APF (agentive passive affix) in place of GPF.
Ex. : /qan hari qan namatay sa mal&=ya./ -+
(the king the died A M-the malaria)
/qag malBrya qan qikinamatay nag ha*riq./
(the malaria the died PAM-the-.king)
‘Malaria caused the death of the king.’
8. * Deletion of nuun mai=ker

SC: (NM, ADJ, PM, PV, Y)
PV: passive verb.
SD: x, - x, - x, - x, - x, -+ xp - x3 - x, - x,
Ex. : ,/qa;J baeta qan qumupo sa malaay0q.j --+
(the child the sat LM-the far)
SENTENCE PATTERNS IN PHIL1IPPINE LANGUAGES 115
(by rule 3) +
/qarj malaoyo qag qinipuqan nary ba*taq./ -+
(the far the sat k”,4M-the child)
/mala*yo qag qinipuqan nary ba9taq.j
‘Where the child sat was far away.’
9,+ Deletion of DS: isn.

SD: (NP, PM, DS, PV, Y)
.
SC: x~-x*--x~-x4,-x5 -+ x, - x, - x* - x,.
Ex. : Jquga-d di naga-n-dd si magga-d./ -+
(child-5s thc3ate-IS DG M-the mango-DS)
“it was the child who :.:e the mango.’
(by rule 2) -+
/maqga-d di qinnaan-ad di qurja-CL/
(mango-DS the eaten-DS Pii M-the: child- 05)
jmagga-d di qiman di auna-d
1 --2 -- --‘I/
(mang+DS the eaten PAM-the child)
‘It was the mango which was eaten by the chiid.’
10.* Aldditinnqf’passive pronoun: Kap.

SD: (NP, PM, PV, PAC, Y)
SC: X:1-&-X3-X,-X,-+ X,-X,-X3 +- PPrz -i PACj-X,,
where PPr stands for the passive pronoun and there is cross reference
between PPri and PACf.
Ex.: /qirJ qanak qig r;le*rl)ankir) maQga./ -+
(by rule 2)
/qirj marl)ga qig pe*f3annirJ qanak./ -+
(the mango the eaten PAM-the child)
/qig magga qig pe.rja* na nirj qanak./
(the nkango the eaten by-him P-&V-the child)
“It was the mango which was eatt:n by the child.’
SC: X1 - X, - X, -+ X, j-- /-in/ - X, -- X,

Ex. : /ya lella*q-in qiya bay qamilliq sump~~ ma daka*nak./ -=+
(the bachelor-DS the past buy flower U&the child) ’
‘It was the bachelor who bought some flowers from the child.’
(by rule 3) --*

/ya dakanak qiya bay binilliqhan qeq lella*q-in sumpiq./ +
(the child the past buy PA&i-the bachelor-W’ flower)
‘It was the child from whom the bachelor bought some flowers.’
/ya dakanaek-in qiya bay binilhhan qeq lellaq-in sump&/
(the childaDS the past buy PA&&thebachelur-DSflower)
‘It was the child from whom the bachelor bought some flowers.’
12. LO,YS
oj7.U: Smb.
SD: (ya, -in, N, PRM +a X)
SC: x1-xz-x~-x*-+ x,--x3--x*
Ex. : /ya dakanamk-in qiya bay para*gan,/ -+
(the child-DS the past run-away)
I ‘It was the child who ran away.’
iya dakanak qiya bay para*gan./
(the child the pa.st run-away)
13. Optional position of IGC: Tau.

SD: (X, V, Y, IGC, Z)
where V stands for verb and IGC for the indefinite goal complement
with zero marker.
SC: X,-X2-X3-X*-X5 3 x,-x~-x,-X~-x~
Ex. : /qin subul qin nami sumpig para ha bujas./ 3
(the bachelor the bought flower &i&the maiden)
‘It was thz bachelor who bought some flowers for the maiden.’
(by rule 4) +
/qin bujag qin biniehan sin subul sump@./ +
(the maiden the bought PAM-the bachelor flower)
/qin bujag qin binighan sumpirJ sin subul./
(the maiden the bought flower PAM-the bachelor)
14. Indefinite sentence:
SD: (NM, CN, PRED)

where the PM of PRED in Isn. is nrzt {si}.
SC: xi-x2-x3 + x2-x3
Ex.: /qag ba*ta qax~tumakbo.1 +

/b23*caqag tumakb./
(child the ran-sway)
‘It was a child who ran away.’
SD: (N, PRED)

