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BENNET Karen Epistemicide
BENNET Karen Epistemicide
Epistemicide!
Karen Bennett
To cite this article: Karen Bennett (2007) Epistemicide!, The Translator, 13:2, 151-169, DOI:
10.1080/13556509.2007.10799236
Epistemicide!
The Tale of a Predatory Discourse
Karen Bennett
University of Lisbon, Portugal
Part I
“Once upon a time, many years ago in England, a new discourse was
born. His parents were both very old at his birth, and poor, because,
although they were of illustrious lineage, they had since fallen on hard
times. Moreover, the kingdom was ruled at that time by a tyrannical old
discourse who claimed to have been put there by God, and who cruelly
suppressed any that challenged his word. Consequently, the new baby
discourse had to be nurtured with care and in secret, for fear he would
be silenced before he was strong enough to fend for himself.
With time, however, he grew strong and tall and began to gather
supporters. He organized forays against the tyrannical king in the name
of justice, freedom and equality, and gradually started to gain control
of territories in the land. The old ruler was eventually overcome and
went into exile abroad, where he could do no more harm. The young
discourse found himself in control of the country ...”
As we can see, the subject matter that I wish to broach in this paper does not
necessarily have to be presented in the conventional academic way. Indeed,
with its clear chronological development, elements of suspense, and the moral
twist that will surely come at the end, the topic lends itself particularly well
to the kind of narrative treatment that we might associate with the fairy tale
or parable. However, no researcher in their right mind would dream of seri-
ously submitting a tale like this to an academic journal such as The Translator
without at least signalling their awareness of the irregularity, as I have done,
with distancing devices such as inverted commas and italics. For such journals,
and the scholars who read them, have very clear cut expectations as to how
the fruits of academic endeavour should be presented. Guidelines are provided
for contributors to ensure that they keep within accepted style parameters,
and there is a team of referees and editors on hand to exclude any that do not
make the mark. Consequently, authors who fail to comply run the risk of being
considered incompetent and scientifically illiterate.
Yet knowledge has not always been configured in the same way as it is
today. Until a few centuries ago in Western culture, and still today in many
others, the narrative form, alongside others which we today associate with
‘literary’ rather than ‘factual’ genres, was considered a perfectly valid way
of transmitting the collective wisdom of a community. It was only after the
Enlightenment, with its elevation of reason at the expense of the emotions,
and with the growing status of the natural sciences, that a split took place
between Fact and Fiction and literary forms were deprived of any ‘cognitive
authority’ (White 1997:23). Thus began the reign of the discourse that Venuti
(1995:5) calls the ‘authoritative plain style’, the predatory discourse of my
title and the one employed routinely by academics and, more pertinently, by
academic translators across the English-speaking world.
Today, this discourse is not used for academic writing alone but for
factual writing of any kind. Indeed, it is so entirely ubiquitous and so appar-
ently transparent that most people who have been brought up in Anglophone
culture do not even notice it is there. As White (1997:22) has pointed out,
proficiency in it is felt to constitute basic literacy and is essential for success
Karen Bennett 153
Other challenges to the truth claims of science have come from the sociology of science,
ethnomethodology, semiotics, etc. See Potter (1996) for an overview.
154 Epistemicide!
This process has been extensively explored by translation theorists since the 1970s. For
example, Toury (1978) and Lefevere (1985) describe how translation choices are inevitably
conditioned by ideological and material constraints operating within the target culture, while
Evan-Zohar (1979, 1990) discusses how these are affected by the ever-shifting balance of
power within the polysystem.
Karen Bennett 155
dificilmente mensuráveis,
difficultly measurable,
Despite the fact that the text as a whole is a largely analytical discussion of
the effects produced by different kinds of musical notation and describes an
entirely tangible experiment in graphic reproduction, the discourse used in
this introduction clearly subscribes to a neo-romantic idealistic view of the
creative process. Terms such as ‘word-spark’, ‘rekindle’, ‘revelation’, ‘end-
less quest’, etc., evoke Romantic discourse on divine inspiration, while even
relatively banal notions are expressed in emotionally violent language (eg.
‘tears open’; ‘vertiginous’, ‘arousing intense memories’).
The syntax is also anything but clear and linear, with a sprouting of subor-
dination that defies translation into a language like English. The last sentence
in particular illustrates very well the Portuguese tendency to cultivate verbal
foliage that, to English eyes, only obscures the main trunk of the argument.
