Tourism Review International, Vol. 25, pp.

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ALWAYS THE SUN: THE UNIQUENESS OF SUN EXPOSURE IN TOURISM

MAAYAN FRANCO, AMIR SHANI, AND YANIV PORIA

Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management,
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer-Sheba, Israel

Sun exposure, although beneficial and enjoyable, has negative consequences, most prominently an
increased risk of developing skin cancer. While sunbathing and other forms of sun exposure play a
major role in tourism, they have been scarcely researched, and the objective of this study is to bridge
this gap in the literature. The study examines the differences between the tourism and routine sun
exposure patterns, attempting to reveal when and why individuals perceive sun exposure as danger-
ous. For this exploratory study, in-depth, semistructured interviews (N = 31) were conducted. The
findings revealed three distinct behavioral patterns under different circumstances: (1) during every-
day activities, participants did not use protection, as they did not perceive this exposure as danger-
ous; (2) at the beach or pool during nontourist leisure pastime, exposure to the sun is perceived as
dangerous and protection is routinely used; and (3) in the course of vacations abroad, participants
tend to expose themselves to the sun intensively, including for tanning purposes, without proper
adherence to the use sun protection measures. These findings are consistent with the view of tourist
spaces serve as “liminal zones” that allow individuals to take risks. The study suggests that relevant
stakeholders such as public health authorities, tourism marketers, and holiday destinations should
act to promote responsible sun exposure in the tourist context, to prevent skin cancer and other sun-
related diseases.

Key words: Beach; Risk, Skin cancer; Sun exposure; Sun tanning; Vacations

Introduction behavior in these destinations is important for the

Vacationing in sunny destinations, with the inten-
tion of sunbathing and tanning, is among the most
popular of tourist activities (Petersen, Datta, et al.,
2013). With the number of tourists growing due
to socioeconomic changes, understanding tourist
prevention of skin cancer and maintaining the health
of tourists. Rodrigues, Sniehotta, Birch-Machin,
Oliver, and Araujo-Soares (2017) conceptualized
vacationers as volatile populations spread in many
destinations, and in the present context of sunny
destinations they are at high risk for excessive sun

Address correspondence to Amir Shani, Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and
Management, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, P.O. Box 653, Beer-Sheba 84105, Israel. Tel: 972-8-6304561; Fax: 972-8-6304538;
E-mail: shaniam@bgu.ac.il

19
20 FRANCO, SHANI, AND PORIA
exposure (O’Riordan et al., 2008). However, tour-
ists are exposed to harmful ultraviolet radiation in
urban surroundings as well, not only on the beach
(Mahé et al., 2012). Consequently, to promote pub-
lic health policy regarding sun exposure, there is a
need to study recreational sun exposure habits, dis-
tinguishing them from everyday exposure habits.
Surprisingly, very little is known about sun expo-
sure patterns of individuals on vacation (Rodrigues,
Sniehotta, Birch-Machin, & Araujo-Soares, 2017).
While seemingly the domain of public health
experts, Chen and Pearce (2019) explained that
sun exposure is a highly relevant issue for tourism
researchers—practically, for understanding tour-
ist behavior, and ethically, to promote responsible
behavior by tourists and improve the conditions
required to ensure their health. Tourism activity
involves many health risks, and it is incumbent
upon tourism research to address travelers’ needs
and protect their health (Zuckerman, 2012). The
ethical and social responsibility of the tourism
industry, including tourism researchers, for the
health of tourists is particularly prominent in the
context of the present study, as vacations provide
fertile ground for intense sun exposure (Segan et
al., 1999). Therefore, the objective of this study is
to bridge this gap in the literature, providing useful
information and implications to support skin cancer
prevention efforts.
This article begins with a literature review on
the health implications of sun exposure, with an
emphasis on skin cancer and the impact of recre-
ational tanning on its rising incidence. The review
includes extensive reference to the popularity of
tanning in society and the reasons individuals sun-
bathe and tan, despite their awareness of the risks
involved. This section concludes with a review of
the association between the tourist experience and
recreational sun exposure, highlighting the ratio-
nale in clarifying this experience more extensively.
Next, the research method adopted in this study is
detailed, followed by the study’s findings. The lat-
ter section compares the sun exposure in sunny
tourist destinations to that of everyday life. The
article concludes with a discussion of the research
findings, as well as the theoretical and practi-
cal contribution of this study. This section also
includes the limitations and suggestions for future
research.
