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Queercore Subcultural Tensions Resistanc
Queercore Subcultural Tensions Resistanc
On December 17, 1993, pop/rock music critic for The Guardian, Caroline Sullivan, wrote an
account of London’s relatively new queerpunk movement, Queercore, entitled “Queer to the
Core.” Juxtaposed against popular music’s “colourful, eccentric, lovable” “handful of gay stars,”
Sullivan emphasized that Queercore was “a radical gay music movement with attitude” which
rejected the former group’s music and politics while ironically resenting the erasure of
Queercore coverage from mainstream gay and lesbian publications, such as the Gay Times.2 This
negative portrayal of tensions within the LGBTQ community resulted in a letter to the editor by
Colin Richardson, Assistant Editor of the Gay Times, who not only defended the publication
against this accusation, but also demanded an apology from Sullivan, who he felt had misread
these tensions – “We cannot cover everything and everybody. We therefore make choices.” –
and lacked knowledge of queer musicians – “In order to claim that the number of ‘openly gay’
pop stars can be counted on the fingers of one hand, Sullivan has made herself look silly.”3
While I acknowledge that there are areas in which Sullivan’s condensed history of the
beginnings of Queercore may be lacking – apart from Richardson’s gripes, the journalist also
oddly spent more time discussing non-Queercore bands, such as Tongue Man and RPLA, than
London’s arguably most important Queercore band, Sister George, and featured a photo of
Queen’s Freddie Mercury in concert rather than an image of an actual Queercore artist – I cannot
feasibly dismiss this article, Sullivan, or The Guardian’s overall importance to the Queercore
1
A playlist has been provided for the music discussed in this dissertation: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?
list=PLeha6wI-aANZxwlXM7N1eTJrlP7RqC-AX
2
Caroline Sullivan, “Queer to the Core,” The Guardian, December 17, 1993.
3
Colin Richardson, “Letter: Queercore,” The Guardian, December 22, 1993.
1
scene in London. Sullivan’s article marked the first time a mainstream publication – and a
highly read one, at that – acknowledged London’s Queercore movement. The article was
actually promoted a day earlier in The Guardian and marked as a highlight: “Caroline Sullivan
analyses an exciting and militant musical trend which articulates lesbian and gay anger.”4 In
addition, Sullivan and The Guardian continued to support the movement, albeit sparsely,
throughout the 90s – i.e. a review of Sister George’s record, Drag King,5 and various notices
promoting Queercore shows. Finally, Sullivan is to be credited for highlighting the growing
tensions between the Queercore scene and the gay and lesbian mainstream, which were prevalent
despite Richardson’s protests: “‘queercore’ has become a touchstone for any young homosexual
alienated by traditional gay culture.”6 However, one can still empathize with Richardson’s final
words which articulated his frustration: “There’s a good article to be written about queercore.
Unfortunately, Richardson would have to wait nearly twenty years for such media
coverage. In the two decades since Sullivan’s Queercore article, mentions of the underground
movement in mainstream publications, particularly in the UK, have remained few and far
between, though there were a few notable articles in the music publication NME and the LGBTQ
magazine The Advocate, written by the late Adam Block. However, nineteen years later, Adam
Rathe’s rather nostalgic, yet important article – similarly titled, “Queer to the Core”8 – was
published in Out Magazine, a popular LGBTQ magazine in the United States. Rathe interviewed
4
“Tomorrow in 2 The Guardian,” The Guardian, December 16, 1993.
5
Caroline Sullivan, “Gothic Grunge: Rock/Pop,” The Guardian, February 25, 1994.
6
Sullivan, “Queer to the Core.”
7
Richardson, “Letter: Queercore.”
8
Adam Rathe, “Queer to the Core,” Out Magazine, April 12, 2012.
2
several writers and musicians who had innovated or supported Queercore two decades earlier in
Canada, the US, and the UK, ranging from queerzine artist and musician G.B. Jones of the band
Fifth Column to Jon Ginoli of Pansy Division to Billy Joe Armstrong of Green Day. He
subtitled his project “an oral history of the movement that changed the world (whether you knew
it or not).”9 To anyone who had heard either little or nothing about Queercore before, and I
admittedly count myself amongst this group, Rathe’s opening assertion might appear grandiose,
premature, or simply confusing: if Queercore was so important, why does no one talk about it?
This was certainly my reaction when I happened upon this article two years ago. As such, this
project has served to examine what Queercore was, as well as its asserted social and political
Sophie Fuller and Lloyd Whitesell outline in their book, Queer Episodes in Music and Modern
Identity, a relation between musicality and queerness through an “outsider discourse,” which
emphasizes the idea that queer subcultures were generally made possible during the twentieth
century by postmodern conditions of urban societies.10 As Max H. Kirsch states, through this
which, quoting Terry Eagleton, fosters “a style of culture which reflects something of this
eclectic pluralistic art which blurs the boundaries between ‘high’ and ‘popular’ culture, as well
9
Rathe, “Queer to the Core.”
10
Sophie Fuller and Lloyd Whitesell, “Introduction: Secret Passages,” in Queer Episodes in Music and
Modern Identity, edited by Sophie Fuller and Lloyd Whitesell (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2002), 4-5.
3
as between art and every-day experience.”11 The development of Queercore punk scenes in
major English-speaking Western cities during the late 1980s, then, reflects this theory, as this
political, and musical change. Growing out of the gender-bending glam rock of the 1970s, and a
decade marked by crisis between Thatcherite homophobia and the devastation of HIV/AIDS
during the 1980s, Queercore firmly established itself in London’s cultural underground during
the early 1990s with punk bands like Sister George, Mouthfull, Children’s Hour, and Six Inch
dominant culture, popular music industry, and mainly straight and “macho” punk scene, and the
separatist gay and lesbian mainstream. As such, Queercore ultimately provided a safe communal
space for young LGBTQ misfits who were respectively perceived as “too queer” or,
alternatively, “not queer enough.” Not unlike other subcultures, including the punk scene and
the gay and lesbian mainstream they rallied against, Queercore participants sought a voice and
validation within their subcultural sphere, often at the expense of those they opposed. Through
their preferred mediums of literature and music, Queercore zines and bands typically addressed,
pressures pivoted against and felt within the queer community, such as misogyny, homophobia,
racism, violence, inequality, oppression, and the pressure to conform to heteronormative social
conventions. The outspoken social commentary, anger, and frustration expressed in Queercore
music, lyrics, and zines “took back” the derogatory term “queer” and generated a sense of
empowerment and emphatic resistance to conformity amongst its performers and listeners in an
11
Max H. Kirsch, “Crossroads,” chapter 1 in Queer Theory and Social Change (London: Routledge, 2000),
20.
4
idealized social time and space by challenging, subverting, and deconstructing hetero- and homo-
As there is little academic research on the Queercore movement – and of the few studies
which do exist, none have been located in London – throughout my research process, I have
drawn from contemporary zines, music, interviews, articles, and archival performance footage
documenting the emergence of the Queercore scene, as well as academic writing on Queercore in
Canada and the US. Additionally, I will rely on social, gender, subcultural, and queer theory
and the technologies of the self, Judith Butler’s concept of gender performativity, Jack
Halberstam’s notions of queer times, places, subcultures, negativity, and failure, and José
My overarching aims in this dissertation are threefold. Firstly, by engaging with these
theories, as well as my own analysis of Queercore music, lyrics, and zines, I ultimately aim to
establish a sociological historiography of the Queercore movement’s early years in London, thus
rectifying its general absence not only in academia, but also within LGBTQ history. There are,
however, certain obstacles to overcome in such a project. As Robert Mills outlines, one issue
with developing queer histories is that they tend to be exclusionary by design, counteractively
marginalizing those who do not easily fit into a normative view of LGBTQ identity and culture.12
Mills emphasizes that a true London queer history should encompass all queer identifications,
desires, and the various roles they played in everyday city life.13 Due to space limitations, such
exclusionary cuts are regrettably inevitable. However, I will try to be as inclusive and nuanced
12
Robert Mills, “Queer is Here? Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Histories and Public Culture,”
History Workshop Journal 62 (Autumn 2006): 258-259.
13
Mills, “Queer is Here?,” 258-259.
5
as possible in my arguments throughout the exploration and portrayal of this moment in
Queercore history. Furthermore, there are issues with combining queer theory with sociological
and subcultural theories. For example, Adam Isaiah Green argues that queer theory is not an
extension of sociology, but is rather in tension with it, because queer theory’s deconstructionist
position rejects the self and the social while paradoxically remaining “relevant to selves and the
discursive determinants that characterize late modernity.”14 However, Steven Seidman asserts
that while queer theory challenges the reign of gender and sexuality binarisms by rendering all
identity construction unstable and exclusionary, it should not be considered anti-identity politics,
as rather it aims to open up identity politics and meaning.15 More recently, Stephen Valocchi
made a case for queer theory and what it can both teach and learn from sociology, stating that
queer theory can – to an extent, I argue – fill in the gaps between sociological theory and lived
experience, as both theories can be used to explore how gender and sexuality socialization
occurs.16 Above all, the teaming up of queer theory with sociology can “combine a queer
sensibility about the performative nature of identity with a sociological sensibility about how
these performances are constrained, hierarchical, and rooted in social inequality.”17 Additionally
helpful to me in this project was Alan O’Connor’s assertion in his critique of sociology’s youth
subcultural theory that punk subcultures cannot be homologized: they are both local and global,
thrive on cultural contact and hybridity, include both older and younger generations, and are
exclusionary and fuelled by tension both against dominant culture and within each respective
14
Adam Isaiah Green, “Queer Theory and Sociology: Locating the Subject and the Self in Sexuality
Studies,” Sociological Theory 25 (March 2007): 43.
15
Steven Seidman, “Symposium: Queer Theory/Sociology: A Dialogue,” Sociological Theory 12 (July
1994): 173-174.
16
Paraphrasing Stephen Valocchi, “Not Yet Queer Enough: The Lessons of Queer Theory for the Sociology
of Gender and Sexuality,” Gender and Society 19 (December 2005): 750-770.
17
Valocchi, “Not Yet Queer Enough,” 766.
