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New Men New Women, New Rleationships: (Chap#8 Topic1)
New Men New Women, New Rleationships: (Chap#8 Topic1)
Currently new men and new women strongly believe in gender equality so that both sexes have equal
access and opportunities regardless of gendered decision making and the state of evolving different
behavior and needs equally regardless gender.
Women are the new men / Economic activities and gender role
2. Women are making their way in the world into places not seen in previous generations.
There are more women than men enrolled in college as well as obtaining driver’s
licenses.
Females are overtaking the boardroom as the CEOs, taking the positions of partners in
law firms and running the show as surgeons in the operating room.
4. With this new ambition comes role change. Now women are carrying the brief cases
rather than wearing aprons and waiting, martini in hand, for their breadwinning husbands
to return from work.
5. They are climbing the corporate ladder and the concept of marriage and children is far
from at the top of their agendas.
For the men, it is a huge adjustment to not only have a woman as their boss, but now their
private lives are being controlled by the women who are having their way with them and
moving on.
Some might think it is a positive that women are thinking about their careers and making
a foundation for themselves by using their education as opposed to walking down an aisle
prematurely because they are concentrating on their ticking biological clocks.
5. Many doors have opened. Women today are farmers, factory workers, CEOs
of companies, scientists, engineers, doctors, and hold many other jobs that
may have been unthinkable in the past.
Business
Agriculture
Industry
Domestic workers
Market vendors
Migrant workers
3. In comparison, young women are now waiting longer before they become wives. In 1977, 45
percent of young women between 20 and 24 years of age had never married. This
represents an increase of 17 percent since 1960 (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1978).
4. Instead of cooking, cleaning, and taking care of infants, almost one out of every two young
women in their early twenties were accumulating advanced education and work experience
for futures that most expect will include both family and employment.
5. In a recent study by Cherlin (1980) enrollment in higher education and the expectation of
being employed rather than a full-time housewife at age 35 were associated with delay of
marriage.
6. Other evidence suggests an equally rational approach to marriage among young women. In
the 1976 replication study of Americans View Their Mental Health. In 1957, the year
respondents were interviewed for the first study, single woman were the most positive
toward marriage of all marital status groups of women. They were even more positive than
single men, a noteworthy difference since overall men were more positive about marriage
than women. In comparison, the 1976 single women showed the greatest decline of any
group of women in the number who placed a positive value on marriage. They were much
more accepting of women who chose to remain single and were substantially more likely
than their 1957 counterparts to view marriage as restrictive and burdensome .
7. The consequences of young women's shifts in marital timing and in attitudes toward
marriage raise questions about these women's future marital roles.
8. Delay of marriage could mean a swing to alternative family arrangements, or it could mean
that marriage will be embraced with greater awareness of problems and greater
commitment to chair solution.
Fertility
1. One of the major factors enabling women to modify their family roles has been their control
over fertility. Young women can explore relationships and decide on the form they will take
without the perils of pregnancy.
2. Once a relationship is established they can plan their parenthood around a variety of events
including hers as well as his employment career, family income needs, child care supports,
and a variety of other marital and family specific events.
3. Such events, hers, his, and theirs, have had an impact on fertility.
4. Married women are currently having 1.8 children.
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5. This lowered fertility has been associated with increased formal education, planned
employment, and actual employment (Stolzenberg and Waite 1977).
6. While on the surface lowered fertility might imply a rejection of motherhood for career, a
more thorough examination indicates the opposite.
7. According to the Bureau of the Census, lowered fertility appears to result from a reduction
in family size rather than a reduction in the number of woman who becomes parents.
Instead of three or four children, women are now completing child-henries with one or two
children (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1976).
8. While the replication study of Americans View Their Mental Health indicated s significant
relaxation of pro-natal form with an increasing acceptance of childless couples (Douven,
Veroff, and Kulka in press),
9. and the number of young women who say That they expect to remain childless is increasing
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 1977), still childless women constitute about 5 percent of the
population of young women and the number of women who are still childless by the age of
45 has remained relatively constant since 1960 (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1979).
10. The decline is more likely the result of the ability of women to control their fertility to match
their desired family size rather than having to adapt to unwanted fertility as they did several
decades ago. Even though the decline has been associated with women's employment,
there is reason to argue that the increasing financial coats of raising children may stimulate
both women's employment and their lowered fertility.