Literature Review
Sun Exposure: Friend or Foe?
Along with positive and vital aspects, exposure
to the sun has negative consequences with destruc-
tive potential (Hoel et al., 2016). The risks of sun
exposure, resulting from the amount of ultraviolet
radiation, include both immediate and cumulative
long-term damage (van der Rhee et al., 2016). As
discussed by Fleury et al. (2016), immediate dam-
age includes skin burns of varying severity, damage
to the skin’s immune system, and photosensitivity
reactions, among them allergic reactions. Long-
term sun damage has an accumulative effect and
includes premature aging of the skin, precancerous
skin tumors, and skin cancer. Sun damage can also
be divided according to its visibility: visible damage
that is mainly aesthetic (such as skin burns and skin
aging), and nonvisible damage, with adverse health
consequences such as skin cancer and damage to the
immune system of the skin (Sies & Stahl, 2004).
Skin cancer, which results from sun exposure, is
a serious and prevalent health problem, especially
in countries where solar radiation is particularly
strong. The incidence of skin cancer is on the rise,
and according to various estimates, it is expected to
grow due to environmental and behavioral changes
(Siegel et al., 2019). In the US, 5.4 million cases of
nonmelanoma skin cancer, which includes the most
common skin tumors in humans, were diagnosed
in 2012. The American Cancer Society (2018)
estimated that, in 2018, 91,270 new cases of mela-
noma, the less common but most deadly type of
skin cancer, would be diagnosed in the US alone.
In Australia, where the number of cases of skin can-
cer is the largest in the world, it is estimated that
two out of three Australians will be diagnosed with
some type of skin cancer by the age of 70 (Staples
et al., 2006). According to the Australian Institute
of Health and Welfare (2018), over 2,100 Austra-
lians died of skin cancer in 2015 (1,498 from mela-
noma and 633 from nonmelanoma skin cancer).
Israel, which is at the focus of this study, also tops
the list of countries with the highest incidence of
skin cancer. In 2015, 1,674 new patients with mela-
noma were diagnosed in Israel, and 185 people died
of the disease (Ministry of Health, 2018).
Exposure to ultraviolet radiation, the main
source of which is the sun’s rays, is the direct and
 UNIQUENESS OF SUN EXPOSURE IN TOURISM 21
central cause of the development of skin cancer
(Narayanan et al., 2010). Specifically, evidence
suggests that a prominent risk factor is exposure to
the sun at an early age (Armstrong & Cust, 2017),
as about one quarter of the person’s total exposure
to UV radiation occurs during childhood and ado-
lescence (Saraiya et al., 2004).
People are exposed to the sun under different
circumstances, and a common distinction is made
between unintentionally (casual) and intentional
sun exposure. Unintentional sun exposure is a
common phenomenon in sunny countries, where
people are often exposed while at work (occupa-
tional exposure) or during outdoor leisure activities
(Duarte et al., 2018; Fortes et al., 2016). In con-
trast, the purpose of intentional sun exposure, also
known as recreational exposure, is catching a tan.
The motives for intentional sun exposure include
the belief that prolonged exposure is essential to
physical health (mainly for vitamin D production),
medical treatment by exposing the skin to light rays
(phototherapy), and improving mental health (Berk
et al., 2007; Vangipuram & Feldman, 2016). Never-
theless, the main motive for this exposure (as well
as the use of tanning salons) is the desire to look
good and attractive (Klimek et al., 2018).
People invest time and money to get a tan, either
by direct exposure to the sun or through tanning
parlors. Although there are few studies on the
actual frequency of sun exposure for tanning, there
are indications that this is a fairly common practice.
For example, a representative survey conducted
in Austria found that 47% of the adult population
tends to recreationally expose themselves to the sun
(Haluza et al., 2016). Recently, Shoemaker et al.
(2017) found that nearly 10% of the adult popula-
tion in the US regularly sunbathes outdoors with
the direct aim of getting a tan. Indoor tanning is
also quite popular in the US, with nearly 10 million
people (4.2%) regularly using tanning beds (Guy
et al., 2015).