6
subculture.18 Importantly, these various views on queer theory and sociology open up queer
subcultural theory to make possible an account of Queercore’s contradictory politics and both
internal and external tensions which grew out of struggles over race, class, gender, and sexual
identity.
Secondly, this dissertation seeks to complicate the already growing subfields of queer and
gender studies within musicology, which apart from a few exceptions are typically located in
dominant culture and the gay and lesbian mainstream. A recent conference on music and
sexuality outlined the current moment in queer musicology as an “increased tension between
theory and politics” and historicity v. presentism.19 Mitchell Morris argues in his paper that the
intersection of music and sexuality is “a fertile ‘borderland,’ rich with complexity, ambiguity,
and dynamism,” which should be conscious of varying political contexts of queer theory (i.e. the
devastation of AIDS and institutional indifference) and those of activist groups like Queer
Nation and queer punks (i.e. radical).20 Additionally, Whitesell’s paper asserts that the space for
queer subjects, such as Queercore participants, is in opposition, and that we must be conscious of
the restrictions, limitations, and contradictions of queer initiatives.21 I hope this dissertation will
reflect these arguments, and also express, as supported by the abovementioned musicologists, the
need for musicology to utilize queer theory and sociology in a more nuanced discussion of
18
Paraphrasing Alan O’Connor, “The Sociology of Youth Subcultures,” Peace Review: A Journal of Social
Justice 16 (2004): 409-414; and Alan O’Connor, “Local Scenes and Dangerous Crossroads: Punk and Theories of
Cultural Hybridity,” Popular Music 21 (May 2002): 225-236.
19
Judith Peraino and Suzanne G. Cusick, “Music and Sexuality,” Journal of the American Musicological
Society 66 (Fall 2013): 827-828.
20
Mitchell Morris, “Calling Names, Taking Names,” in Peraino and Cusick “Music and Sexuality,” 831,
833-834.
21
Lloyd Whitesell, “Compromising Positions,” in Peraino and Cusick “Music and Sexuality,” 837.
7
Thirdly, and relatedly, I aim to present Queercore politics and agency through relevant
strands of queer theory, such as Halberstam’s call for the construction and expansion of a “queer
archive” and Donald E. Hall’s call for a queer social theory “that motivates, that embraces the
‘politics’ in identity politics, and that articulates a vision for the future.”22 Hall implores queer
theorists to find and embrace agency, as the current state of queer theory is generally
inapplicable to daily life.23 Halberstam’s “queer archive” is described as “a discursive field and a
and a complex record of queer activity.”24 Furthermore, Halberstam argues that “queer
subcultural theory should begin with those communities that never seem to surface in the
Halberstam and Hall’s respective projects, particularly within the field of musicology.
shape my overarching arguments. Firstly, I argue that the importance of Queercore lies in the
deconstructive and subversive identity politics of its music, which not only offered LGBTQ
youth a subcultural queer time and space of empowerment and resistance, as stated, but also
paralleled – and helped further – the development of queer theory in academia. With regard to
approach, I assert that by “highlighting these dissimilarities,” Queercore “decentralizes the white,
22
Donald E. Hall, “Introduction,” in Reading Sexualities: Hermeneutic Theory and the Future of Queer
Studies (London: Routledge, 2009), 12.
23
Hall, “Transcending the Self,” chapter 3 in Reading Sexualities, 77.
24
Judith Halberstam, In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives (New York: New
York University Press, 2005), 32-33 & 169-70.
25
Judith Halberstam, “What’s That Smell? Queer Temporalities and Subcultural Lives,” chapter 1 in
Queering the Popular Pitch, edited by Sheila Whiteley and Jennifer Rycenga (New York: Routledge, 2006), 12.
8
upper-middle-class, gay male body as the hegemonic norm of queer life.”26 Secondly, and
relatedly, I argue that Queercore subcultural and identity politics, though revolutionary in their
own small space, were also inherently contradictory, paradoxical, and ahistorical – though not
apolitical. With a separatist view of the world and an amnestic view of its own history, which
parallel Foucault’s histories, queer and subcultural theories of dominant culture v. queer culture,
and Halberstam’s “antisocial” notion of the “queer art of failure,” the politics that Queercore
participants preached did not always reflect those that they practiced. In these ways, I will re-
envision the identity politics of the early days of Queercore, as analyzed in the movement’s zines
and music and lyrics, through the lens of recent developments in, and critiques of, queer theory
discourse, which offers a more nuanced understanding of the complex fluidity and multiplicity of
gender and sexual identity, the constitution of the self, and the emergence of queer subcultural
politics.
“To whom does it [‘queer’] belong and what does it represent?” – Max H.
Kirsch27
While Queercore politics, aesthetics, zines, music, and lyrics share overarching thematic and
stylistic similarities, it is necessary to emphasize that each political and artistic expression and
identity is nuanced, specific, and different. Alan Sinfield states in his books, On Sexuality and
Power and Cultural Politics – Queer Readings, that subcultures should not be “envisaged as
26
Katie R. Horowitz, “The Trouble with ‘Queerness’: Drag and the Making of Two Cultures,” Signs 38
(Winter 2013): 310.
27
Kirsch, “From Culture to Action,” chapter 6 in Queer Theory and Social Change, 97.
9
homogeneous or as having clearly defined boundaries,”28 and further asserts that subcultural
theory should indicate that terms like “queer” are “markers of political allegiance,” rather than
meaning “we are ‘the same’.”29 That said, though I do not wish to generalize Queercore politics
and aesthetics, in order to fully understand those that are played out in Queercore zines, music,
and lyrics – as analyzed in the following sections – it is necessary to define the term “queer”
within the general Queercore context, what it meant to the movement, and how it fostered the
movement’s subcultural and self-identity politics. Therefore, I will provide a thorough cultural
and political context of, and the tensions and contradictory parallels between, Queercore, queer
politics, and queer theory; in all three contexts, “queer,” to quote Annamarie Jagose, assumes “‘a
articulate.”30
Halberstam’s book, In a Queer Time and Place, makes a claim for queer spaces and
– as postmodern sites of resistance wherein cultural hierarchies and power dynamics are
subverted, fostering opportunities to engage with and empower queer identity politics.31 I will
quote Halberstam’s respective definitions of “queer,” “queer time,” “queer space,” and
“postmodernism” at length – they apply to the general usage of these terms throughout this
dissertation – as a tool to delineate the complex relations between Queercore identity politics and
aesthetics as compared with the nuanced and multiple meanings of “queer” within other
contexts:
28
Alan Sinfield, “Beyond Englit,” chapter 4 in Cultural Politics – Queer Readings, 2nd edition (London:
Routledge, 2005), 68.
29
Sinfield, “Beyond Englit,” 72.
30
Annamarie Jagose, “Introduction,” in Queer Theory: An Introduction (New York: New York University
Press, 1996), 2.
31
Paraphrasing Halberstam, In a Queer Time and Place.
10
“Queer” refers to nonnormative logics and organizations of community, sexual
identity, embodiment, and activity in space and time. “Queer time” is a term for
those specific models of temporality that emerge within postmodernism once one
leaves the temporal frames of bourgeois reproduction and family, longevity,
risk/safety, and inheritance. “Queer space” refers to the place-making practices
within postmodernism in which queer people engage and it also describes the new
understandings of space enabled by the production of queer counterpublics.
Meanwhile…I see postmodernism as simultaneously a crisis and an opportunity –
a crisis in the stability of form and meaning, and an opportunity to rethink the
practice of cultural production, its hierarchies and power dynamics, its tendency
to resist or capitulate.32
Importantly, Halberstam reminds us by quoting Steve Pile – “the map of resistance is not simply
the underside of the map of domination” – that the relationship between opposition and authority
Though a historically complicated and sometimes derogatory term, the reclaiming of the
word “queer” initially developed out of the changing gay and lesbian politics from the 1970s to
the early 1990s. As Jagose demonstrates, “queer” can be contextualized within the gay liberation
politics of the 1970s – which focused on community identity, cultural difference, and the freeing
of non-heterosexual identities from the constraints of gender and sexuality binary systems – to
the assimilationist politics of the 1980s – which focused on similarities between gay culture and
dominant culture, leading to separatist politics between the gay and lesbian mainstream, debates
about “valid” sexual identities, and the exclusion of non-binary identities. These politics
ultimately led to great backlash during the late 1980s and early 1990s due to an overwhelming
dissatisfaction of exclusionary and binary identity categories, during which use of the word
“queer” emerged as a way to broaden these limitations placed on identity politics.34 Overall, the
usage of “queer” in Queercore, queer politics, and queer theory demonstrated, as outlined by
32
Halberstam, “Queer Temporality and Postmodern Geographies,” chapter 1 in In a Queer Time and Place,
6.
33
11
Joshua Gamson, the disruption or deconstruction of fixed gender and sexual identities, fostering
an identity politics dilemma, as these fixed identities are at once the basis of oppression and the
basis of political power.35 These waves in LGBTQ politics corresponded directly with the
contemporary dominant social, cultural, and political climate of Britain, which – as outlined in
detail by several scholars, most notably Matt Cook, Rebecca Jennings, and Lesley A. Hall –
proved catastrophic for the gay and lesbian communities, as the devastation of the HIV/AIDS
crisis, Thatcherite homophobia, and discriminatory legislation such as Section 28 led to this
renewed, angry brand of queer activism.36 As Richard Dyer states, around this time both queer
theory and politics aimed to reclaim the term “queer” while fully aware of its stigma and
negativity; as such, queer cultural production is the product of society and culture, meaning
surrounding it.”37 Indeed, as Dyer emphasizes, the only true difference between queer and
straight cultural production is that the latter “retains the prestige of normative sexuality, its felt
centrality and taken for grantedness.”38 Dyer further asserts that queer political movements and
cultures such as these aim to make sense of the world, and that queer art makes visible this
knowledge, these politics, propaganda, and pleasure, and also forges identity.39 Similarly, Philip
35
Paraphrasing Joshua Gamson, “Must Identity Movements Self-Destruct? A Queer Dilemma,” Social
Problems 42 (August 1995): 390-407.