SC: x1-x*-, Na -j- Wrr-X,
whore NPr sta,nds f x the nor’ .inativc pronoun and there is cross
reference between Ni and NPrl.
Ex. : /qig qrinsak qig me*rjan kirj marJga./ -+
‘It was the child who ate the mangp.’
(by rule 14)
/qanak qirJ me*gan kig magga./ -+
jqanak ya qig meatjan kig ma!Iga*/
(child he the ate DGM-the mango)
‘It was a child who ate the mango.’
16. Deletion of nominative pronoun: Kap.
SD: (IN, NPr, PRED)

SC: x~--xg-x~I’x~-x~
Ex. : /qig qanak qig memgankig magga./ -+
(the child the ate DGM-the: mango)
(by rule 2)
/qirJ maQga qirJ pega* nig qan&./ --+
(the mauga the eaten P U&the child)
(by rule 20)
/qig magga qig pe.rl)a*na nig yani.tk,l --)
(the mango the eaten by-him PAM-the child)
(by rule 14)
/marjga qiq pe*ga. na niq qan;tk./ +
(mango the eaten by-him PAM-the child)
‘It was a mango that was eaten by the child.’

(by rule 15)
/magga ya qig pe*iJa*na nig qanak./ --)
(mango it the eaten by-him PAWthe child)
‘It was a mango which was eaten by the child’
/maqga qin pe*rja*na niIj qanak./
(mango the eaten by-him .PAWthe child)
‘It was a mango which was eaten by the child.’
17. Situational sentence

SD: (NP, PM, PRED)
where no DGC appears in PRED, /-in/ does not occur with NP in
Smb, and PM is {si} in Isn.
SC: x, - X2 - x3 --) x, - x,
Ex. : /qag ba*ta qag tumakbo./ +
/tumakbo qan ba0taq.l
18.” Addition ,of flOiVii;lc,PtiVt?

pronoun: Bol.
r \
SD: AV .
ADJ
*N b-X-NF
PR
LOC
SC: X1 - X2 - X3 + X1 + NPrl - X8 - NPi
Ex. : /si qanak qa nalayu./ +
(by rule 17)
/nalayu qa qa;:ak./ +
/nalayu ya-y qanak./
(ran-away he-the chiid)
19.’ Addition ufnlnmimrtivepronoun: Kap.
SC: X1 - XI - x3 --) Y, -t_ NPrl - X2 - NPr

Ex. : /qig qanak qig miiayi.f -+
(the chiid the: ran-away)*
‘Ht was the: child who ran away.’
(by rule 17)
/milayi qig qanak./ ,-+
I_-!*-__’ ya qig qanak.1
ptlayt
(ran-away he the AGd)
‘Ti:e child ran away.’
20.* PoSitisn of hde#nite goal compkment: Ka p.

SD: (X, V + (PP.*)NPr, Y, TGC, Z)
SC: X~-x*-x&v-X*-X~-, X,--X’) -+-,l-rj/ --+-x,-x,-x5
EL: /qirj qanak qig me+gan marJga.1 2
‘It was the child who ate a mango.’
(by rule 17)
/me*xJanma#ogaqig qanak./ -+
( te mango the child)
(shyrule X9)
/me*tJan ya rnagga qirl qanak,/ --+
(a te he mango the child)
/me*gan ya-g magga qirJ qanak,/
(tae he=!]mango the child)
Ex.: /qig qanak qig sienali sampaga pa*ra kin dala*g~./ --i
(the child the bought fTower BM-the; mai&zn)
‘It was the chiId who bought some flowers for the maiden,’
(by rule 4)
/qig daTa*gaqig se*li nitJ qanak sampa*ga./ -+
ERNEST0 CONSTANTINO
(the maiden the bought PAM-the child flower)

((by rule 10)
,tS;g dalaga qig se%- na nirJ qanak samyaaga./ --)
([the maiden the bought by-him PAM-the child flower)
,tqiTJdalawgr qiQ seali* na-rj sampaega nig qanak.1
(the maiden the bought by-him-g flower PAM~the child)
“It was the maiden vvho was bought some flowers by the child.’
21.* Change ofnutcn

marker: Isn.
SD: .(PRED, 0, {-a.d},N)
SC: :X1- Xz - X, - X4 -+ X1 - {di1 + X3 - X4
Ex.: /qurJa-d si nanagtag.1 -+
!(child-DSthe ran-away)
‘It was the child who ran away’
r(byrule 17)
,/nanagtag qunja-d./ +
(ran-away child-DS)
/nanagtag di qurja-d./
(ran-away the child-DS)
‘The child ran awa!r.’
22.* Deletion of noun mvker: Smb6