The main reason for tanning in Western society
is the belief that tanned skin is more attractive, and
indicates both physical health and a healthy, active
lifestyle. Tanned skin contributes to social popu-
larity, rationalized by the idea that a person has a
relaxed and adventurous attitude to life (Stapleton
et al., 2017). Robinson and Rigel (2004) found
that tanned people are perceived as more athletic,
popular, assertive, confident, and sexy, compared
to those with pale skin. As noted by Stapleton et
al. (2017), “tanners receive positive comments on
their appearance from peers and family members
and believe that tanning leads to greater social
acceptance and is positively valued among peers”
(p. 2). Indeed, studies have shown that people who
attribute high importance to their appearance are
more motivated to sunbathe and less willing to use
sun protection (Aspden et al., 2015; Flannery et al.,
2016). However, the beauty ideal described here is
mostly common in the West, while in Asian cul-
tures (such as Chinese and Korean) beauty ideals
often see white skin as more attractive and desir-
able (Li et al., 2008; Xie & Zhang, 2013). Simi-
larly, in many places in Africa the ideal body is
radically different from that accepted in the West,
to the point that many women choose to undergo
skin bleaching treatments, despite the severe health
risk involved (Lewis et al., 2011).
Sun Exposure in Tourism
Sunbathing is a popular recreational activity dur-
ing vacations. Exposure to the sun is an integral
component of the tourist experience, as reflected
in the great popularity of sun, sea, and sand tour-
ism, as well as in the marketing campaigns of many
tourist destinations and sites (Køster et al., 2011;
Rodrigues, Sniehotta, Birch-Machin, & Araujo-
Soares, 2017). Petersen, Thieden, et al. (2013)
reported that “the Danish population of 5.5 mil-
lion takes 1.2 million holidays annually to sunny
destinations, of which 600,000 are estimated to be
solely for sunbathing” (p. 221). In an earlier study,
Hobson and Dietrich (1995) found that people take
vacations in sunlit locations with the intention and
expectation of sunbathing, and if they return home
not tanned, they feel that they have not received
their money’s worth. In another study, conducted
in Honolulu, Hawaii, it was found that vacationers
were willing to be intentionally sunburned during
the tanning process (O’Riordan et al., 2008). More-
over, many tourists tend to be exposed to the sun
precisely during the hours of most intense ultravio-
let radiation, as they sleep late and go out to tan in
midday (Argyriadou, 2005; Heerfordt et al., 2018).
Only few studies investigated the impact of the
sun exposure on tourists. Sunburn is one of the most
22 FRANCO, SHANI, AND PORIA
common complaints among tourists (Evans et al.,
2001), in addition to the occasional report on getting
rashes and skin allergies while on vacation (Ezze-
dine et al., 2007). Even when tourists take protec-
tive measures when exposed to the sun, they often
seem to do so incorrectly and ineffectively. Segan
et al. (1999) studied Victoria residents vacationing
on the southern and northern coasts of Queensland,
and found ignorance of sunscreen, such as missing
parts of the body (e.g., the feet), partial skin cover-
age, failing to reapply the cream when needed, and
applying the cream after sun exposure. They also
found that the tourists are not aware of ultraviolet
radiation, and were surprised that they burned even
after a short stay in the sun, that cooler and cloudier
days also pose the risk of sunburn, and that being in
the water does not protect them from the sun.
Alongside the desire for tanning, another reason
for tourists’ risky sun exposure is the “optimism
bias,” whereby people tend to rate their vulner-
ability as below average (Eiser & Arnold, 1999).
Contrary to popular belief, tourists are exposed to
the sun and its dangers not just on sun, sea, and
sand holidays. Buller et al. (2017) noted that about
75% of all leisure trips over 50 miles in the US
involve recreational outdoor activities with pro-
longed exposure to the sun, such as hiking and
golf, and/or ones that include skin-revealing cloth-
ing, such as swimming and tennis. The study by
Mahé et al. (2013), which examined sun exposure
among tourists in Paris visiting cultural sites in the
spring, found that despite the high cloud fraction,
the risk of overexposure to ultraviolet radiation was
high. These findings suggest that tourists may be
involved in dangerous exposure to the sun even in
destinations that are not necessarily sunny such as
cultural and heritage sites, even in shady areas, as
well as in high latitude destinations.