36
Matt Cook, “From Gay Reform to Gaydar, 1967-2006,” chapter 6 in A Gay History of Britain: Love and
Sex Between Men Since the Middle Ages, edited by Matt Cook, H.G. Cocks, Robert Mills, and Randolph Trumbach
(Oxford: Greenwood World Publishing, 2007), 179-214; Rebecca Jennings, “The Politics of Lesbianism, 1970-
2000,” chapter 10 in A Lesbian History of Britain: Love and Sex Between Women Since 1500 (Oxford: Greenwood
World Publishing, 2007), 169-189; and Leslie A. Hall, “Approaching the Millennium,” chapter 11 in Sex, Gender
and Social Change in Britain since 1880, 2nd edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 165-174.
37
Richard Dyer, “Introduction,” in The Culture of Queers (London: Routledge, 2002), 9.
38
Dyer, “Introduction,” 10.
39
Dyer, “The Politics of Gay Culture,” chapter 1 in The Culture of Queers, 15-16.
12
Brett and Elizabeth Wood discuss in Queering the Pitch how the oppressive socio-political
climate of the 1980s fostered “the resulting wave of politicization of the arts” which “produced
in music a sense of community.”40 As Sinfield presents, this relationship between queer politics
and the arts is ideological, and, I argue, symbiotic. Quoting Louis Althusser, Sinfield claims that
art “alludes to reality” and “makes us see”; in other words, if art is detached and text is both
historical and deconstructive, both serve as a kind of mirror in society.41 As such, there is a close
link between performers and audiences in queer subcultures. Sinfield further asserts that since
these ideologies are lived in subcultures in everyday life, and since “culture is political”42 and
played out in gendered and sexed power relations and hierarchies of identities, there is an
“element of power-play in much gay self-presentation.”43 In this way, the “queer” in queer arts
and politics also presents a problematic danger. Its potential of sexual dissidence does not
assume “the default position” and is “at once vaguer, more purposeful, and more inclusive”44 as
same time, “queer” is a limiting identity which claims to speak for “others” – socially,
politically, and artistically – yet also excludes and potentially erases identity.47
40
Philip Brett and Elizabeth Wood, “Lesbian and Gay Music,” chapter 15 in Queering the Pitch: The New
Gay and Lesbian Musicology, edited by Philip Brett, Elizabeth Wood, and Gary C. Thomas, 2nd edition (New York:
Routledge, 2006), 364.
41
Sinfield, “Art as Cultural Production,” chapter 2 in Cultural Politics – Queer Readings, 27, 37-38.
42
Sinfield, “Foreword (1994),” Cultural Politics – Queer Readings, xviii.
43
Sinfield, “Foreword,” Cultural Politics – Queer Readings, xii & xv.
44
Alan Sinfield, “Introduction,” in On Sexuality and Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 7.
45
Sinfield, “Beyond Englit,” 69.
46
Sinfield, “Beyond Englit,” 66.
47
Sinfield, “Foreword (1994),” xx.
13
Located within the Queercore movement then, “queer” was, as Michael du Plessis and
Kathleen Chapman argue, “a signifier” which could “be resituated in specific contexts to open
new possibilities for identification, alliance, and action.”48 As such, “with a profound sense of
anti-assimilationist umbrella term used to differentiate the movement from the perceived
hierarchized exclusivist and separatist politics of the gay and lesbian mainstream, and to
political anti-authoritarian identity.”50 In this way, the “queer” in Queercore was radically
reclaimed from its homophobic and separatist origins as a source of empowerment and
resistance, the identity politics of which relate to Foucault’s theory of the technologies of the
Foucault related his earlier history of sexuality and theories of power-knowledge and
governmentality54 with an unfinished theory called the technologies of the self, through which he
48
Michael du Plessis and Kathleen Chapman, “Queercore: The Distinct Identities of Subculture,” College
Literature 24 (February 1997): 55.
49
Kevin Schwandt, “The Erotics of an Oil Drum: Queercore, Gay Macho, and the Defiant Sexuality of
Extra Fancy’s Sinnerman,” Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 13 (2009): 78.
50
Viviane K. Namaste, “The Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes: Metaphor and Catachresis in Queer Theory
and Politics,” Social Semiotics 9 (1999): 230.
51
Michel Foucault, Technologies of the Self, edited by Luther H. Martin, Huck Gutman, and Patrick H.
Hutton (London: Tavistock Publications, 1988).
52
Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (London: Routledge, 1990); and
Judith Butler, Undoing Gender (London: Routledge, 2004).
53
José Esteban Muñoz, Disidentifications: Queers of Color and the Performance of Politics (London:
University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
54
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An Introduction, translated by Robert Hurley (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1978).
14
who we are as individuals, how we conduct ourselves, how we identify, and how the self is
constituted as subject.55 Foucault believed that “normative” codes of humanism were limiting as
they were relative and contextual rather than universal, and claimed that there were “more
possible freedoms” and truths of the self and identity than we might realize.56 Above all,
knowledge of the self is located and constituted as subject in the “contact between the
technologies of dominations of others and those of the self,”57 and all identities and subcultures,
even the most radical and subversive, are bound equally to power-knowledge and
governmentality discourses of both resistance and power: “where there is power, there is
resistance, and yet, or rather, consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority in
deconstructs gender and sexuality binarisms by theorizing that gender is socially and culturally
constructed and performative, rather than natural, and that gender and sexual identity are
flexible, rather than fixed and rigid. Butler further illustrates how the “internal coherence” of
these binarisms limits gendered and sexual possibilities, and expresses how the parodic repetition
of performativity exposes the “act” of the binary systems. As linked with queer politics, Butler
discusses how identity categories, such as “queer,” both mobilize and constrain identity politics –
the “internal paradox” of Butler’s task is that this “deconstruction of identity” does not equal the
59
Butler, “Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire: V. Identity, Sex, and the Metaphysic of Substance” and
“Subversive Bodily Acts: IV. Bodily Inscriptions, Performative Subversions,” chapters 1 and 5 in Gender Trouble,
15
Gender, which explores the question of undoing normative and restricting constructs of gender
“regulation” within the discourses of gender power regime “norms,” which “governs social
intelligibility of action.” Butler also discusses the problems with reducing gender to sexuality, as
well as the “paradox of autonomy” in which gender regulations “paralyze gendered agency.”
Importantly, and similarly to Queercore participants, Butler urges her readers to “live a life
politically” in relation to power and to others in order to foster the possibility of a “collective
future” in which it is possible to live outside norms in a “radically altered social world.”60
Muñoz’s concept of disidentification further explores how those who are racially and/or
sexually outside mainstream culture performatively and artistically negotiate and transform
tropes and codes of dominant culture in performance, to both empowering and limiting effects:61
disidentification is one “mode of dealing with dominant ideology, one that neither opts to
assimilate within such a structure nor strictly opposes it; rather, disidentification is a strategy that
works on and against dominant ideology.”62 This definition is important to Queercore politics as
being inherently contradictory and ahistorical, as Queercore participants did not necessarily
practice what they preached, and as cultural production tropes such as punk zines and music
were appropriated for their own means: “this ‘working on and against’ is a strategy that tries to
transform a cultural logic from within, always laboring to enact permanent structural change
16
while at the same time valuing the importance of local or everyday struggles of resistance.”63
As such, disidentification offers minority subjects “survival strategies” to work within, resist,
and negotiate the dominant public sphere in subcultural sites of self-formation wherein “new
social relations” are fostered in counterpublic spheres.64 These queer subcultures are “sites of
identities are “constituted and specified.”65 Above all else, Queercore participants were the
minority of a minority, and Queercore zines and music often expressed how Queercore
performers and listeners disidentified not only with dominant culture, but also with the punk
scene and the gay and lesbian mainstream, particularly through performance. As such, Muñoz
asserts that disidentifying queer performances are sites of “transformation and political
reformulation” to make “a queer world.”66 Muñoz’s disidentification theory also allows a view
into minority politics which is not “monocausal or monothematic, one that is calibrated to
discern a multiplicity of interlocking identity components and the ways in which they affect the
resistance is the ultimate example of this disidentifying phenomenon within the Queercore
movement, which allowed its subcultural participants to perform with a Foucauldian “possibility
for freedom”68 as others in an immediate and mediated queer time and space.69
63
Muñoz, “Introduction,” 11-12.
64
Muñoz, “Introduction,” 4-6.
65
Muñoz, “Introduction,” 6-7.
66
Muñoz, “Preface: Jack’s Plunger,” in Disidentifications, xiv.
67
Muñoz, “Introduction,” 8-9.
68
Muñoz, “Performing Disidentity: Disidentification as a Practice Freedom,” chapter 7 in Disidentifications,
179.
69
Muñoz, “The Autoethnographic Performance: Reading Richard Fung’s Queer Hybridity,” chapter 3 in
Disidentifications, 82.
17
Dara Blumenthal engages further with these complex tropes of resistance in her review of
Janet Halley and Andrew Parker’s book After Sex? On Writing Since Queer Theory.70
Blumenthal suggests that a major limitation of queer theory as it currently stands is the
disconnect between discourse and the everyday through which rigid and fragmented binarisms
are employed in a “dis-embodied framework,”71 which “stiffly retains its umbilical cord” link
constitute a critical loss of agency and the body through which the field has become “divorced
from its roots in struggle and activism” and “people’s everyday lives.”73 This point, while
certainly relevant to current debates in queer theory, can also be extended to queer subcultures,
such as Queercore scenes, as there remains an inherent detachment between the reality, agency,
and expressive and artistic contexts of Queercore and the oppositional binarisms (i.e. queer
discussed and set against – both by scholars and Queercore participants. Queercore subcultural
and individual identity politics, then, were intrinsically linked with and woven out of dominant
culture codes, through which Queercore resistant politics and reactionary subcultural formation
were somewhat limited and short-lived, yes, but also radical, revolutionary, and made possible.
The importance of this move, then, of reclaiming “queer,” to Queercore identity and
subcultural politics was often expressed in early queerzines and music. Zines were self-made
underground publications that offered an “oppositional history that reclaimed silenced narratives
70
Dara Blumenthal, “After Sex? On Writing since Queer Theory (2011) ed. by Janet Halley and Andrew
Parker,” Culture Machine 1 (2012): 1-8.