Employment
1.One decision that has become as commonplace in women's lives as fertility, particularly
among young woman, is employment.
2.According to results from the 1976 replication of Americans View Their Mental .Health,
attitudes toward both housework and paid work have shifted since 1957.
3.Housewives are less positive about housework and an increasing number plan to seek jobs. At
the same time employed married women express a much higher level of job commitment,
saying they would work even if they didn't need the money.
4.Leisure is no less important to them than it is to full-time housewives but for many it is less
important than work in fulfilling their major life values (Douvan, Veroff and Kulka in press).
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5.These attitude have been translated into labor force participation. For mothers of school age
children, employment has become the norm. Even among mothers of preschoolers it has
become increasingly common with 42 percent in the labor market (Hoffman 1979).
6.Housework, childcare, and husband-wife interaction have been adjusted to the job demands
of wives and mothers.
7.Studies have indicated that one solution to the multiple demands incurred when women enter
the labor market is to put less time into housework (Berk and Berk 1979).
8.Since the fewer hours put into housework by employed married women is not made up by
contributions from other family members, the amount of housework which gets done within
the family declines absolutely.
9.Regardless of the decline though, a large portion of employed women's week still gets
devoted to it. Besides getting up earlier to do housework before work and devoting
weekends to laundry, shopping, and cleaning, working wives also spend part of their wages
for time-saving foods and appliances, although rarely for paid household help.
10. While housework may lend itself to some reorganization, child care is more of a problem.
Purchasing childcare replacements is limited both by availability and by costs.
11. Working mothers often have to put together fragile packages of childcare from two or three
sources. When these arrangements break down, as they invariably do, women assume the
responsibility and adjust their lives to the crisis (Presser and Baldwin 1980).
12. Despite these and other problems that employment brings into the lives of working
mothers, the children rather than the mothers have received the most research attention.
13. Until the last two decades, researchers often hypothesized that being an employed mother
was bad for children.
14. Since then a variety of studies have indicated that children with employed mothers have
more androgynous sex-role attitudes and that girls, in particular, have higher achievement
aspirations than those from families without employed mothers. The implications for sons
are less clear (Hoffman 1979).
15. If the children of employed mothers are somewhat different from those of full-time
mothers, then the mothers' child-rearing activities must have changed as well.
16. Obviously employed mothers spend less time around their children, although not
necessarily lees time in mother-child interaction (Hoffman 1977).
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What about the standards and expectations they hold for themselves and their children?
Little research has been devoted to this question yet it seems more than likely that such
change has occurred. If so, then some problems that have been attributed to the effects
of maternal employment may, in fact, be the result of a lag between non-familial
institutional expectations and those of parents. In my collaborative study of divorced
mothers.
The mothers frequently felt that they expected a more mature and responsible role
from their children than did the children's teachers and that classroom problems
sometimes resulted.
These mothers may or may not be correct in their evaluations but what this emphasizes
is the intersection between changing family roles and the responsiveness of other
institutions to these changes.
8. As a result, being a divorced mother meant the same responsibilities they had as a married
mother but with one less person to care for.
9. Finally, the economic and social situation of divorced mothers who head their families can
hardly be described as an inducement to leave marriage. The end of the marriage for the
women in the divorced mother study meant a drop of over 50 percent in family income,
residential mobility, and, reliance on used or second-hand goods to meet family needs.
10. Certainly, employment opportunities enable women to head their families, but it is unlikely that
divorces would occur if there were not changes in role expectations within families that produce
tensions and conflicts.
11. Returning once again to the divorced mother study, the analysis indicates that women choose
single parenthood to escape such problems as alcoholism, violence, and continual marital
disputes. If employment plays a role, it may do so by encouraging a sense of competence and
self worth that enables a woman to end a marriage and head a family when either hers or her
children's needs are threatened.
12. In the divorced mother study, the women often had trouble finding jobs and worried about
making ends meet, but they valued the independence and control that resulted from heading
their families. These women were less likely to be self-sacrificing victims of unhappy marriages
than women were several decades ago. Loneliness, fatigue, and poverty were balanced with a
new sense of self identity (Kohen in review).