With the popularity of sun-seeking tourism, it is
surprising that there is insufficient academic refer-
ence to understanding recreational sun exposure
habits, and to distinguish this activity from sun
exposure in different settings and circumstances,
especially with the findings that travelers are
exposed to the sun significantly more than non-
travelers (Ezzedine et al., 2007). As an illustration,
Godar et al. (2001) estimated that a 3-week vaca-
tion in Hawaii has the potential to expose tourists to
double the amount of ultraviolet radiation they are
exposed to in an entire year at home. One explana-
tion for the lack of reference to the danger of sun
exposure in tourism, compared to other dangers
like terrorism and sexually transmitted diseases,
is the time gap between a skin burn event and the
development of a serious and visible result like skin
cancer (Peattie et al., 2005).
The above literature provides indications of dan-
gerous sun exposure among tourists on their vaca-
tion. Perhaps the reason for this lies in the way
individuals perceive the tourist space, as opposed
to their routine environment. As noted by Uriely
and Belhassen (2006), tourism is a unique realm
in which individuals are willing to take more risks,
which in their country of origin are often avoided.
Because people on vacation feel less constrained
and disciplined than they do in their daily lives,
they may temporarily alter their behavior (Berdy-
chevsky & Gibson, 2015), as found by Rodri-
gues, Sniehotta, Birch-Machin, and Araujo-Soares
(2017), who demonstrated that participants “per-
ceived sun-protection as a chore with the potential
to remove spontaneity and a carefree lifestyle when
on holiday” (p. 291).
Research Objective
The purpose of the study is to contribute to a
more coherent understanding of people’s sun expo-
sure and the reasons for it, with an emphasis on
distinguishing between their everyday behavior
and their behavior as tourists. The claim set forth
in this study is that people may behave differently
regarding sun exposure while on vacation than they
would at home. This claim is based on a tourism
body of knowledge that focuses on risk taking, and
on studies conceptualizing tourism as a social realm
that provide participants the opportunity to behave
differently than at home, as well as on studies that
suggest sun exposure is a motive for travel.
Methodology
This is a three-stage qualitative study. In the first
stage, interviews were conducted with relevant
experts and professionals, such as the National Reg-
istry of Cancer at the Israeli Ministry of Health, and
the CEO of a well-known manufacturer of sun pro-
tection products. In the second stage, unstructured
 UNIQUENESS OF SUN EXPOSURE IN TOURISM 23
observations were conducted in sunny settings
(among them beaches, sports fields, and parks). At
this stage, the research team discussed the obser-
vations and identified relevant topics, defined the
research population, and refined the research objec-
tive. In the third and final stage of the study, 31 in-
depth, semistructured interviews were conducted,
until a sense of saturation was achieved. The inter-
views included questions about participants’ sun
exposure habits in different settings, situations,
and times, accompanied by supplementary ques-
tions designed to clarify the participants’ percep-
tions, motivation and behavior in the context of
recreational sun exposure. An attempt was made to
reveal people’s behavior before (i.e., motivation for
sun exposure, perception of risk), during (percep-
tion of risk, estimation of the time being exposed),
and after the sun exposure (benefits/damage asso-
ciated with the sun exposure) in an attempt to con-
ceptualize people’s sun exposure patterns.
Setting and Research Population
The study was conducted in Israel, where tanned
skin is traditionally considered attractive and supe-
rior to paler complexion (Shohat, 1989). Histori-
cally, tanned skin was associated with the Zionist
movement, perceived as proof of the individual’s
participation in the establishment of a Jewish state
in the Land of Israel (Goren, 2011). As described by
Rippel (2017), even today in Israeli society, tanned
skin has great appeal, which explains the investment
of considerable resources acquiring a tan (tanning
at the beach, using oils, tanning beds, etc.). Partici-
pants were all Jewish, as the rates of skin cancer
among other religious and ethnic groups in Israel
are significantly lower (Israel Cancer Association,
2018). The total sample included interviews with
31 people (15 women and 16 men, age 18–65, aver-
age age 33).
Sampling Process and Data Collection
Data collection was conducted using purposeful
sampling, in which participants are selected based
on the researcher’s impression of the individual’s
potential to contribute to the research. For this study
the participants were individuals who swim rou-
tinely in pools and/or exercise on the beach, and who
had been on overseas vacations, including sunny
tourist destinations. The researcher approached men
and women of various ages, in locations that were
appropriate for the topic, such as beaches and parks.