71
Blumenthal, “After Sex? On Writing since Queer Theory,” 2.
72
Blumenthal, “After Sex? On Writing since Queer Theory,” 7.
73
Blumenthal, “After Sex? On Writing since Queer Theory,” 7.
18
of oppressed groups.”74 Figure 1 at the end of this dissertation features three queerzine covers.
As A.C. Licona outlines, “[zines] can be irreverent, parodic, utopian, imaginative; thus, in a
sense, zines perform the difference they are trying to make. By challenging, re-imagining, and
replacing exclusionary and oppressive discursive practices, zines perform new representations of
subjectivity.”75 In this way, the term “queer” was not only used as self- and subcultural-
identification, it was also inherently political, as queerzine writers often portrayed in mission
statement manifestos. For example, a writer for the zine Freaky Queer stated that Queercore was
a “new queer revolution”76 in “a war against society, a society that restricts our movements, our
love, our behavior;”77 further arguing that “queer is for everyone…it’s about time we collected
together and organised our own entertainment…i [sic] think we need change, now, don’t you?”78
Though statements like this were typical of queerzines, Ian Barnard importantly points out that
this militant non-assimilationist ideology of queerzines destabilized hegemonic gay and lesbian
identities by highlighting differences within the Queercore scene through specialized zines which
targeted a specific readership and identity (i.e. race, gender, sexuality, class, etc.): “as each ‘zine
irreversibly invokes a queer specificity, so the ‘zines’ multiple voices illustrate that ‘queer’ is not
homosexuality and visibility in the gay and lesbian mainstream in an angry and often alienating
74
Camille Erickson, “Querying Sex, Gender, and Race through the Queercore Zine Movement: G.B. Jones
and Vaginal Davis Protest Conformity,” Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing 4 (2013): 1.
75
Erickson, “Querying Sex, Gender, and Race through the Queercore Zine Movement,” 14.
76
Freaky Queer (Cardiff, 1992), 1.
77
Freaky Queer, 13.
78
Freaky Queer, 5.
79
Ian Barnard, “Gloria Anzaldúa’s Queer Mestisaje,” MELUS 22 (Spring 1997): 37.
19
way, these supposedly inclusive queer politics were in some ways as separatist as the ones the
movement set itself against: as illustrated in the Toronto zine, BIMBOX, “we must identify us
and them in no uncertain terms.”80 Indeed, as Penelope J. Engelbrecht claims, the major
“semantic problematization” of the term “queer” in these contexts is that it seeks “unity” while
paradoxically fostering an “us v. them” mentality.81 As such, “queer” also meant the opposite of
“straight”: not in terms of a fixed and binaried understanding of sexuality, but rather in terms of
accepting, embracing, and celebrating difference. As outlined in Freaky Queer, “straights are
people who see any deviation from their own line as threatening and try and stamp on it.”82 As
du Plessis and Chapman assert, by utilizing these somewhat contradictory subcultural self- and
community-identity politics, “the functions of queercore, then, are to deny legitimacy to the
public sphere, to stress internal coherence around its own proper differences, and to turn to the
networks created by queerzines, clubs, music and other subcultural practices so that a counter-
public sphere can be created.”83 Robert DeChaine concurs, “by celebrating difference…the
category of queer seems to be at odds with itself.”84 Despite this apparent paradox in
Queercore’s subcultural identity politics, the important take-away is that Queercore zines and
music created, as G.B Jones stated, a subversive and resistant “alternative for an already
alternative culture”;85 or, as Sheila Whiteley and Jennifer Rycenga assert, these queer artists were
84
Robert DeChaine, “Mapping Subversion: Queercore Music’s Playful Discourse of Resistance,” Popular
Music and Society 24 (1997): 21.
85
Quoted in Erickson, “Querying Sex, Gender, and Race through the Queercore Zine Movement,” 4.
86
Sheila Whiteley and Jennifer Rycenga, “Introduction,” in Queering the Popular Pitch, xvi.
20
Queercore participants not only set the movement apart from dominant culture and the
gay and lesbian mainstream, but also positioned Queercore against queer political activist
groups, such as Queer Nation in the US and OutRage! in the UK – organizations which were
accused of stealing and weakening the word “queer.” As G.B. Jones and Jena von Brücker
asserted in BIMBOX, “We are angry with those awful people at Queer Nation…they stole our
word. While there is [sic] a few o.k. individuals at Queer Nation, they are for the most part
the term “queer” for what participants in the movement perceived as radical yet cloaked
activist groups developing out of the same socio-political climate as Queercore, fell more in line
with queer punk culture: as Cherry Smyth of OutRage! argued, “we’re queer and we’re not going
to let you ignore us…we have seen that homophobia is killing people and this can’t go on. That
anger…it needed to have some sort of discharge or explosion, and that seems to be what queer
87
BIMBOX, circa 1991, no page numbers or specified date.
88
Eric [pseud.], quoting Toby Manning, Fuck Yeah! Queercore, no entry date,
http://fuckyeahqueercore.tumblr.com/ (accessed June 30, 2014).
21
has provided…I see that as a throwback to punk anarchy with queer on the front of it.”89 Perhaps
it is the on-the-surface parallels between Queercore, queer politics, and queer theory which
angered Queercore participants the most, as Namaste outlines the main problem:
While queer theories and activism make use of metaphor to associate queers and
lesbians/gays, queer-punks employ the term catachrestically, as a metaphor for
which no literal referent exists. Lesbians and gays who call themselves “queer”
assimilate and equate the referents of “queer” and “lesbian and gay” sexual
identities and politics: an association which should make us question whether
Queer Theory and politics are as radical and inclusive as they claim to be. The
rhetorical use of the term “queer” within queer-punk discourse, in contrast, cannot
be reduced to a lesbian/gay political framework or agenda [emphasis added].90
The complex and contradictory problems with the appropriation of a broad umbrella term
such as “queer” in the abovementioned contexts – queer theory, politics, and zines – have been
discussed at great length. To summarize, Nadine Milde argues that while “queer” provides “for
homosocial bonding in a safe space,” as well as political and identity potential, such a term also
comes with dehistoricizing and homologizing dangers,91 which simultaneously worked for and
against Queercore’s postmodern sensibilities. Similarly, H.G. Cocks argues that modern sexual
identity is not a “unitary entity” rooted in a historical binary system, but is rather bound by
contexts of locality, class, age, nationality, gender, patterns of sociability, etc.92 As such,
categories such as “queer” paradoxically provide, in Butler’s words, both “unity” and
fragmentation for political action93 (as outlined above); in this way, a “we” construction denies
89
Cherry Smyth and Amy Hamilton, “Interview: Queer Nations,” Off Our Backs 22 (October 1992): 12 &
15.
90
Namaste, “The Use and Abuse of Queer Tropes,” 232.
91
Paraphrasing Nadine Milde, “Pop Goes the Queerness, or, (Homo)Sexuality and Its Metaphors: On the
Importance of Gay Sensibilities in Postmodern Culture and Theory,” Amerikastudien/American Studies 46 (2001):
135-150 (quote from 141).
92
Paraphrasing H.G. Cocks, “Modernity and the Self in the History of Sexuality,” The Historical Journal
49 (December 2006): 1211-1227.
93
Butler, “Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire: IV. Theorizing the Binary, the Unitary, and Beyond,” 21.
22
the complexity of identity a term like “queer” seeks, yet provides a “radical instability” in queer
politics.94 Ultimately, Butler (and Foucault) theorize that those gender and sexual identities
which escape hegemonic societal prohibitions merely expand these boundaries, as individuals
who subvert dominant “norms” also depend on them to remain on the “outside.”95 Heather Love,
drawing from Foucault’s “reverse” discourse, calls this the “backwardness” of queer identity,
and suggests that the “mixture of delicious and freak” and of “damage” and affirmation of this
refusals to grow up.”96 Queercore politics formed, then, what Muñoz calls “necessary fiction of
the past that grounds” its participants “in the present”97 through disidentification, which “allows
us to discern seams and contradictions and ultimately understand the need for a war of
positions”98 continually seen in Queercore art and politics. Through an ahistorical outlook and
heteronormative British society, the gay and lesbian mainstream, queer activist groups, and the
general British punk subculture to assert their queer group and individual identity politics and
artistic aesthetics.
Queercore in the UK: Sister George, MouthFull, and Six Inch Killaz
94
Butler, “Conclusion: From Parody to Politics,” in Gender Trouble, 181.
95
Butler, “Subversive Bodily Acts: II. Foucault, Herculine, And the Politics of Sexual Discontinuity,”
chapter 3 in Gender Trouble, 119-124 & 135.
96
Heather Love, “Introduction,” in Feeling Backward: Loss and the Politics of Queer History (London:
Harvard University Press, 2007), 2-3 & 7.
97
Muñoz, “The Autoethnographic Performance,” 83.
98
Muñoz, “‘The White to Be Angry’: Vaginal Crème Davis’s Terrorist Drag,” chapter 4 in
Disidentifications, 115.
23
To me, the gay lifestyle is getting to be like just another alternative lifestyle. You
go down Old Compton Street in Soho and see them sitting there in nice coffee
bars with their pink pounds - and these [Sister George] are 20-year-old kids who
are angry and on the dole. – Liz Naylor (owner of Catcall Records)99
Similarly to the complexities of Queercore political and aesthetic contexts, Queercore music
poses its own set of challenges: though Queercore scenes and bands share overarching
similarities in musical styles and themes in lyrical expression, studies such as this one risk
of recognizing the structurally embedded social divisions, inequalities, and postmodern and
multiple identifications found in subcultures.102 Therefore, it should be stated that the following
bands, Sister George, Mouthfull, and Six Inch Killaz, while sharing all of the political, artistic,
and expressive queer themes and aesthetics discussed at length above, will be considered in an
individual and nuanced manner. Overall, as Kevin C. Dunn outlines, punk music is generally
those considered “other” to musically place “a mocking assault on dominant social norms” in
“critical opposition to the status quo,” further arguing that these spaces have the potential to
99
Quoted on “Sister George,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Sister+George (accessed July 1, 2014).