The translation, therefore, does not merely replace one chain of signifiers in
Karen Bennett 157
Portuguese with another in English. In order to make this text acceptable within
the target discourse, I have had to undertake some quite serious alterations
that have repercussions on the underlying ideology.
The flamboyant emotive terms of the original have mostly been replaced
by more matter-of-fact equivalents, while familiar-sounding collocations from
the target discourse (‘broad concept’; ‘not easy to categorize and measure’;
‘current practice’; ‘unsettle preconceptions’, etc.) have been introduced in
order to assimilate the text to target discourse expectations. As regards the
syntax, the last sentence has been quite radically pruned in order to make the
argument more linear, and elsewhere the information has been reorganized in
the interests of clarity and cohesion. In places, connections have been made
more explicit by the introduction of new elements.
Example 2 below, an abstract in the area of architecture, is also gram-
matically alien to English academic discourse but in a different way from
Example 1. Instead of an elaborate syntax heavy with subordination, this
text asserts its poeticality with short verbless sentences that are deliberately
elliptical. It also maintains suspense by deferring any mention of location or
purpose for several paragraphs:
Between cities yes, in the geographical sense of the term and more
precisely in the
Part II
“…The old discourse, whom the young pretender had usurped, had
believed wholeheartedly in the value and power of the human spirit.
This was not surprising, as his father’s ancestors had been Scholastics,
who spent all their time poring over the scriptures, while his mother,
Karen Bennett 159
Rhetoric, had inherited from her own family a great respect for words.
Indeed, for this old king, the only knowledge worth having lay in words,
which he believed to be divine. And it was clear that not everyone could
master their secrets. Many long years of training in Latin grammar,
rhetoric and dialectic were required before a man could even begin
to consider himself knowledgeable. So the lower classes, who could
not even write their own language, let alone Latin, had necessarily
to be told what to believe by the priests and friars – the old discourse
was quite sure of that!.
However, at the time our young discourse was born, new ideas were
starting to come into the country from abroad and were stirring up
unrest. These new ideas said that God was in everyone, that men were
therefore equal, and could learn for themselves and that they didn’t
need the priests to explain it all to them. There were murmurs in some
quarters that in fact all the learned words of the old discourse were
mere gobbledygook, designed to keep the people enthralled, and that
they could learn more about the world by observing what they saw
before their very eyes than by studying ancient texts.
Also, at around the same time, some of the common people had
started to get rich through trade and they were keen to educate their
children. They needed someone to defend their interests against the
old king, who kept the power and the wealth and the knowledge in the
hands of his aristocratic relatives.
And so they rallied around the new young discourse, who be-
came their hero, championing their cause against the corrupt old
regime…”
English academic discourse emerged out of the scientific paradigm that first
began to take shape in England in the 17th century (Halliday 1993a), gradu-
ally spreading to the social sciences and humanities over the course of the
next three hundred years (Wignell 1998, Halliday and Martin 1993:16). The
‘scientific revolution’, as it has come to be known, represented a major shift
in attitudes and values. For not only did the focus of knowledge pass from
man’s symbolic systems to the outside world, a whole new methodological
approach of induction (combining the rational and the empirical) gradually
took over from the Aristotelian system of deduction, which had been the basis
of university education until then. The copious eloquence and elegant rhetoric
valued by the Christian humanists now fell out of fashion, and instead a terse
plain style was cultivated as the only appropriate vehicle for the new knowl-
edge (no doubt reflecting the Protestant distrust of ornament and symbols as
much as their desire to discover the truth about the world around them).
Although it is not easy to determine which came first, social or ideological change, the
Protestant Reformation, with its doctrine of ‘the priesthood of all believers’, was clearly an
160 Epistemicide!
The first stirrings in this direction can perhaps be traced back to Francis
Bacon, who, in The Advancement of Learning (1605), argued against the ten-
dency of the scholastics to ‘study words and not matter’. However, the linguist
Michael Halliday (1993a:57) locates the true birth of scientific discourse in
the writings of Isaac Newton, in which processes were systematically recon-
strued as things for the first time, chiefly by means of the linguistic device of
nominalization. This had the ideologically significant result of transforming
subjective dynamic experience into static objective fact by the effective re-
moval of the observer, a process reinforced by the appearance of the passive
at around the same time (see Ding 1998). Thus, with these two resources a
framework was established for the transmission and propagation of a positivist
philosophy, which would gradually replace the old anthropocentric theory of
knowledge in the English speaking world.
