2012 Arrivillaga Et Al HIV AIDS Treatment Adherence in Economically Better Off Women in Colombia

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AIDS Care
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HIV/AIDS treatment adherence in economically better


off women in Colombia
a b c d
Marcela Arrivillaga , Andrew E. Springer , Monica Lopera , Diego Correa , Bernardo
e f
Useche & Michael W. Ross
a
Department of Public Health & Epidemiology, Health & Quality of Life Research Group,
Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali, Cali, Colombia
b
Michael & Susan Dell Center for Advancement of Healthy Living, University of Texas School
of Public Health-Austin Regional Campus, Austin, TX, USA
c
National Faculty of Public Health, University of Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia
d
Health & Quality of Life Research Group, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali, Cali,
Colombia
e
Associate Researcher Health & Quality of Life Research Group, Pontificia Universidad
Javeriana Cali, Colombia
f
Center for Health Promotion and Prevention Research, School of Public Health Houston,
University of Texas, Houston, TX, USA

Available online: 24 Jan 2012

To cite this article: Marcela Arrivillaga, Andrew E. Springer, Monica Lopera, Diego Correa, Bernardo Useche &
Michael W. Ross (2012): HIV/AIDS treatment adherence in economically better off women in Colombia, AIDS Care,
DOI:10.1080/09540121.2011.647678

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AIDS Care
2012, 17, iFirst

HIV/AIDS treatment adherence in economically better off women in Colombia


Marcela Arrivillagaa*, Andrew E. Springerb, Monica Loperac, Diego Corread, Bernardo Usechee and
Michael W. Rossf
a
Department of Public Health & Epidemiology, Health & Quality of Life Research Group, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali,
Cali, Colombia; bMichael & Susan Dell Center for Advancement of Healthy Living, University of Texas School of Public Health-
Austin Regional Campus, Austin, TX, USA; cNational Faculty of Public Health, University of Antioquia, Medellı´n, Colombia;
d
Health & Quality of Life Research Group, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali, Cali, Colombia; eAssociate Researcher Health
& Quality of Life Research Group, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali, Colombia; fCenter for Health Promotion and
Prevention Research, School of Public Health Houston, University of Texas, Houston, TX, USA
(Received 21 June 2011; final version received 1 December 2011)

Studies on HIV/AIDS treatment adherence have been carried out in a limited number of geographic settings, but
few studies have explored it in people of higher socioeconomic status in Latin America. This qualitative study
explored and compared determinants of adherence behaviors among 52 HIV-positive Colombian women in
Downloaded by [Marcela Arrivillaga] at 08:55 24 January 2012

medium and high socioeconomic positions (SPs). Findings indicated that the two SP groups reported high
adherence behaviors related to taking medication, following a diet, and executing lifestyle changes in line with
healthcare providers’ recommendations. Nevertheless, differences were observed between the two groups. While
women with a medium SP disclosed their diagnosis, were empowered, and had acceptable access to economic
resources that resulted in favorable adherence, their better off counterparts tended to hide their status and made a
conscious effort to keep their adherence behaviors in secret due to HIV-related stigma. More studies on
adherence of people living with HIV/AIDS from high SPs should be conducted to better understand how
psychosocial support can be provided and to advance the knowledge of how and why adherence practices in these
groups are undertaken.
Keywords: adherence; socioeconomic position; gender; stigma