5. Still, sexism is present in every day acts like cat calling, inappropriate jokes at the office, and
many more.
woman was expected to be a mother and a wife, taking care of husband’s well-being and raising
children,
and man had to provide for his family.
Today, the line between male’s and female’s roles is becoming more blurred as women tend to be as
ambitious in business word as men.
Our modern society gives men a chance to be much more connected with their families and women are,
finally, getting an opportunity to develop identities that are not defined solely by motherhood.
So, what a modern man should do for self-improvement, to prove that he can be a leader not only in
business world but in his own family?
• It will be useful to learn a new language. It can be used in your work or for travelling;
• Read more in order to be interesting to talk to. Watch less TV;
• Start sport training;
• Create a healthy diet;
• Improve your relationship with your wife, family or girlfriend;
• Improve your working performance, aim for promotion;
• Make a budget;
• Try improving your confidence;
• Know how to say “no;”
• Invest in your education, health, and appearance.
Women of 21st century are as strong and capable as men; moreover, they tend to be economically
independent, and these basic recommendations will help to improve man’s masculinity and enrich
individuality.
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Fluctuations in Employment
1. Gender differences in laws affect both developing and developed economies, and women in
all regions. Globally, over 2.7 billion women are legally restricted from having the same choice
of jobs as men. Of 189 economies assessed in 2018, 104 economies still have laws preventing
women from working in specific jobs, 59 economies have no laws on sexual harassment in the
workplace, and in 18 economies, and husbands can legally prevent their wives from working.
2. Women remain less likely to participate in the labor market than men around the world.
Labor force participation rate for women aged 25-54 is 63 per cent compared to 94 per cent for
men. When including younger (aged 15 years and up) and older women (aged 55 and up) , in
2018 women’s global labor force participation rate is event lower at 48.5 per cent, 26.5
percentage points below that of men.
3. Women are more likely to be unemployed than men. In 2017, global unemployment rates for
men and women stood at 5.5 per cent and 6.2 per cent respectively. This is projected to remain
relatively unchanged going into 2018 and through 2021.
4. Women are over-represented in informal and vulnerable employment. Women are more than
twice more likely than men to be contributing family workers. From the latest available data, the
share of women in informal employment in developing countries was 4.6 percentage points
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higher than that of men, when including agricultural workers, and 7.8 percentage points higher
when excluding them.
5. Globally, women are paid less than men. The gender wage gap is estimated to be 23 per cent.
This means that women earn 77 per cent of what men earn, though these figures understate the
real extent of gender pay gaps, particularly in developing countries where informal self-
employment is prevalent.
6. Women also face the motherhood wage penalty, which increases as the number of children a
woman has increases.
7. Women bear disproportionate responsibility for unpaid care and domestic work. Women
tend to spend around 2.5 times more time on unpaid care and domestic work than men. The
amount of time devoted to unpaid care work is negatively correlated with female laborforce
participation.
8. Unpaid care work is essential to the functioning of the economy, but often goes uncounted
and unrecognized. It is estimated that if women’s unpaid work were assigned a monetary value,
it would constitute between 10 per cent and 39 per cent of GDP.
9. Women are still less likely to have access to social protection. Gender inequalities in
employment and job quality result in gender gaps in access to social protection acquired through
employment, such as pensions, unemployment benefits or maternity protection. Globally, an
estimated nearly 40 per cent of women in wage employment do not have access to social
protection.
10. Women are less likely than men to have access to financial institutions or have a bank
account. While 65 per cent of men report having an account at a formal financial institution, only
58 per cent of women do worldwide.
11. The digital divide remains a gendered one: most of the 3.9 billion people who are offline are in
rural areas, poorer, less educated and tend to be women and girls.
12. Women are less likely to be entrepreneurs and face more disadvantages starting
businesses: In 40% of economies, women’s early stage entrepreneurial activity is half or less
than half of that of men’s.
13. Women are constrained from achieving the highest leadership positions: Only 5% of Fortune
500 CEOs are Women.
14. Violence and harassment in the world of work affects women regardless of age, location,
income or social status. The economic costs – a reflection of the human and social costs – to the
global economy of discriminatory social institutions and violence against women are estimated to
be approximately USD 12 trillion annually.
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