With the growing status of the natural sciences, the new kind of impersonal
discourse acquired prestige and began to spread to other areas. Its associations
with the bourgeoisie, which in the 17th century was the social class in the
ascendancy, also linked it firmly to the structures of wealth and power in the
new social configuration. Thus began the process of colonization of other
disciplines, beginning with the social sciences (Wignell 1998), and moving
on to all areas of knowledge in western society, even to less tangible domains
like literature and art criticism.
Today it has become what Halliday (1993b:84) calls ‘the discourse of
modernity’, used whenever factuality is asserted and authority claimed. And
although numerous internal differences exist between disciplines and genres
– as has been pointed out by descriptive linguists such as Hyland (2000),
Swales (1990) and Flowerdew (2002:29) – there is clearly a common structure
and ideology underlying them all, as becomes obvious when we take a step
backwards to view these texts from outside our culture. Indeed, the hundreds
of style manuals currently on the market for foreign students and undergradu-
ates are remarkably consistent as regards the precepts they transmit, revealing
very little disciplinary variation. These therefore can provide a framework for
important factor in promoting the paradigm shift that we have come to know as the Scientific
Revolution. Robert Merton (1970/2001), the sociologist/historian of science, argues in a
seminal text that science, like capitalism (with which it has always been closely associ-
ated) had its roots in Puritanism, a fact which may well explain the continuing emphasis
on clarity and plainness in academic discourse.
This claim is based upon a review of the style manuals available at a Birmingham book
store, undertaken in 2004. Cf. for example: Fairburn, Gavin and Christopher Winch (1996)
Reading, Writing and Reasoning: A Guide for Students, Open University Press; Cottrell,
Stella (2003) The Study Skills Handbook, Palgrave Study Guides; Hennessy, Brendan
(2002) Writing an Essay, How To Books Ltd; Barrass, Robert (1996) Students Must Write,
Routledge; Oliver, Paul (1996) Writing Essays and Reports, Hodder & Staughton; Pirie,
David (1985) How to Write a Critical Essay, Routledge.
Karen Bennett 161
In Systemic Functional Grammar, Material Processes are basically verbs of Doing, involv-
ing an Actor that interacts with the material world, while Existential Processes represent
something that exists or happens (as in ‘there is’ constructions). These may be contrasted
with Behavioural, Mental, Verbal and Relational Processes (for a full description, see
Halliday 1994:106-143).
Academic discourse is not systematically taught in Portuguese, and until very recently,
the only style manuals that existed were concerned with ‘literary’ writing or traditional
rhetoric. As regards available models, Portuguese academic journals publish a wide range of
styles (even within a single publication or issue), no doubt reflecting the various conflicting
epistemological influences on the culture, as described below.
162 Epistemicide!
reasoning are clearly not objectives here, for the text revels in ambiguity,
deliberately setting up paradoxes and analogical relations and using language
in a non-referential way. The syntax is highly complex, with a meandering
main clause that is constantly being interrupted by circumstantial informa-
tion; and there is also a high degree of abstraction that is scarcely digestible
by the English language (eg. ‘tragicity’, ‘Portugalness’; ‘messianity’). There
are also very few of the material processes that are so predominant in English
academic prose, and instead most are relational or existential.
This passage was analyzed in detail in Bennett (2006).
Karen Bennett 163
It is not surprising, then, that traces of this tradition are still to be seen
in the linguistic attitudes and discourse habits of many scholars operating in
the humanities today. Since the rupture between fact and fiction never really
happened here, as it did in the Anglo-Saxon world, academic writing in the
humanities has continued to promote a more holistic view of knowledge,
one in which subjectivity is actively promoted rather than suppressed and in
which the emotional response plays as much of a part as rational argument
and close observation. Indeed, writing is largely viewed as an art, rather than
as a mechanical skill, and therefore often appears to be endowed with a kind
of sacred aura (proportional to the status of its author) that discourages critical
analysis or stylistic tampering. Hence, journals in these fields rarely indulge
in the kind of extensive editing of articles that is common in the Anglophone
world, nor do we see much systematic dissection of texts in subjects such as
Literary Studies or History; instead, a literary work may be used (as in the
above extract) as a starting point for further philosophical reflection, which
will itself be presented in abundant flowing poetic prose in which meanings
are not controlled in the interests of clarity but proliferate profusely.