100
Schwandt, “The Erotics of an Oil Drum,” 79.
101
Schwandt, “The Erotics of an Oil Drum,” 79.
102
Paraphrasing Tracy Shildrick and Robert MacDonald, “In Defence of Subculture: Young People,
Leisure, and Social Divisions,” Journal of Youth Studies 9 (2006): 125-140.
24
“work within systems of global communication.”103 Ultimately, “a punk scene is of punks, for
punks, by punks,” providing these “others” with “resources for agency and empowerment.”104 In
this way, Queercore was musically, again, the minority of a minority, or, other than the other.
The Queercore band, Sister George, channeled the abovementioned politics and
aesthetics into their music and lyrics. DeChaine outlines how Queercore’s postmodern politics
applied to its music through an aesthetic discourse of play sensibility, consisting of carnival,
parody, pastiche, and bricolage. As shown through an analysis of Pansy Division’s songs and
live performance, DeChaine argues that Queercore offered a liminal time and space in which this
“sensibility of play” allowed participants “subaltern discursive tactics” to resist, deconstruct, and
subvert an oppressive, heteronormative dominant culture and homonormative gay and lesbian
mainstream in an empowering and defiant manner.105 This is certainly the case with Sister
George. While other queer punk bands, such as The Apostles (whose core members later formed
Academy 23), began in London during the 80s, Sister George, though short-lived, accrued a level
of influence and popularity which was central to the establishment of the Queercore movement
in London in the early to mid-90s. The band influenced the formation of various other
Queercore bands, some in which its members went on to play following their breakup in 1995.
As Brett and Wood assert, with “a more aggressive image in music” throughout the 90s
“numerous lesbian and gay singers and queercore bands had a crossover popular following…
including Sister George.”106 The 1968 queer film, The Killing of Sister George, inspired the
band’s name, and its members consisted of the late Lisa Cook on bass, Daryl Stanislaw on
103
Kevin C. Dunn, “Never Mind the Bollocks: The Punk Rock Politics of Global Communication,” Review
of International Studies 34 (2008): 197, 198, & 201.
104
Dunn, “Never Mind the Bollocks,” 198-199.
105
DeChaine, “Mapping Subversion,” 21.
106
Brett and Wood, “Lesbian and Gay Music,” 367-368.
25
drums, Lyndon Holmes on rhythm guitar, and Ellyott Dragon – a now famous and influential
Israeli DJ – on lead vocals and guitar,107 all of whom are pictured playing a live show in Figure 2.
Their first and only album, Drag King, initially came out in 1994, and was later re-released in the
United States on Outpunk records; a staple in Queercore repertoire, it was already considered to
in the archives of Oasis Magazine, an early online resource for closeted queer youth.108 Sullivan
reviewed Drag King for The Guardian; I will quote from her review at length, as it’s a relatively
short blurb:
Here’s a thing that will probably get up a few right-on noses. This east London-
based gay/lesbian foursome are noisy advocates of queercore, the movement of
aggressively out young gay people. One queercore obsession is middle-class,
“lifestyle” gays, and this mini-album starts as it means to go on. The first song
starts with a sample of a woman criticising a queercore-style lesbian – and
degenerates into a guitar-thrashing free-for-all. Musically, the Sisters have two
modes, the shrieking, X-Ray Spex-punk of Krap, and the relatively laid-back
Let’s Breed. The merciless pace and the furious shouting get wearing, but they
raise interesting issues. If nothing else, they have an affinity for language; try this
line from Handlebar: “Hey, there, big girl’s blouse, wanna sit on my handlebar
moustache?”109
Figure 3 shows the front, inner, and back album art for this record, the latter of which states the
censored message, “F**k your healthy gay lifestyle!” in all caps. Musically and lyrically this
album is a challenging, defiant, and cathartic listen, and is reminiscent of several queer punk
aesthetics often heard in Queercore music. Subverting popular music ideals – for example, a
polished sound and politically correct and censored lyrics – Queercore recordings typically
featured three chords, a fast tempo, the prominence of drums and bass, distorted guitars, raw,
slightly out of tune vocals, and an intentionally low production value, with imperfections kept in
107
“Sister George,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Sister+George (accessed July 1, 2014).
108
Midol, “Queercore,” Oasis Magazine, 1996, http://oasisjournals.com/Issues/9602/queercore9602.html
(accessed July 1, 2014).
109
Sullivan, “Gothic Grunge: Rock/Pop.”
26
to emulate the essence of a messy, live performance.110 More on this point below. While Sister
George’s songs were more melodic and advanced than most Queercore records, Drag King – and
the other records discussed below – feature these musical aesthetics. Sister George’s songs also
parodied well-known popular music tropes, often accompanying these upbeat conventions with
brutally honest, explicit, and socially aware lyrical content. Ryan Moore argues that punk
subcultures react to the crisis of postmodern society through deconstruction and authenticity,
further claiming that these two reactions are in tension with one another. This may be true in
some cases; however, in Queercore, modes of deconstruction and authenticity also complimented
one another, as modes of authentic artistic production – zines and records – served as the vehicle
for Queercore’s deconstruction of social norms and expectations.111 It cannot be denied that
Queercore appropriated punk musical and literary DIY aesthetics for their own means. Indeed,
as Jodie Taylor points out, “queer scenes and their members do not, therefore, reject popular
culture entirely, but rather they draw upon those, often spectacular, forms of presentation
Sister George’s songs provided an angry, yet humorous and sarcastic commentary on
social tensions and pressures commonly felt within the queer community, most notably
homophobia, misogyny, sexual violence, and lesbian invisibility. As Muñoz expresses, queer art
was not simply “good-humored fun”: Queercore artists “insisted on art that educated as it
110
DeChaine, “Mapping Subversion,” 23.
111
Paraphrasing Ryan Moore, “Postmodernism and Punk Subculture: Cultures of Authenticity and
Deconstruction,” The Communication Review 7 (2004): 305-327.
112
Jodie Taylor, “Scenes and Sexualities: Queerly Reframing the Music Scenes Perspectives,” Continuum:
Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 26 (2012): 151.
113
Muñoz, “Preface: Jack’s Plunger,” x-xi.
27
comedy does not exist independently of rage. It is my contention that rage is
sustained and it is pitched as a call to activism, a bid to take space in the social
that has been colonized by the logics of white normativity and
heteronormativity.114
A strong example of this social commentary is Sister George’s song, “Virus Envy,” which
married Queercore’s brand of disidentifying humour and parody with a radical cultural
critique.115 “Virus Envy” is only a minute and a half long, the typical length of much punk
music, and yet atypical to Sister George, whose songs tended to be three to almost five minutes
in length. Musically, “Virus Envy” features a strong emphasis on bass and drums. Over this
driving rhythmic section, a repetitive – and, for lack of a better word, “catchy” – guitar hook
plays throughout. The instruments break for Dragon’s vocals, which are rough and almost
piercing, more screamed rather than sung. A second short and ambient guitar hook plays in a
higher register throughout the chorus, during which the words “it’s virus envy” are repeated in an
almost mocking tone, which adds to this second hook’s almost out of place feeling in contrast to
the raw, pounding force of the lower rhythm section. The song’s common outro chord
progression plays on another popular music convention, driving home the feeling that Sister
George and their target audience are “in” on a joke, in which outsiders do not necessarily take
part. Ultimately, the entire musical aesthetic of “Virus Envy” is gritty and mocking. Despite its
purposeful raw imperfections, one cannot deny its addictive, simple yet ingenious hook, which is
Lyrically, “Virus Envy” tackled three prominent and linked problems for many in the
queer community: firstly, misogyny between the gay and lesbian communities; secondly, the
114
Muñoz, “Preface: Jack’s Plunger,” xi-xii.
115
Muñoz, “‘The White to Be Angry,’” 100.
28
historical invisibility and erasure of lesbians during and from the HIV/AIDS crisis; and thirdly,
the subsequent lack of sex education, resources, and support available to the lesbian community.
These concerns for lesbian issues and visibility expressed in “Virus Envy” reflected those of a
contemporary lesbian activist group, The Lesbian Avengers, which formed in June 1993
following allegations against OutRage! for being “too male, white, and middle class.”116
Queercore participants who were involved with this group remained concerned that it would
become “some elitist thing like OUTRAGE.”117 The lyrics for “Virus Envy” contain, like almost
all Queercore lyrics, strong profanity and sexual content, serving as a typically ignored female
HIV warning. I have quoted the lyrics below, uncensored and in their entirety, as I feel
censoring the song’s admittedly abrasive and graphic content would not only defeat the point
Sister George was trying to make, but would also be a disservice to Queercore aesthetics. As I
am viewing this music from an academic standpoint, all aspects of it are rendered necessary, and
Virus envy
It’s Virus envy
116
Jennings, “The Politics of Lesbianism, 1970-2000,” 187.
117
Chaos/Order (London, 1994), no page numbers.
29
Girl to girl HIV transmission
Is going to go on happening if we give it permission!118
Sister George’s record also features a punk cover of Tom Robinson’s 1978 gay-anthem “Glad To
Be Gay,” which the band renamed “100 Times No.” This track closes Drag King and its
sardonic treatment highlights the generational and subcultural tensions between the gay and
lesbian mainstream and Queercore participants. Sister George juxtaposed in a double chorus an
insincere and disjointed rendition of Robinson’s original lyrics, “sing if you’re glad to be
gay/sing if you’re happy this way,” which is syncopated and sung in a sarcastic tone, with “we
kill in self-defense,” which is emphasized on the beat and screamed angrily. The latter is a quote
borrowed from American serial killer Aileen Wuornos, and the band even samples snippets from
her deposition throughout the song. “We kill in self-defense” was commonly chanted by fans at
Muñoz argues that songs and lyrics are often a form of disidentification, as a listener can
hear both the author of the song and a singer who is not, who is “heard by something that is a
shared impulse, a drive toward justice, retribution, emancipation;” furthermore, a lyric like that
of “Virus Envy” or “100 Times No” was “a lyric that dreamed, strove, and agitated to disorder
the real and wedge open a space in the social where necessary fictions of…queerness could
ascend to something that was and was not fiction, but was, nonetheless, utterly heard.”120 In this
way, Queercore bands disidentified not only politically and socially with dominant culture and
the gay and lesbian mainstream, but also musically with contemporary local and global punk
scenes, as briefly mentioned above – and, as seen in “Virus Envy” and “100 Times No” – by
118
Sister George, “Virus Envy,” on Drag King, MP3, Catcall Records, 1994.