In addition, interviews were conducted in clinics,
train stations, and the campus of an Israeli univer-
sity. All the interviews were conducted by the first
author, recorded with the participants’ permission,
and then transcribed. Interviews lasted 30–90 min,
with an average of about 45 min.
Data Analysis
After the interviews were written down, their
contents were scanned and examined using thematic
analysis. According to Braun and Clarke (2006),
such analysis is “a method for identifying, analyz-
ing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data”
(p. 79). It is an inductive method for the analysis of
qualitative data, in the sense that the words emerge
from the text and are not defined in advance by
the researchers. After careful readings and reread-
ing of the transcripts by the researchers, they held
repeated discussions about the themes arising from
the interviews and the relations between them. This
process eventually yields “a detailed index of data,
which labels the data into manageable chunks for
subsequent retrieval and exploration” (Pope et al.,
2000, p. 116). In line with the principles of thematic
analysis, the prominent aspects of the participants’
accounts were highlighted and developed to articu-
late key themes that comprised portrayal of their
behavior and habits of recreational sun exposure in
different settings, with an emphasis on tourist expe-
riences, and at different times.
Results
Analysis of the interviews revealed the existence
of three distinct behavioral patterns based on the
location and timing of the sun exposure. The first
occurs when people are exposed to sunlight dur-
ing everyday activities, including work and recre-
ation such as walking, picnicking, or engaging in
sports. The participants reported that during these
activities, they rarely protected themselves from
the sun, rationalizing their behavior by the fact that
they were not being exposed to the sun or being
exposed for short time only. The second behavior
24 FRANCO, SHANI, AND PORIA
pattern occurs during a routine stay at the sea or at
poolside, where they noted that they do take proper
precautions against sun damage, in an attempt to
avoid dangerous exposure to the sun. The third
and final pattern refers to people’s behavior when
they are on vacations abroad, especially at a sea,
sun, and sand vacation. While vacationing abroad,
interviewees reported that they expose themselves
to the sun with the direct aim of tanning, and that
they take minimal or no precautions. This strong
discrepancy between vacation behavior and home
behavior calls for a deeper examination of the tour-
ist mindset when exposed to the sun, and to find
ways to impress the dangers of such exposure—
despite the fact that people know about them.
Sun Exposure During Everyday Activities
Participants found it difficult to accurately assess
their average sun exposure time during their day-
to-day routine, and most indicated shorter expo-
sure periods than they actually had. Initially, they
stated that they spent a certain amount of time in
the sun, but when asked to elaborate on various
activities involving sun exposure and the duration
of that exposure, it was revealed that subjects actu-
ally spent more time than they previously had esti-
mated. For example, when asked about the duration
of sun exposure during his daily routine, one par-
ticipant (male, internet marketer, early 30s) replied,
“For most of the day I am not exposed to the sun,
only during the car ride to work. I estimate no more
than an hour a day.” However, when asked how
long it took him to drive there, he replied, “At least
an hour in each direction.” This underestimation of
time spent in the sun in the context of daily activi-
ties such as sitting at an outdoor café, walking to
or from work, or engaging in sports was shared by
most participants.
The interviews also revealed that during the vari-
ous activities that accompany daily routines (such
as running errands, outdoor domestic chores, and
sports activities), participants do not take any mea-
sures to protect against sun damage as the sun is
“not as dangerous” as the sun to which they are
exposed at the sea or by the pool. This distinction
was true even for people who lived by the sea or
who had a pool in their neighborhood. This pat-
tern was particularly noticeable while referring to
sun exposure in the home environment (e.g., sitting
on the balcony or in the yard). In contrast to sun
exposure at the beach or pool, the home area is per-
ceived as safe and protected, where interviewees do
control their exposure time (they can choose to sit
in the shade or go inside if they wish). The two quo-
tations below illustrate this common perception:
I know that the sun is the same sun, but at the
beach, there is more awareness of its risks. At the
beach, the sun is dangerous, and at home, it isn’t.
(female, housewife, early 40s)
Outside the house, you can’t control exposure to
the sun because sometimes there is no shade avail-
able, so you put on sunscreen. In contrast, in your
backyard or balcony, you control how long you’re
exposed to the sun, so you don’t need to put on
sunscreen. At most, you move to a shady area.
(female, lawyer, early 30s)
Despite the general finding that the study partici-
pants do not usually take precautions when exposed
to the sun during daily activities, the women inter-
viewed revealed some exceptions to this rule. For
example, women who routinely use facial moistur-
izer said they select those that contain sunscreen. It
should be noted, however, that none of the women
in this study used sunscreen to protect their skin.