Introduction et al., 2004), data have been lacking about adherence


The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a global problem that among economically better off individuals, including
affects most regions of the world, with an increasing women.
frequency of diagnosed women. Worldwide, women Given that an estimated 1.4 million people have
make up half of the people living with the virus, HIV in Central and South America, with rates
and this percentage has been gradually increasing projected to increase (UNAIDS, 2010), research
(UNAIDS, 2008). from this region is needed to design strategies for
In the control of HIV, adherence to treatment has promoting adherence as well as providing social
been a priority because of its potential to extend life support to those who have the virus. Colombia has
expectancy and quality of life for affected people. the third highest number of HIV/AIDS cases in the
Lack of adherence could produce viral resistance, region; the country’s level prevalence has shown a
progression to AIDS, and opportunistic illnesses linear trend since 1990 and currently falls between
(Decock et al., 2001; Hofman & Nelson, 2006; 0.6% and 0.7%  approximately 77,567210,972
Johnson & Neilands, 2007; Park-Wyllie et al., 2007; cases  (Ministry of Social Protection, 2009; WHO
Righi et al., 2008; Wyss et al., 2004). Most of the & UNAIDS, 2008). In recent years the infection rate
studies on adherence have been carried out in the among women has been found to be increasing from
limited settings of Sub-Sahara Africa, the Dominican 35,000 in 2001 to 50,000 in 2009; currently, women 15
Republic, and Haiti (Arregui, 2007; Behforouz, years of age and older represent 28.12% of a total of
Farmer, & Mukherjee, 2004; Hardon et al., 2007; cases (Ministry of Social Protection, 2009; UNAIDS,
Koenig, Leandre, & Farmer, 2004). Although the 2010). Regarding antiretroviral coverage, in Colom-
literature has indicated better rates of adherence bia, 21,000 men and women are receiving treatment,
achieved by persons who have higher educational while another 54,000 need it (WHO & UNAIDS,
and income levels (Carballo et al., 2004; Kleeberger 2008). In this setting, this study explores and com-

*Corresponding author. Email: marceq@javerianacali.edu.co

ISSN 0954-0121 print/ISSN 1360-0451 online


# 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540121.2011.647678
http://www.tandfonline.com
2 M. Arrivillaga et al.

pares determinants of adherence behaviors; particu- Procedures


larly among economically better off HIV-positive After signing an informed consent, the women
Colombian women. participated in one of the five FGDs; each group
comprised 10 women. The FGDs were carried out in
four phases: (1) Introduction and explanation of the
Methods aim of the FGD, the group norms, and dynamics. (2)
Description of the adherence concept  the extent to
The study was conducted in Cali, Colombia, South
which a person’s behavior  taking medication, follow-
America between 2009 and 2010. A qualitative
ing a diet, and/or executing lifestyle changes 
research method with focus groups discussions
corresponds with agreed recommendations from a
(FGDs) was applied. The research study was ap-
healthcare provider  (WHO, 2003, p. 18). (3)
proved by ethical committees of the Colombia Na-
Discussion of four basic themes: adherence behaviors,
tional University, the Javeriana University, and the
living conditions associated with adherence, and
health care centers where the women were recruited.
barriers and facilitators for adherence. These themes
were explored through the main open-ended ques-
tions; the women were asked to express their degree
Participants of agreement or disagreement with a specific point of
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HIV-positive women were identified through health view. (4) Conclusions of the FGD. Data were
care center registers with the following inclusion collected to complete the criteria of theme saturation.
criteria: receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART),
age]18, not pregnant, and a classification of med-
ium or high socioeconomic position (SP) according to Data analysis
the country’s official socioeconomic classification. Data obtained in the FGDs were digitally recorded
Out of a total of 185 women registered in four for later transcription and analysis. Content analysis
healthcare centers, 68 (36%) were eligible. Of these (Deslauriers, 1991) consisted of two phases: (1) Data
68, 52 agreed to participate in the FGDs. To control deconstruction and (2) Data reconstruction and
selection bias, women were recruited from compre- synthesis. In the first phase, after a systematic reading
hensive HIV care programs in places directed toward of the transcriptions, we transformed data into codes.
women of all socioeconomic status levels. To begin Atlas Ti v5.2 software was used, resulting in the
the recruitment process, women were invited with an identification of 67 quotation groupings based on
initial phone call made directly by personnel from 35 codes. Afterward, we proceeded to analyze the
the respective health care center. Finally, all of the initial data codification obtained from the text; for
women were formally recruited by a second phone this analysis, we considered the frequency of the
call following strict protocols for ensuring their codes. In the second phase, we organized codes in
confidentiality. specific categories, identifying recurrent patterns to
Women in the medium SP were considered social obtain emergent categories that were described and
level 3 or 4 by the official system of the Colombian interpreted. In this process, we maximized differences
Government. They had a technical or undergraduate dividing data into groups and later synthesized codes
educational level and were affiliated with a basic into dominant themes. To ensure the validity and
health care plan. Their job/occupational profiles reliability of data, we carried out the following steps:
included: housewives, small business owners, self- (1) Discussion sessions between researchers to com-
employed with a steady income, employees at private pare original transcripts and the analysis about
or public entities, or self-employed professionals. emergent categories; (2) Reading and validation of
They earned roughly US$800 monthly, had access the content analysis with 10% of the participant
to credit and owned property. Women with a high SP women; and (3) Comparison of researcher field notes
were characterized by the Colombian Government as with those of the participant observer.
social level of 5 or 6. They had a postgraduate
education, were affiliated with a basic health care
Results
plan complemented by additional expanded private
health insurance. Their job/occupational profiles Sociodemographic characteristics
included: housewives, business owners or employees Out of a total 52 women, 32 (61%) were classified as
in private, or public entities with directive functions. belonging to a medium SP and 20 (39%) as belonging
They earned roughly US$3000 monthly, had access to to a high SP. The mean age of the study participants
credit, and owned more than one property. was 34 years; other sociodemographic characteristics
AIDS Care 3