119
Sister George, “100 Times No,” on Drag King, MP3, Catcall Records, 1994.
120
Muñoz, “Introduction,” 21.
30
appropriating these punk musical styles and aesthetics queerly. Perry Grossman emphasizes this
point, that queer punk is an example of the paradox between “the punk ideology of acceptance
and the actual practices of exclusion,” which can be seen not only in the tensions between
Queercore and the gay and lesbian mainstream, but also between the male and straight
dominated punk scene’s homophobia towards Queercore participants, who often heckled
Queercore bands during live shows.121 As such, the Queercore definition of music, if one may be
– albeit abstractly – discerned, was that of a vehicle for expressing Queercore aesthetics and
politics. Rather than focusing on the inner-workings, complexities, or technical skills involved
in making music, Queercore scenes emphasized the social importance of music to its performers
and listeners, and the comradery it fostered by blurring the divide between the two groups.
Indeed, sonically not unlike that of other punk subcultures, the messiness and simplicity of
Queercore music, and the specific anger, fear, vulnerability, and sociopolitical concerns
expressed in its lyrics, emphasized a contradictory exclusive openness which encouraged the
Sister George was the only UK band featured in Lucy Thane’s 1997 documentary, She’s
Real (Worse Than Queer). In a very short clip, Ellyott Dragon discusses the Riot Grrrl
movement, a feminist contemporary of Queercore with which she also identified, and the
surprised reactions of radical lesbians who had never heard of the movement: “So many dykes
around have been rioting in their own way for years, and now they ask me, ‘what’s this Riot
Grrrl thing?’ And then when they describe it, they go – because they don’t read the music papers
– they say ‘that sounds just like what we do…except the music’s a bit too noisy for me.’”122 This
121
Perry Grossman, “Identity Crisis: The Dialectics of Rock, Punk, and Grunge,” Berkeley Journal of
Sociology 41 (1996-1997), 27.
122
Lucy Thane, She’s Real (Worse Than Queer), Vimeo, part one http://vimeo.com/12084539, 14:15-15:00,
1997.
31
short interview clip is followed by an excerpt of a live performance of “Virus Envy,” further
showcasing the political importance of the song, and the simultaneous political alignment yet
separation of Queercore and radical queer activism, as discussed above. Chris Holmlund and
Cynthia Fuchs further outline this point in their book, Between the Sheets, In the Streets: Queer,
Lesbian, Gay Documentary, in which they discuss films such as Thane’s as exploring the
“uncoupling of identity” aesthetically for political action and social acceptance, while discussing
the complicated, often contradictory politics of queer identities.123 Holmlund and Fuchs further
claim that documentaries speak to mainly queer audiences through portraying “evidence from the
world” and “discourse about the world,” as this queer discourse circulates and is produced
through collaborations between queer filmmakers and queer audiences, while remaining “largely
unknown by other communities.”124 Ultimately, queer artists “choose queer as a fighting word,”
which signals resistance and “generational allegiances and differences” through a medium of
“radical openness and possibility” and “marginal perspectives.”125 While this documentary
theory most obviously aligns with Thane’s film, I argue that these arguments also parallel
queerzine and Queercore music aesthetics, politics, outlook, and target audiences. Indeed, as
Rob Fatal asserts, queer music and lyrics are the vehicle for anti-hegemonic messages which
constitute conversational narratives between queer punk artists and their listeners, and which
123
Chris Holmlund and Cynthia Fuchs, “Introduction,” in Between the Sheets, In the Streets: Queer,
Lesbian, Gay Documentary (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), 1-2.
124
Holmlund and Fuchs, “Introduction,” 2 & 5.
125
Holmlund and Fuchs, “Introduction,” 6.
126
Paraphrasing Rob Fatal, “Lezbophobia and Blame the Victim: Deciphering the Narratives of Lesbian
Punk Rock,” Women’s Studies: An Inter-Disciplinary Journal (2012): 158-174.
32
Initially touring with Riot Grrrl bands, such as Huggy Bear and Hissy Fit, Sister George
also typically played cheap shows (3-5 pounds admission) in smaller clubs and bars in London,
such as the Splash Club, Water Rats on Gray’s Inn Road, as advertised in The Guardian – which
mistakenly referred to the group as the “all-female punk band at the forefront of the queercore
movement” [emphasis added].127 Eventually, Sister George toured with fellow early Queercore
bands Mouthfull and Children’s Hour, and these three bands proved highly influential not only in
the establishment of Queercore in London, but also its long-staying power. Unfortunately,
biography, music, and lyrics seem to be all but lost, so I will be unfortunately unable to analyze
their output or politics. However, Mouthfull remains prolific in London’s Queercore scene.
Mouthfull was active from 1994 to 2000, and cited Tom Robinson, Sister George, and the
American – and notably the most popular and successful Queercore band – Pansy Division,
among their biggest influences. Mouthfull’s core members were Andy McHaffie on guitar and
lead vocals and Mike Wyeld on bass guitar and vocals. Other band members initially included
Yasmin Sairally on guitar and Lea Andrews on drums, both of whom left before any songs had
been recorded. Perhaps most importantly, this earlier lineup of Mouthfull set up London’s first
In an interview with Outpunk, Andrews emphasized difference – going against the often
mistaken assumed homology between individuals who identify as queer – within the band itself:
“when we started this band it was for a queercore band, like we were all going to have loads in
common because it’s a gay band and the rest would just follow. But in actual fact, probably the
127
“Rock & Pop Music,” The Guardian, November 12, 1994.
128
“Mouthfull,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Mouthfull (accessed July 1, 2014).
33
only thing we’ve got in common is that we’re gay.”129 Additionally, the band poked fun at the
repeatedly and sardonically stating of Sairally and Andrews, “we are ‘Women of Rock.’”130
Helen Davies highlighted this distinction as misogynistic and an example of the bias female
musicians faced from the music press and the mainly male punk scene in Britain during the early
90s, which was an issue commonly targeted in Queercore music and zines, as expressed in this
interview.131 Furthermore, Julia Downes, and Kevin Dunn and May Summer Farnsworth, affirm
in their respective articles how punk subcultures such as this provided women with a subversive
and resistant space to critique and challenge sexism and the construction of heterosexual
femininities in British culture, thereby opening possibilities for women to assert power and non-
normative identities in a backlash against dominant cultural ideals and norms.132 In this same
interview, the band temporarily lost their biting, yet joking tone when Wyeld mused on the
importance of Queercore as queering the punk subculture, which I will quote at length:
But I think also part of that thing recently about queercore, and particularly
British queercore, there’s been a lot of talk about the lesbian and gay “gaze”; what
do they like to look at? And there’s been a lot of talk about heavy metal bands
and the reason why they’ve not been traditionally popular with gay men, despite
whether or not that’s true, is because the play of the camera is between female
audience members and male band members, that gay men watching it get the idea
that these are men reserved for women, whereas with queercore bands something
different goes on. Because there’s [sic] men and women on stage and they play to
a mixed crowds [sic] of hets and gay people, men and women, that there is the
potential that men standing watching these people could be watching the men or
129
Mouthfull Interview, Outpunk, circa 1994-1995, 21.
130
Mouthfull Interview, Outpunk, 21.
131
Paraphrasing Helen Davies, “All Rock and Roll is Homosocial: The Representation of Women in the
British Rock Music Press,” Popular Music 20 (October 2001): 301-319.
132
Paraphrasing Julia Downes, “The Expansion of Punk Rock: Riot Grrrl Challenges to Gender Power
Relations in British Indie Music Subcultures,” Women’s Studies: An Inter-Disciplinary Journal 41 (2012): 204-237;
and Kevin Dunn and May Summer Farnsworth, “‘We ARE the Revolution’: Riot Grrrl Press, Girl Empowerment,
and DIY Self-Publishing,’ Women’s Studies: An Inter-disciplinary Journal 41 (2012): 136-157.
34
could be watching the women and vice versa, so with queercore bands you get a
whole reworking of the “gaze” and I think that’s probably something that’s fairly
significant and hasn’t been analysed in any of these philosophical writings on
queercore, however crap they’ve been so far.133
When asked what Queercore meant to them and for queer culture, McHaffie’s answer was
perhaps the most stripped away and honest: “Being sincere. Singing about real things.”134
Andrews followed up with what seems to be at the heart of this movement, “as long as
Following the departure of Sairally and Andrews, 17-year-old male drummer, Monsoon,
joined the lineup to record Mouthfull’s most popular song, “16” – the band’s all-male lineup can
be seen in Figure 4. “16” was Mouthfull’s only single, which appeared on their EP Stop
Homophobia 2, which was released in 1995 on Turkey Baster Records. The song would later
reappear on their initially unmastered self-titled album (alternatively titled Bring Balloons) on a
small London record label called Better – a (re)mastered version would later be distributed
online for free in 2009. The cover art for this album is shown in Figure 5. Musically, “16” is
instrumentally similar to Sister George’s style, with a heavy focus on bass and drums, a
repetitive, “catchy” guitar riff which plays with popular music conventions, and a raw, live
sound. McHaffie’s vocals, while much more melodic than Dragon’s, are just as rough and at
times out of tune. His tone almost emulates a Kurt Cobain-esque sound. The lyrics for “16”
reflect the outrage felt within the LGBTQ community during the ongoing debate on the gay age
of consent in the Britain during the mid-90s, which in 1995 was lowered from 21 to 18 – still not
equal to the heterosexual age of consent of 16.136 McHaffie’s emphasis is clearly sardonic in the
133
Mouthfull Interview, Outpunk, 24.
134
35
chorus’ repetitive line “I break the law,” balancing the anger and jest commonly heard in
Queercore music.