Moreover, they did not put any protection on their
cleavage, hands, legs, or feet.
Sun Exposure at the Beach or Swimming Pool
The sea and pool are perceived as spaces where
sun protection is mandatory. Moreover, being there,
in the sun, from noon until 4 pm is considered espe-
cially risky:
There’s no such thing as being at the beach and
not protecting myself from the sun in one way or
another. I try not to stay at the beach at all between
noon and four. If I’m going to be there at these
hours, then I’m sure to put on sunscreen, or I’ll sit
in the shade. (male, internet marketer, early 30s)
In this context, it should be noted that several
participants explicitly stated that around noon, they
choose to leave the beach in order to avoid the sun.
Interestingly, they do not associate the same level
of danger when exposed to the sun during these
same hours in other places, whether in the home
environment or during other recreational activities:
 UNIQUENESS OF SUN EXPOSURE IN TOURISM 25
Exposure to the sun is something I associate with
the beach, not the park or places like that. Putting
sunscreen on at the beach or at the pool is a ritual,
it’s automatic. At the beach, I automatically cover
the children and put sunscreen on them. (male,
self-employer, early 50s)
It’s a kind of rule that is accepted in society. . . .
When you go to work, drive a car, or just walk in
the sun, you don’t put on sunscreen. But when you
go to the beach, and you’re exposed to the sun for
half an hour—you do. It’s a way of thinking—at the
beach, you’re in another state of mind, and that’s
part of the regular action you take when you’re at
the beach. (male, nightclub owner, mid 30s)
An interesting finding was that participants
believed that when they move, for example, when
they swim or run, exposure to the sun is not danger-
ous, as if the sun cannot “catch” them when running
on the beach or swimming in the sea. Moreover, if the
weather is nice, not to mention cloudy, participants
reported that they are not in danger of being exposed
to the sun, suggesting that clouds protect them.
Sun Exposure on Vacation Abroad
The interviews revealed a significant change in
behavior abroad, whether at a beach or pool. Once
out of Israel, away from their daily routine, the par-
ticipants reported that they were exposed to the sun
even during the hottest hours of the day, with the
clear intention of getting a tan. While tanning in
Israel is usually portrayed as a result of occasional,
nonintentional sun exposure, tanning abroad is
intentional and is an integral part of the activities in
which the individuals engage in during their vaca-
tion. The interviews further revealed that, when
abroad, suntan oil is often used to speed up one’s
tan. It seems that during vacations outside of the
country, the desire to tan is affected by the social
approval by others on the beach:
You know how it is abroad . . . you’re less care-
ful . . . it’s a change of atmosphere—it’s part of
the scene . . . let’s say that we were sunning prop-
erly on the last vacation—carrot oil, coconut oil,
and all that. Apart from that, you see everyone
sunbathing, so you act like everyone else. (male,
employee, early 30s)
Even when using sunscreen during a vacation,
it seems that this is not done properly and to the
extent necessary to prevent sun damage. Six par-
ticipants mentioned that during their vacation they
got sunburned, which is further evidence that they
did not protect themselves adequately from sun
damage:
Although I kept reapplying lotion with a very high
SPF, I still got sunburned and came back very
tanned. That’s how it is abroad, that’s what it is,
not that it’s any better, but it’s vacation time—so
it burns a bit, it’s not so bad. (female, bank clerk,
mid 30s)
It seems that coming home with a tan is a way
of showing that one had been on vacation, that tan
constituting visual evidence. The desire to return
tanned from vacation increases when it is winter in
Israel, when, as the participant said, a tan is “more
attractive and sexy,” as it stands out against oth-
ers’ winter pallor. The participants acknowledged
that they, and their friends, view coming home
tanned as proof that they had been on vacation—
and enjoyed it:
I know a lot of Israeli backpackers in South Amer-
ica who plan their trip so that Brazil will be their
last stop because they want to come back tanned.
(male, discharged soldier, early 20s)
The participants were asked to explain the dif-
ferences in their behavior while on vacation abroad
and their behavior at home, in Israel. It seems
that when vacationing abroad, there is an attitude
that promotes the feeling that “everything goes.”