This is not to say that the scientific paradigm was without its champions in
Portugal and Spain. Associated as it was with the values of socialism, liberal-
ism and positivism, it has historically drawn its supporters from the political
left and represented a modernizing tendency in a highly religious and con-
servative society. Consequently, the plain objective discourse associated with
it is perceived by many as a tool of democracy and progress and cultivated as
a way of achieving these political ideals.
There are others in Portuguese society, however, that resent the hegemony
of English in the world and view the encroachment of the scientific paradigm as
a form of cultural imperialism. Without necessarily subscribing to reactionary
politics, they often experience the rationalization and objectivization of real-
ity as a kind of reductionism that is inadequate to explain the complexities of
human experience. This was clearly revealed by some of the responses to my
survey, in which English academic discourse was described as ‘less elegant’
or ‘less refined’ than Portuguese, with a ‘rigid structure’ and ‘impoverished
vocabulary’. One sociologist was particularly damning: “English discourse is
impoverished and dogmatic. The questions raised at the outset are simplistic,
and formulated in such a way as to require a YES/NO type of response, based
upon mathematical models that tell us very little about reality. This is how they
legitimize their science, grounding it in the logic of positivism”.
Part III
“Once the young discourse had seized power in England and sent the
old king away into exile, he started to gain more confidence. He helped
his people to become rich and powerful, and they rewarded him with
their loyalty and support. He gradually became convinced that he
Karen Bennett 165
One of the most salient facts that emerged from the survey of Portuguese
academics I undertook in 2002 was the profound need that they feel to pub-
lish their work abroad. Seventy-nine per cent of respondents had already
published in English, and most of those who had not voluntarily offered an
explanation as to why (e.g. still a junior researcher; works with languages
other than English, etc.).
Almost all those who had already published in English claimed to take
account to some extent of the differences between the discourse habits when
preparing their original versions; that is to say, they systematically practised a
form of self-censorship before their text even got into the hands of the transla-
tor. They were generally aware of the ideological significance of the alterations
made, but accepted the situation in order to further their own academic career
– or even favoured it on the grounds of increased rigour.11
As for those more extreme examples of Portuguese discourse (such as the
extract in Example 3), which are clearly committed to a completely different
scholarly tradition, these are unlikely to get translated into English at all, unless
at the behest of a Portuguese journal or institution.12 Portuguese academics are
11
It should be pointed out that many of the researchers questioned in fact used positively-
charged adjectives such as ‘depurado’ ‘expurgado’ (‘purified’, ‘cleansed’, ‘purged’) to
describe English academic discourse and made comments such as “it obliges us to think
more clearly”; “I cannot hide in a forest of language as I do in Portuguese”).
12
A certain amount of English translation that takes place in Portugal is solicited and
financed by Portuguese institutions that wish to attract a wider audience for their own
166 Epistemicide!
Part IV
So how does the story end?
I’m afraid, dear Reader, I do not know, for it hasn’t ended yet. Our
discourse is today very rich and powerful, and he controls most of
the western world. Many people from other parts of the globe are
dazzled by him and so he attracts new supporters every day, who
want to partake of his power and wealth. But he has lost supporters
too, people who have become disillusioned with his methods and his
conclusions.
There have started to be murmurs in some quarters that his words
do not mean much any more, that they are gobbledygook designed to
keep people in thrall. Others are angry that he has trampled all over
the human spirit and installed a regime that cares about nothing save
money and material possessions.
And so around the boundaries of his kingdom, small groups of
publications. In this kind of situation, there is clearly less need to adapt the text to the norms
of the target culture, and the translation is likely to be much more source-text oriented.
Karen Bennett 167
protesters are mobilizing, some of them in the name of the god that
he denounced so many years ago, others with different agendas. They
don’t yet have the strength to mount a serious attack against him and
are reduced to guerrilla tactics on the fringes of his empire. But they
are growing stronger by the day…
KAREN BENNETT
Centro de Estudos Comparatistas, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de
Lisboa Alameda da Universidade, Cidade Universitária, 1600-214 Lisboa,
Portugal. karen.bennett@netcabo.pt
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Karen Bennett 169