Chorus
I break the law
I fuck a 16-year-old
He breaks the law
When he touches me
pounds admission, in smaller venues and pubs in London, such as The Red Eye on Copenhagen
Street and The Garage on Highbury Corner. These gigs often featured fellow punk groups and
artists, such as Pansy Division, the UK indie pop group Fosca (who played at the annual
137
Mouthfull, “16,” on Stop Homophobia 2, MP3, Turkey Baster Records, 1995.
36
Queercore festival in London, Queeruption, in September 1998), folk/punk singer-songwriter
Patrick Fitzgerald, and the all trans* Queercore group Six Inch Killaz.138
This last group, Six Inch Killaz, formed in 1994 and consisted of songwriter Mona
Compleine on guitar, Miss K on rhythm guitar, Luis Hatred on bass guitar, and singers Jasmine
Salome and Holly Cock,139 all of whom can be seen in Figure 6. Each member of this band
identified as MTF (male-to-female transgender), and were self-described as “tranny punks on the
verge of chaos.”140 Throughout Six Inch Killaz’s five-year tenure, the group played shows
throughout London’s underground pub scene, as well as two Pride festivals, “sporadically”
booking whatever gigs they could for their “genderqueer” live show.141 Their live act has been
described by fans as “unpredictable” and “characterised by their lax attitude, drink and drugs.”142
Compleine on a CD-R collection entitled Wonderful in 2000, following the band’s break up in
1999. The cover art and track list of Wonderful is shown in Figure 7. Though each member of
the band was a strong songwriter in their own right, one of their earlier songs, “P.I.G.”, was
138
“Article 1 – No Title,” The Guardian, October 25, 1997; and “Music: Singles Reviews,” The Guardian,
November 7, 1998.
139
“Six Inch Killaz,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Six+Inch+Killaz (accessed July 1, 2014).
140
37
written by Compleine. Standing for “Politically Involved Girls,” “P.I.G.”, as Miss K explains,
was “inspired by the Andy Warhol/Paul Morrissey film Women in Revolt,” and is “the perfect
Killaz song in a nutshell, short, noisy, witty, relentless and catchy, with a Warhol/Factory
reference and an Angry Brigade, situationist attitude.”144 The demo is a rough listen, featuring
the lowest recording quality I came across in my research, and is both musically and lyrically
difficult to decipher, with its chords and half-spoken, half-sung vocals muddled beneath an
overwhelming buzzing sound. However, the angry political sentiment of the song is clear, and as
Miss K emphasizes, from the beginning Six Inch Killaz were on the attack:
144
Miss K, “Six Inch Killaz: Shoot To Kill #2,” The Dragnet.org: The Thoughts/Music/Writing/Art Of A
Transgender Z-List Sleb, December 21, 2008, http://www.thedragnet.org/blog/music/killaz/killaz_02.html (accessed
July 1, 2014).
38
Baader-Meinhoff had their fun,
Patty Hearst load up your gun
(Gotta burn, baby burn, baby burn, yeah!)
Come and kill some time with me
In your town in your city
(Gotta burn, baby burn, baby burn, yeah!)145
Six Inch Killaz were a dominant force in London’s Queercore scene, as seen in the contemporary
Queercore duo, The King Cheetah’s, tribute to the band in 2005. The King Cheetah befriended
Six Inch Killaz through joint performances at the “mixed-gay Kitsch Bitch club night”146 during
the mid-90s. Their song “Six Inch Killaz” portrayed the power of Six Inch Killaz’s music, and
the empowering, long-standing influence they held in London’s Queercore scene, with lyrics
such as:
Appropriately, The King Cheetah referred to Six Inch Killaz’s musical aesthetics and their
39
Apart from their great musical influence, Six Inch Killaz also contributed to the queerzine
culture, as Compleine self-published a zine called Girly (the cover of which is shown in Figure
1), which was dedicated to transgender issues and awareness. Importantly, she approached the
term “transgender” in a way which parallels that of Queercore’s general inclusive and political
MTF trans* people with a title like Girly, she inadvertently left FTM trans* people out, and
made the distinction that she did not “presume to represent all TG people.”150 This is a common
issue in queerzines, where authors wish to be as inclusive as possible, but are always aware of
inevitable exclusions: an issue, as described above, inherent to terms like “queer.” Still,
Compleine importantly targeted the issues and tensions felt within the transgender community
What’s the problem here? The hierarchies: all the divisive labelling, counter-
labelling and backbiting, which further uphold the divide-and-rule stereotypes
provided for us. We emphatically are not one big happy family but we are a kind
of family, we can learn from each other and can all benefit from mutual respect
and support….Insecurities and hierarchies depend on each other, along with
suspicion, competition and individualism. We don’t need shit like that. Mona
says: Get over it.151
149
Girly: TransGender Zine, issue 5 (London, 1996), no page numbers.
150
Girly: TransGender Zine.
151
Girly: TransGender Zine.
40
Compleine’s words emphasized the ultimate goal of Queercore, as well as the political, societal,
and internal subcultural tensions the movement tried to overcome by utilizing their brand of
queer identity politics artistically: creating an inclusive, empowering, and resistant space for
queer youth.
Conclusions:
Queercore emerged in an intense and angry explosion during the late-80s and early-90s, and
though it is still around today politically and artistically, and has actually expanded into other
musical genres such as indie rock, pop, synth, and experimental, this already small punk scene
has, for the most part, dissipated. Today, its unorganized history lives on mainly through
sporadic academic papers, sparsely held Queercore festivals and events, and social media blog
sites like Tumblr. The creator of one such Tumblr blog – Fuck Yeah! Queercore – muses that
defined.”152 Personally, I prefer Liz Naylor’s definition: the founder of Catcall Records, which
distributed Sister George’s Drag King, aptly reflected that Queercore wasn’t a “movement,” it
was a “moment.”153 As such, there are a few reasons why Queercore emerged with a bang and
subsequently fizzled out with a whimper. Firstly, Queercore lacked direction, uniformity, and
money. These concerns were clearly expressed in an editorial for the London queerzine
Chaos/Order:
152
Eric [pseud.], “About Queercore,” Fuck Yeah! Queercore, no entry date,
http://fuckyeahqueercore.tumblr.com/ (accessed June 30, 2014).
153
Quoting Liz Naylor, “Queercore: Blah Blah Blah!,” Fagburn, April 12, 2012,
http://www.fagburn.com/2012/04/queercore-blah-blah-blah.html (accessed June 15, 2014).
41
We’re all talking about QUEERCORE…But what is QC really? is [sic] it a
simple reaction to the gay scene? then [sic] what’s the point? most [sic] of us
dislike the scene, but is it important enough to be the reason for our
existence?...It’s also a matter of money. the [sic] scene costs more than most of
us can afford, at least on a regular basis. but [sic] going to gigs and buying
records also isn’t cheap. we [sic] live in a consumerist society, everything
costs….now I get to the politics. if [sic] we claim to make a statement by merely
being QUEERCORE then what’s the difference between us and other “lifestyle”
queers? I think we all agree that QUEERCORE is more than shagging a member
of the same sex whilst listening to God Is My Co-pilot or Sister George…but
what else does it take? what [sic] do we want?154
It seems no one had a definitive answer. Secondly, and relatedly, like most queer subcultural
and its sense of commonality156 and politics weakened as inner tensions regarding race, gender,
and class arose; in this way, it “inevitably no longer [met] the idealistic view [it] initially set for
reactionary and of its time: emerging out of a world where it was nearly impossible for
– to safely be and express wholly who they were, the movement then dissipated in a world where
it suddenly became easier and more socially acceptable to do so. However, I argue that this does
not diminish its social impact. In fact, it is important to remember that in a time before the
internet, before LGBTQ rights really progressed and became a mainstream and international
socio-political issue, and before the support of organizations such as the Trevor Project and It
Gets Better campaign, Queercore did much of the work of these organizations, albeit for a small
population of queer punks. Just by simply being who they are – loudly, strongly, and proudly –
154
Chaos/Order, no page numbers.
155
Kirsch, “Conclusion: Theory, Politics, and the Community,” in Queer Theory and Social Change, 115.
156
Nikki Sullivan, “Community and its Discontents,” chapter 8 in A Critical Introduction to Queer Theory
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2003), 137.
157
Kirsch, “Conclusion: Theory, Politics, and the Community,” 117.
42
Queercore artists made a difference by offering potentially life-saving resources to LGBTQ
youth through fanzines and music, and by, as romantic as it may sound, saying “yes” while the
Equally, there are many reasons why Queercore has become a somewhat hidden artifact
in academia and LGBTQ history: their music was unpolished and gritty at best, as some bands
barely knew how to string together three chords when they started; their lyrics were graphic,
overtly-sexual, and violent; their zines were messy, utilizing a cut-n-paste aesthetic, equally
angry and explicit, and riddled with grammatical errors; and their live shows, marred with stage
antics and jokes, the imitation of sexual acts, and unfortunate yet empowering interactions with
hecklers, encompassed all of these characteristics and more. As such, no one aspect of the
taboo, and, as it thrives on conflict, confrontation, and controversy, potentially upsetting and
offensive. Ultimately, queer punks still do not quite jive with the assimilationist approach,
hegemonic image, and equal rights political agenda of the LGBTQ mainstream. It often seems
like Queercore participants have never wanted acceptance from those who outcast them – they
just wanted to be. From the outside, any punk subculture may be seen as a fad or a phase for
youth in which it’s “cool” to identify with a certain band or scene; however, for Queercore
participants, overall, the movement’s music and zines were exceedingly important to a
Queercore identity politics were also, as expressed throughout this paper, inherently
paradoxical. Horowitz’s recent critique of queer theory reflects this as she criticizes the current
state of its discourse as hetero- and homo-normative – i.e. assuming that anyone identifying
under the umbrella term “queer” “should have anything in common culturally, politically, or
43
otherwise” – and counter-argues that queer theory should decentralize any presumed hegemonic
norms and similarities, and should instead highlight dissimilarities among queer identities and
cultures.158 These issues stem from the term “queer,” which, as I have discussed at length,
array of nonnormative genders and sexualities) and to maintain differences (by framing some
bodies and lives as queerer than others).”159 This argument to think about queer identity as “not a
priori structured around binarism and hierarchy”160 reflects the politics, tensions, and erasures
that were commonly fostered in Queercore zines and music. Therefore, I argue that the politics
Queercore participants preached by appropriating the term “queer” for their aesthetic, political,
and artistic agendas almost foreshadowed recent critiques of queer theory, while those that were
In a 2006 queer theory conference, a theoretical “antisocial turn” was set between two
utopianism.”161 I argue that Queercore politics and art reflected both extremes due to its
simultaneous ahistoricity, social critique and resistance of the present, and the utopian
“emancipatory potential” of counter-public and alternative culture zines, music, and lyrics.162
For example, Ruth Adams’ article on the impact and legacy of the Sex Pistols focuses on what
she calls “the Englishness of English Punk,” through which she asserts that this punk music is a
158
Horowitz, “The Trouble with ‘Queerness,’” 304 & 310.