are shown in Table 1. Regarding adherence, 48 Table 1. Sociodemographics characteristics. Women in


women (94%) reported taking medication, following medium and high socioeconomic positions, Cali, Colombia,
a diet, and executing lifestyle changes 95% of the time 2010 (n 52).
in accordance with health care providers’ recommen- %
dations; four women (6%) indicated that they took
their prescribed medication but failed to implement Socioeconomic ‘‘Stratum 3 or 4’’ or medium 61
lifestyle changes. stratum socioeconomic position
After content analysis, the following were the two ‘‘Stratum 5 or 6’’ or high 39
main categories that emerged: socioeconomic position
Marital status Married and Common law 16
Single 54
‘‘EMPOWERED ADHERENCE’’ in women of Separated or divorced 20
Widow 10
medium SP
Education Technical 24
Some women in the medium SP expressed that they Undergraduate 37
were economically independent and primarily respon- Postgraduate 39
sible for their homes. Others indicated that they Housewives 16
generated income from work to support their Job and Small business owners 14
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families. On receiving the HIV diagnosis, women occupational Self-employed with a steady 17
reported that the initial impact could be disconcert- profile income
ing, resulting in anger, and sadness. Soon, they coped Employees at private or public 18
entities
with the treatment, conscious of the benefits of
Self-employed professionals 4
staying healthy with favorable adherence. These
Business owners 12
women had socioeconomic advantages, but they Employees in private or public 19
also had pressures to meet economic and social entities with directive functions
obligations and could not afford the time to delay HIV-positive Yes 17
or refuse treatment. children
Women with full or partial economic indepen-
dence and who communicated their diagnosis to their
families kept active roles as homemakers. They rejection. Disclosing their condition more readily
expressed feeling empowered, able to cope with their than less advantaged women, they did not shy away
diagnosis and to developing self-care behaviors. from seeking help from non-government organiza-
Economic power let working women with their own tions (NGOs). Fear of rejection and discrimination
income exercise autonomy and self-efficacy as women from the healthcare providers did not interrupt their
capable of facing their HIV-positive status. treatment, and their HIV-positive diagnosis was
The SP of this group of women permitted them accepted by them as would be their acceptance of
access to formal education and the development of any other chronic disease. Defending and advocating
skills to understand the complexity of the ART in for their healthcare rights was also tied to their
addition to the importance of properly managing the knowledge of the health system, along with commu-
disease. Their educational background facilitated this nity support networks. They learned about legal
knowledge and promoted practices to seek out issues, how to navigate the governmental bureaucracy
detailed information about HIV/AIDS once they and administrative paperwork, and how to take legal
were diagnosed. They developed information-seeking actions when the treatment is interrupted. These
skills that allowed them to select trustworthy infor- skills allowed them to succeed in getting medical
mation on HIV, attend workshops and conferences, attention and timely and continuous access to ART.
and surf the Internet. The benefits of their educa-
tional background derived from their SP facilitate
them to take up adherence behaviors. Also, this ‘‘ADHERENCE IN HIDING’’ among women of
group expressed a high level of self-efficacy to high SP
negotiate their treatment with the doctors, under- Women classified as having a high SP enjoyed greater
stand their medication, correct doses, side effects, access to economic and other resources that generally
viral loads, and CD4 count. led to a greater tendency for strong adherence
Another characteristic of the empowerment of practices. However, adherence was not confronted
this group was the habit of defending their rights to without barriers. Higher-income women coped with
access to treatment. They demanded a response from HIV and with an expected social role that may have
the health system even when they might have faced created more difficulties in accepting their diagnosis
4 M. Arrivillaga et al.