SII: (PREZ), /ya/, /-in/, N)
SC: x1 - x* - x, - x0 -+ X, - x3 - x, .
Ex. : /ya dakanaek-in qiya bay paramgan.1--)
(the child-DS the past run-away)
(by rule 17)
/3ay paraegan ya dakanamk-in./ 3
(past run-away the child-DS)
/bay paraegan dakanaa k-in./
(past run-away child-DS)
‘The chitd ran away.’
23. Subject position
SD: [;;+p~(+*- WI?,
where X = any complement except th:: IGC with zero marker.

SC: x1--x~-xs --) X1--X~--X~
lapp$w-na i -+
(the maidefi the pssess flower-her)
‘It is the rnCden who has some flowers.’
ov de 17)
/q&a lapp&w-naqim magixl)a~y./ -+
(possess flower-her the maiden)
/q&a lappaw mm magigagney./
(possess flower of-the:maiden)
‘The maiden has some flowers.‘
SD: (NP, PRED)

(CN, PREB)
(X9 XIJP)
where X =+
SC: X~-X,-+X,+c3Qha -t-xi

EIL: /tumrrkbo qag baetaq.1--+
/qag baota-y tumakibo./
(the child&V ran-away)

26.* Loss of possessive marker and addition of possessive pronotm: Bol.,

Ibg., Itb,, Itn., Sfi.
SD: (SM, NM, N, OM, PS)
SC: X1-X3--X3-X4-X6--+ X8-Ni-X4-X6 +PPti
Example :
Ibg. : /qigga lappaw nam magiqaney./ +
(by rule 25)
/nam magigaeney qe qigga 1appaw.l +
(of-the maiden Oh4 possess flower)
iqim magiganey qe qigga lappaw-na./
(the maiden OM possess flower-her)
27. Addition of /ya/: Smb.

SD: (/-in/, N, OM, PRED)
SC: X,-X,-X3-X4 + /ya/ + XL--XT1-X3-X4
Ex.: /bay paraegan dakana*k.-in./ +
(past run-away child-DS)
(by rule 25)
/dakan.a k-in, bay para l
l gan.1 -+
(child-DS OM past run-away)
/ya dakanaek-in, bay paraagan.1
(the child-DS OM past run-away
28. Addition oj’l-in/ : Smb.

SD: (/qiya/, X, OM, NP)
7
SC: X1-X2-X3-X4 -+ X, +/-in/-X,-X,-X,
EL : /daka*nak qiya bay paragan./ +
(child the past run-away)
‘It was a child who ran away.’
(by rule 25)
/qiya bay paramgan, dakane.k./ --+
. r
X
c4
#ix
11. beg @tn.) (It), (86), (951, (f54), (159, (185).

12. Ivatan (ht.) (102), (114).
13. Kapampangan ( Kap.) (181,(36h (46)_(5@, (5%-o-(h (661, (6% (74h(W, (961,
(133)-(1342, ii X’t. fl45), (1_cil)<l69).
14, Malaweg (Mal.) (103),(115).
15, h’ianobo (Mnb.) (178).
16. Par&a&an (pae.) (88h (971.
17. Sama Bangingi (Smb.) (161,(371,(4% WW (14% (18WWW.
18. samal (Sml.) (12)-(13), (38), 1117), (123), (141).
19. Sebwno (Seb.) (8% (98).
20. Pia. Fe Igorot (Sfi.) (116), (U2), (159, (160), (186).
21. Tausug (T;au.) (4% (60, (142).
22. Ternak (‘hr.) (3% (143).
23. Tinguian <Trig.) (15h t24)_(25), (3lH34h N), (9%
24. Waray (War.) (~oQ%
25. Ylanon (Yin.) w, ww
26. Yogad (Yog.) (105), (118).

Constantino The Sentence Patterns of 26 Philippine Languages

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Constantino The Sentence Patterns of 26 Philippine Languages

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Lingua 15 (1965) 71-124, 8 North-Holland PuMshing Co.