159
Horowitz, “The Trouble with ‘Queerness,’” 322.
160
Horowitz, “The Trouble with ‘Queerness,’” 310.
161
Robert L. Caserio, Lee Edelman, Judith Halberstam, José Esteban Muñoz, and Tim Dean, “The
Antisocial Thesis in Queer Theory,” PMLA 121 (May 2006): 824 & 826.
162
Michelle Comstock, “Grrrl Zine Networks: Re-Composing Spaces of Authority, Gender, and Culture,”
JAC 21 (Spring 2001): 394.
44
“form of symbolic war” which simultaneously dramatizes the realities of everyday life,
“(alternative) future” in a postmodernist utopia.163 Similarly, Kate Shaw asserts, the alternative
politics of subcultures emphasize not only resistance and subversion, but also anti-establishment
and anti-”art” elements, allowing subcultures to rewrite the past for their own purposes.164 These
Despite the problems with “queer” in both real life and theory, many scholars have
struggled to provide a solution. However, the most recent proposal to apply queer theory to daily
Queercore, can be found in Halberstam’s “antisocial” notion of the “queer art of failure,” which
is located in “radical utopias” (i.e. queer subcultures), low theory (“a counterhegemonic form of
culture.165 In this case, Halberstam’s notion of “failure” is the recognition that queer identities,
subcultures, and art fail to adhere to hegemonic norms, and thereby imagine existing alternatives
to ideologies of “success” in dominant culture power discourses and systems: “under certain
circumstances failing, losing, forgetting, unmaking, undoing, unbecoming, not knowing may in
fact offer more creative, more cooperative, more surprising ways of being in the world.”166
Queering and integrating this “failure” with “low theory,” Halberstam analyzes how queer tropes
work on different levels in both “high” and “low” art and culture; he approaches each extreme
163
Ruth Adams, “The Englishness of English Punk: Sex Pistols, Subcultures, and Nostalgia,” Popular
Music and Society 31 (2008): 472 & 475.
164
Paraphrasing Kate Shaw, “Independent Creative Subcultures and Why They Matter,” International
Journal of Cultural Policy 19 (2013): 333-352.
165
Judith Halberstam, “Introduction: Low Theory,” in The Queer Art of Failure (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2011), 2 & 18.
166
Halberstam, “Introduction: Low Theory,” 2-3.
45
equally, while acknowledging that “low” art may potentially not be taken seriously in academia
or otherwise. This combination, then, revels in anti-disciplinarity and opens up new possibilities
and alternatives for queer theory and cultural studies which do not get caught in the “trap” of
more conventional queer topics, tropes, and ways of theorizing and “knowing” (i.e. utilizing
binarisms and “all-encompassing and global theories”) by providing a more nuanced, darker,
chaotic, subversive, and queerer view of the world through “knowledge from below” [emphasis
in original].167 Importantly, Halberstam’s use of the term “negativity” differs from how it has
been used thus far in this dissertation – referring to the stigmatization and injury of the term
“queer” – and instead it critiques queer theory’s impulse towards tropes of positivity,
productivity, affirmation, success, and hope for an imaginary utopian future and aims to decenter
this line of thinking; as such, Halberstam’s negative queer archive embraces pessimism,
masochism, the anti-social, resistance, radical anti-politics, punk aesthetics, etc. For example, as
related to Queercore, Halberstam argues that queer punk negativity consists of “implicit politics
of failure”168 which allow for an escape and subversive critique. “Failure” in this sense refers to
the inefficient attempt of queer identities and subcultures to adhere to “normative” constructs of
behavior and identity in society, which preserves anarchy and disturbs boundaries; additionally,
Halberstam suggests that forgetting (i.e. Queercore’s ahistorical outlook) can be used as a means
of resistance.169 As such, queer aesthetics of the subcultural performer include darkness, dissent,
167
Halberstam, “Introduction: Low Theory,” 11.
168
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” chapter 3 in The Queer Art of Failure, 90.
169
Halberstam, “Introduction: Low Theory,” 15.
46
and resistance through failure170 and a “subjugated knowledge” from “below.”171 Halberstam
ultimately asserts:
failure is not necessarily a loss, lack of success, or falling short of expectation, but rather it “turns
on the impossible, the improbable, the unlikely, and the unremarkable. It quietly loses, and in
losing it imagines other goals for life, for love, for art, and for being” [emphasis added].174
Halberstam argues that queer punks exhibit a “refusal of a normative model” of life, and playing
on this notion of societal expectation, queer social worlds, like Queercore scenes, are “evidence
failure is celebrated and sardonically – and knowingly – maintained by its “losers,” as seen
Bruce LaBruce, a forerunner in the establishment of the first Queercore scene (initially,
170
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” 97.
171
Halberstam, “Introduction: Low Theory,” 23.
172
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” 88.
173
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” 90.
174
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” 88.
175
Halberstam, “The Queer Art of Failure,” 94.
47
say it is.”176 He continued that he finally “really understood it – how you can create something
out of a desperate need, and make it so convincing that not only you but others around you start
believing it too;” uncomfortable with the fact that Queercore had become “an international
phenomenon or something,” with people referring to what he calls his “imaginary creation as
‘legendary’ and ‘important’,” LaBruce felt it was time to move on.177 LaBruce argued that the
creators and participants of this “gay underworld” lived in an “imaginary world,” and that queer
punk fanzines and music were not “supposed to be written about…catalogued and historicized
and analysed to death…they’re supposed to be disposable,” further stating that by the time this
article was written, Queercore had become “meaningless.”178 Ultimately, LaBruce asserted, “I’m
not going to write about punk because sometimes to explain is to weaken.”179 Given that, by
1995, LaBruce had been effectively kicked out and ostracized by the queer punk community he
created due to the commercial success of his underground films – which supposedly sold the
movement out – it is understandable that his attitude towards Queercore would become so jaded
and bitter. However, as a music historian, my obvious counter-argument to his claims is that not
writing about moments in music history such as this is really what weakens their importance.
Indeed, I firmly maintain that the inherent difficulty, contradictions, and relative disappearance
of Queercore should not dissuade us from discussing and analyzing it, because none of these
paradoxical aspects lessens its continuing impact: the politics and message were reactionary and
loud, angry yet vulnerable, highly influential and inspiring to those aware of it, and very much of
its time, while almost foreshadowing current issues in queer theory discourse and queer activism
176
Bruce LaBruce, “The Wild, Wild World of Fanzines: Notes from a Reluctant Pornographer,” chapter 9 in
A Queer Romance: Lesbians, Gay Men, and Popular Culture, edited by Paul Burston and Colin Richardson
(London: Routledge, 1995), 186.
177
LaBruce, “The Wild, Wild World of Fanzines,” 186.
178
LaBruce, “The Wild, Wild World of Fanzines,” 193-194.
179
LaBruce, “The Wild, Wild World of Fanzines,” 193.
48
and politics. Halberstam’s queer failure model claims that the antisocial queer negativity archive
in academia is lacking, and I argue that future studies on queer subcultures such as Queercore
would work within Halberstam’s model and be a strong contribution to his “queer archive,”
particularly within musicology. As studies such as this expand on the current trend of integrating
social theories and methods within musicological projects, I argue that Rathe’s bold assertion –
that Queercore “changed the world (whether you knew it or not)” – is not so off the mark, but
rather important and insightful, and proves the importance of rectifying, perhaps to LaBruce’s
chagrin, its general absence within mainstream LGBTQ history and academia.
49
Figures
Figure 1: Queercore zine covers180
A) Freaky Queer - Cardiff, 1992
180
Freaky Queer (Cardiff, 1992); Chaos/Order (London, 1994); and Girly: TransGender Zine (London,
1996)
50
C) Girly: TransGender Zine - London, 1996
181
“Sister George,” Facebook Profile, Photos Page, https://www.facebook.com/pages/Sister-
george/474814682559440 (accessed June 16, 2014).
51
Figure 3: Sister George, Drag King front, inner, and back album cover art, 1994182
182
“Sister George,” Facebook Profile, Photos Page, https://www.facebook.com/pages/Sister-
george/474814682559440 (accessed June 16, 2014).
52
Figure 4: Mouthfull, circa 1995183
183
“Mouthfull: Pictures,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Mouthfull (accessed July 1, 2014).
53
Figure 5: Mouthfull, Mouthfull/Bring Balloons front album cover art, recorded in 1997 and
released in 2009184
184
“Mouthfull: Albums,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Mouthfull (accessed July 1, 2014).
185
“Six Inch Killaz: Pictures,” Last.fm, http://www.last.fm/music/Six+Inch+Killaz (accessed July 1, 2014).
54
Figure 7: Six Inch Killaz Wonderful front cover art and track list, 2000186
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Further Reading
Literature:
Dodd, Sarah Louise Drakopoulou. “Roots Radical – Place, Power and Practice in Punk
Entrepreneurship.” Entrepreneurship & Regional Development: An International Journal
26 (2014): 165-205.
Freedland, Jonathan. “The Pink, White, and Blue.” The Guardian. June 4, 1996.
Lucas, Ian. OutRage! An Oral History. London: Cassell, 1998.
Schippers, Mimi. “The Sociological Organization of Sexuality and Gender in Alternative Hard
Rock: An Analysis of Intersectionality.” Gender and Society 14 (December 2000): 747-
764.
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