as compared to women with a medium SP. Confront- overwhelming and eventually lead to the deteriora-
ing these unique sources of stress could eventually tion of their mental and physical health.
lead to threats to their health.
Trying to avoid HIV-related stigma, higher in-
come women attempted to bypass the healthcare Discussion
system. First of all, these women preferred to pay
In this study, findings showed that women in medium
directly for HIV treatment. In this way, they avoided
and high SPs engaged in adherence behaviors for the
having their diagnosis registered with the national
management of HIV. However, distinct differences
healthcare system. As they could afford private
were observed between the groups.
appointments, frequently they also looked for specia-
In women from a medium SP, acceptable access to
lists in Colombian cities other than their cities of
economic resources empowered them and resulted in
residence; this strategy minimized threats to the
favorable adherence. Economic empowerment has
confidentiality of their diagnosis. For this group,
been found to be one of the six areas of empowerment
the economic cost of healthcare was less important
for HIV-positive women, along with socio-cultural,
than keeping the secret of their diagnosis.
familiar/interpersonal, legal, political, and psycholo-
In contrast to women from a medium SP, higher
gical (Malhotra, Schuler, & Boender, 2002). Empow-
income women tended to think of HIV/AIDS more as
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erment in the economic sphere includes control of


a shameful sickness and less as a life-threatening
income and home resources (Malhotra et al., 2002).
disease. For them, ‘‘being sick’’ also meant depending This empowerment helps explain good practices
on others and needing to get their help and support. toward adherence of women in medium SP and aids
Thus, relying on others while sick was counter to their them in defending their right to an uninterrupted
personal beliefs as independent professional women. supply of medication from the Colombian health care
They also harbored strong HIV-related stigma con- system.
victions about discrimination, fear of rejection, and In line with other researchers, our findings under-
the collective pity often triggered by a HIV-positive scored the importance of the woman’s control of her
diagnosis. own money as a positive behavior on mental and
These fears reported by higher income women physical health. Economic empowerment also has
were based on experiences of overhearing friends and been associated with increased self-esteem, autono-
acquaintances making negative comments in their my, problem-solving, and decision-making skills
own social circles in an attempt to destroy others with (Ashburn, Kerrigan, & Sweat, 2008; Kim et al.,
salacious stories and hurtful gossip. They also feared 2007; Kim, Pronyk, Barnett, & Watts, 2008; Mohin-
that their families would reject them once they dra, Haddad, & Narayana, 2008). In addition to the
discovered their HIV-positive status, calling into important role of economic determinants, our find-
question their sexual practices. Revealing their infec- ings reinforced the fundamental role of educational
tion would also break existing family relations and background in providing women the tools with
destroy the image these women had about themselves. which to take care of themselves as well as obtain
Fear of HIV-related stigma and discrimination led information and resources for the management of
this group to use multiple strategies to disguise their their treatment. Social capital, economic resources,
HIV-positive status. To keep their diagnosis secret, property rights, access to quality education, and the
they cultivated their physical appearance, social opportunity to have a voice in decision-making at all
image, and personal aesthetics. The need to present levels are sources of empowerment for HIV-positive
a socially appropriate image was one of the main women (Dworkin, Kambou, Sutherland, Moalla, &
motivations for adherence. They were conscious of Kapoor, 2009; Ehrhardt, Sawire, McGovern,
the need to protect their health, but they also were Peacock, & Weston, 2009; Gupta, 2000).
desperately trying to hide their HIV from their Regarding women with a high SP, they can count
families and their social circles. Covering up HIV on the benefits of their social status and have
status in the event of sickness, hospitalization, or sufficient economic, cultural, and educational capital
death was a primary concern. Under no circum- to draw on. This group had a deep conviction about
stances would they join support groups or NGOs. the importance of adherence and was ready to make
Although all of the above limited their possibi- use of all their personal skills and material resources
lities of receiving comprehensive care, the secret of to cope with the treatment. Nevertheless, their
their diagnosis did not interfere with adherence. The adherence was related to keeping their diagnosis
resulting emotional suffering and stress caused by secret and avoiding stigma. While women with a
their hiding a potentially deadly diagnosis could be medium SP disclosed their diagnosis and had explicit
AIDS Care 5