THE SENTENCE PATTERNS OF TWENTY-SIX

The main purpose of this paper*) is to i&senr a constituent analysis

The twenty-six Philippine ianguages anzlysed in this paper are:

Hiiigaynon (Hil.), Xbanag(Jbg.), Ilukano (Ilk.), Isinai (Isn.), ltbayat (Itb.),

4, Lf?ngth and StreSS

At least one phoneme of vowel length and one phoneme of stress

Four pifch k-4~: 10~ / I/, mid

An utterance in anj of the twenty-six Philippine languages

‘The child ran away.’

An incomplete utterance ends with a sustained terminal juncture, as in

Any utterance has two immediate constituents: the intonation pattern

The stretch over which a single intonation contour extends is a macro-

(5) Tag.: /tumakbo qan baataql/

There are four kinds of intonation patterns according to their final

The sustained intonation pattern ends either with /(2)321/, as in (3), or

The nucleus of an utterance may have one macrosegment, as that of (1) ;

In the following constituent analysis of t:le major sentence patterns of

in the *pasttense’ or ‘completed aspect’ form. Each of tbe sentences is

According to their constituent structure, the declarative sentences in

12. Simple sentences

A simple sentence is either a predicative conwuction consisting or a

13. Definite sentences

or proper. The common article and demonstratives occur with CO~WUMZ

13.1. In some of the languages, like Tag., a ligative particle (LP)

(19) /qito-9 beta qatl tumakbo./

(12) SmL : Jqanakqanak qiti qiya bay para*gan./

jta/ with which the definite suffix&es

(14) Isn..: /quga-d . si nana.gtag./

(I 5) Tng.: /di qanak-25 ta nagMay./

(16) Smb.: (a) /ya ciakanaek-in qiya bay para*gan./

14. Verbal sentences

15. Active sentences

(18) Kap. : /gig qanak qig milayi./

16.1. The complement head may be a noun phrase, a common noun,

(22) /qaQ binasta qaq‘bumili nag bulaklak sa bastaq.1

(23) /qag ba*ta qag qumupo sa mala=yoq./

The complement markers and the noun markers are indistinguishably

(24) Tng.: /di kaqitaequ-w5 ta gummi=na ta sabsaebug kan-di

(25) Tng.: /di qanaak-5 ta nagtugaw kan-di qadayu./

16.3. If the complement marker is the definite goal marker, as in (26);

(216) /qag ba*ta qag kumaaqin sa ma0ga.l

(27) /qag binaata qag burnili nag bulaklak pa*ra sa dala*ga./

(28) /qar~binata qax~pumutol nag kaehoy sa pamamagitan nag qitak.1

(2% /qag bina*ta qan nakipagquesap sa

(35) Abk. : /qi dadiqdaediq qi qagkakan marjga.1

(37) Mb.: /ya dakan,a%in qiya bay qamarjan mampallam,,

(38) Sml.: /qanakqa*nak qiya bay mqsn quwanni.1

(39) Ter. : /qel mutsatsu qel ya kome mQ

In Tau., the indefinite goal marker is either /sin,’ or zero.

(41) Isn.: /qurJa-d si nagan si ma!@@=d.1

(421 Isn, : /beyuntaku*-wad si rlantaliw si tavurj pa.r611-tmart

(43) lsn. : /beyuntaku*-wad si nantaliw si tavurJ si yurJa-cf./

(44) Isn.: jlneyuntaktie-wad si nisavz.yat si mariqi+ad./

(45) Smb- : /ya dakana-k-in qiya bay qama-gan ma

(46) Kap.: (a) /qirl qanak qig me-gan kitj ma?Jga-/

(47) Kap. : (a) jqir3Jbainlau qirJ se-h sampaega kig qanak./

(49) Kap. : (a) /qig baintau qig me-kisaabi kig dala*ga./

(b) /qig baintiu qig mekisa*bi dals*pa./

(50) Kap. : (a) /qig qa-si qig mete Kirk maUrya./

17. Active verb subclasses

According to the 6-t’mplements weich occur with them either obhgatorrty

(27) /qag binaata qag burnili nag bulaklak para sa dalaga./

(b) /qig baintiu qig mekisabi dalspa./

(89) Seb.: /qatJ dawgaqalg naqa-y bUWidC,,/

(92) Bkl. : /qan daraga qan daqi-rl) burak./

/bata yag kumaqin nag magga./ (cf. (20))

/magga qarl) kinaqirnnag bataq./ (cf. (Wj

(180) Smb.: (a) /dakanak-in, bay paragan./ (cf. (146))