Because of this, they tend not to use sun protec-
tion measures, and even take risks (such as getting
sunburned) in order to tan. Moreover, while being
abroad participants feel they have permission to
enjoy themselves even if it involves health risk:
On vacations abroad, something changes in your
mind . . . you’re more open, you want to enjoy
more, and you may be doing more irresponsible
things because of that . . . more exposed to risks.
(male, discharged soldier, early 20s)
Abroad, I allow myself everything . . . the bor-
ders are breached. On vacation, you say, what do
I care? You allow yourself everything. (female,
designer, mid 30s).
Another interesting finding is that sunbathing in
Israel is conceptualized as a feminine act. The men
26 FRANCO, SHANI, AND PORIA
interviewed stated that in Israel they usually refrain
from this behavior, and their tanning is not planned,
and is a result of other outdoor recreational activi-
ties (such as playing basketball in the park, run-
ning). However, they stated that while vacationing
abroad, they do sunbathe and even used creams
designed to accelerate tanning. According to them,
vacation is a time frame to disregard behavior pat-
terns that they consider feminine in their daily life.
Discussion
This exploratory study provides novel and use-
ful insights that can contribute to the promotion of
preventive health behaviors to reduce the incidence
of skin cancer and other sun-related illnesses. Spe-
cifically, it was found that while at the beach or a
swimming pool, as part of a vacation abroad, the
participants spend long periods of time in the sun
without taking appropriate protective measures. By
way of explaining this behavior, they said that they
had set a goal to return to Israel with a tan, a look that
is considered even more appealing when returning
from a winter vacation. This finding is in line with
those of earlier studies (Hobson & Dietrich, 1995),
which demonstrated that people take vacations in
sunny tourist destinations with the clear intention
of sunbathing, and if they return home without the
desired tan, they feel they have not received ade-
quate compensation for their money.
The finding that during the vacation experience
tourists, and especially men, stay longer in the sun
and use less protective means indicates that on
vacation abroad, Israeli men adopt more woman-
like patterns of behavior. The extensive literature
on the tourist experience and on risks in tourism
describes the tourist social realm as one in which
the individual does not feel obligated to follow the
norms and customs of his country (Turner & Ash,
1975). Shields (1992) referred to tourist spaces,
particularly to coastal areas, as “liminal zones,” in
which tourists are free to challenge their everyday
social norms. Such findings were also reported
by Berdychevsky, Gibson, and Poria (2013), who
claimed that women adopt manlike pattern of
behavior while on vacation, and Berdychevsky,
Poria, and Uriely (2013), who argued that hotels
provide women with the opportunity to act as men
do. This change in men’s behavior can be explained
by Redmon’s (2003) claim that, in tourist spaces,
people are free to violate social norms and conduct
themselves in ways that would be considered devi-
ant at home. This behavioral change also supports
Wang’s (2000) description of tourism as an arena
for expression of “existential authenticity”—that
is, a situation in which the individual feels free to
“play” social roles that are usually not accepted.
The findings indicate that, out of their country,
tourists become risk takers. Interestingly, unlike in
other tourist situations (e.g., drug tourism, see Uri-
ely & Belhassen, 2006), the participants here did
not try to minimize the severity of the risk—they
were clear that sun exposure is dangerous when
it was done in tourist areas. What emerges is that
due to the various positive impacts assigned to sun
exposure, tourists allowed themselves to enjoy it
while being abroad.
The findings confirmed other studies focusing
on attitudes to sun exposure (Schneider et al., 2013;
Watson et al., 2018). Specifically, participants
assigned several kinds of benefits to such exposure,
referring to mental impacts such as feeling better
and younger. Participants also highlighted physi-
cal impact, assigned to the capacity of sunlight to
produce vitamin D. Also, participants indicated that
being tanned will help them be attractive. Some
participants thought that the tan conveys that their
lifestyle is that of one involved in tourist activi-
ties and vivid lifestyle. At the same time, they also
referred to the damage that may be caused by expo-
sure to the sun, mentioning skin cancer as well as
skin discoloration. It should be noted that skin dis-
coloration is what would make them stop tanning,
as it is instantaneous and visible. In contrast, skin
cancer was described as a disease that may emerge
while being old and as something that can easily
be treated.