behaviors to defend their treatment, their better off Also, the authors recognized that because the women
counterparts hid their status and kept their treatment are economically capable of making use of social and
a secret. Paradoxically, secretive adherence practices health services some of them could underestimate the
had the goal of conserving not only their health but problems of adherence. And third, from those we
also their physical image, appearance, and personal invited to participate there were 14% who did not
aesthetics. For them, the diagnosis was a pivotal join the study; so it is possible that differences in
point and implied a redefinition of their identity adherence existed among this social group. Because
(Carr & Gramling, 2004; Pecheny, Manzelly, & Jones, of these limitations and the exploratory nature of the
2007). These women reflected every prejudice and study, further insights on adherence issues among
rejection learned from society on themselves, which better off women are needed.
gave way to irrational fears while silence took control Finally, based on these results as well as the
of their lives (Arregui, 2007). As shown by other findings from previous studies on adherence among
authors, not sharing the diagnosis was to avoid Colombian women (Arrivillaga, 2010; Arrivillaga,
embarrassment and shame, keeping their daily rou- Ross, Useche, Alzate, & Correa, 2009; Arrivillaga,
tine, avoiding, fear of rejection, and being an object Ross, Useche, Springer, & Correa, 2011), policy-
of ridicule or spiteful commentaries in their social makers and health care providers should: (1) design
circles (Pecheny et al., 2007). appropriate protocols for providing comprehensive
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The overwhelming emotional burden for them care; (2) guarantee access to medications and health
represented potential risks to their health and posed a care services; (3) reduce HIV stigma from health care
latent threat to adherence. Some authors demon- providers; (4) uphold existent norms related to
strated that secretiveness leads to isolation, family mandatory confidentiality regarding HIV diagnosis;
problems, stress, anxiety, depression, and guilt (Ruiz- and (5) provide technical and financial support to
Torres, Cintrón-Bou, & Varas-Diaz, 2007; Thi et al., NGOs. We recommend conducting further research
2008), and that along with the appearance of side on adherence of people with the virus from higher SPs
effects can have a negative influence on adherence to better understand how psychosocial support can be
(Rao, Pryor, Gaddist, & Mayer, 2008; Rintamaki, provided and to advance the knowledge of how and
Davis, Skripkauskas, Bennett, & Wolf, 2006). Others
why adherence practices in these groups are under-
have suggested that revealing their true status elim-
taken.
inates rituals of adherence (Serovich, McDowell, &
Grafsky, 2008) and is associated with better quality of
life and the use of social networks (Emlet, 2006; Li, Acknowledgements
Lin, Ji, Sun, & Rotheram-Borus, 2009). Regardless,
This study was conducted with funding from the Pontificia
some data indicate the opposite and are not always
Universidad Javeriana Cali, Colombia. The authors also
associated with obtaining social support (Smith, acknowledge the support of Paula Andrea Hoyos, Re-
Rossetto, & Peterson, 2008); in the case of people searcher of the Health and Quality of Life Research Group
with HIV/AIDS with a high SP, the evidence about of the same university (COLCIENCIAS, Colombia, Cate-
the benefits of disclosure is limited. gory A), who participated in the data collection.
Health services should provide a network of these
women to create mechanisms for emotional, instru-
mental, and informational support. We also recom- References
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