Furthermore, the findings indicate that several
factors affect the potential danger of being exposed
to the sun. Participants perceive sun damage as
affected by weather conditions or their speed of
motion during exposure to the sun, so that the dan-
ger is lower when they walk, run, play soccer, swim,
or engage in other activities that require movement,
a notion that caused them to spend more time in the
sun without protection. Relying on behavioral eco-
nomics studies the potential danger of this finding
can be explained based on the “Rebound Affect”
 UNIQUENESS OF SUN EXPOSURE IN TOURISM 27
(e.g., Steren et al., 2016), which may have possible
dangerous consequences. In line with this affect
participants feel protected from the sun as such
may cause themselves great harm.
Practical Implications
This study provides important insights into the
promotion of public health regarding exposure to
the sun and its dangers. Although the prevalence of
skin cancer is increasing, it is estimated that most
forms of skin cancer are preventable (Grunfeld,
2004). The risky behavior of exposure to sun poses
a challenge both to public-health promoters and
tourism marketers, as both groups have the moral
obligation to promote responsible behavior. This
can be done by announcing or writing on billboards
in various languages that being exposed to the sun
during certain hours is dangerous. Additionally,
tourists should be reminded to apply protection,
and these products should be on sale at the beach
or pool. The tourism industry should offer services
and facilities within the vicinity of the beach or
pool that would entice tourists into the shade for
short periods of time, so that they may enjoy their
vacation safely without putting themselves at risk
by prolonged sun exposure. However, this should
be done with the knowledge that the desire to be
exposed to the sun is a reason to choose the tourist
location.
One way to promote protection from the sun is to
increase the number of shaded and covered tourist
facilities, so that they are accessible during the mid-
day hours. It is also possible to place signs at the
beach warning against prolonged sun exposure and
its short- and long-term damage. Moreover, authori-
ties may require the distribution of leaflets explain-
ing the importance of sun protection to purchasers
of holiday packages to sunny destinations, as well
as at hotels located near the beaches. It has been
found that when tourists receive brochures explain-
ing the importance of sun protection upon arrival
at their destination, their sun exposure behavior is
positively affected (Segan et al., 1999). Sunny tour-
ism destinations should encourage the use of mobile
applications that monitor sun exposure, helping to
avoid sun damage. Relying on public health eco-
nomics (Masters et al., 2017), it is argued here that
in this specific case, there is a place to consider
government intervention, especially as tourism
sites would be reluctant to incorporate messages of
sun safety, fearing an adverse impact on demand
for their business (Saraiya et al., 2004).
This study also has implications that are not
necessarily related to tourist behavior. Skin cancer
campaign messages should include a reference to
the individual’s tendency to underestimate how
long he or she stays in the sun and that casual sun
exposure is dangerous. Campaigns to prevent skin
cancer should encourage a reduction of sun expo-
sure and the use of protective measures even during
people’s everyday activities, during which they do
not consider the dangers of exposure to the sun.
Limitations and Future Research
This study has several limitations. First, the
reports should be carefully considered, as some of
their statements may stem from social desirability
and the wish to create a certain image for them-
selves (Andersen & Mayerl, 2017). It is also pos-
sible that some reports are inaccurate due to recall
bias of the participants, who do not necessarily
remember their sun exposure behavior (Cough-
lin, 1990). Thus, further qualitative or quantitative
studies can provide supplementary information
on sun exposure habits. Another limitation is that
respondents were not asked exactly how they use
sun protection. As studies have shown that people
often do not use sunscreen properly (Hart et al.,
2000) there is a need for research to examine this
aspect, comparing differences between tourism and
everyday activities.
It was found here that tourists engage in a behav-
ior that they recognize as being irresponsible and
dangerous. Future studies may explore whether
there are other tourist experiences involving risk
behaviors, due to the attitudes assigned to the tour-
ism experience. For example, it may be the case that
individuals are involved in dangerous sexual behav-
iors or even potentially dangerous use of drugs spe-
cifically during the tourist experience. It should be
noted that it is the tourists’ home country that will
have to deal with the consequences of the danger-
ous behavior abroad. Another interesting topic for
future research that emerges from the findings is
the examination of the reasons for the distinction
that the study participants made between exposure
28 FRANCO, SHANI, AND PORIA
to the sun while on the beach or pool, which was
perceived as dangerous and therefore requiring
protective measures, and exposure to the sun at the
same time during other leisure and sports activities,
which is perceived as carrying fewer health risks,
resulting in a lower level of precaution.
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