202 JGINNINGS OF SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST WORK (1905-1911) would learn about and understand salvation first before the distinc- tive Adventist teachings. Making sure that people understood the plan of salvation was as important as preaching to them their theological dlistinctives, Finster taught the Bible for four to five months to the group in Sta, Ana, many of whom were Methodists before he taught them about the Sabbath.”* It would be nine months in all before the group was deemed ready for baptism or profession of faith. Though aware of the receptivity of the people to their distinctive teaching, the Adventists who began the work in the Philippines were also aware ‘that without the basic understanding of salvation, the teachings about the imminent Second Coming, the Sabbath, and other teachings, would have no meaning. This would be seen in the length and the focus of their evangelistic meetings. The public evangelistic methods of the first group of Filipino evan- gelists and the American missionaries show their awareness that the ‘Adventist message is reformatory and restorationist in nature and needs to be built upon a strong foundation of understanding salvation. ‘The evangelistic meetings they conducted consisted of three to four months of nightly meetings. The first month or two, depending on the composition of the audience, would be on how to be saved, holy living, and preparing for the Second Coming. They would then receive decisions for baptism. One to two months more of nightly meetings were held for those who decided to be baptized. It is in these baptismal classes that the evangelists taught the distinctive Adventist doctrines and lifestyle.”” ‘To sum up, the basic approach or methods used in beginning the Adventist work in the Philippines, from the time the colporteur was first sent to the time when the first Filipino evangelists began th work, can be understood better if seen in relation to the Adventist selF-understanding of its identity and mission. & Finer, “hippie sland,” AM, 17 August 191,12 ” ten, 97-98 Nicolas Zamora and the IEMELIF" Church Ruben F. Trinidad Don Felipe Buencamino Sr, Secretary of State of the first Philippine Republic, and an “oracle of Philippine politics,” described Nicolas Zamora in 1914 as “el primer lider de la libertad retigiosa en Filipinas” (the foremost leader of religious liberty in the Philippines).” Others referred to him as the “Martin Luther or John Wesley” of the Philip- pines and stil others described him as the “Apostle Paul of the Brown Race." The distinguished Philippine Senator Emiliano Tirona referred to the IEMELIF Church in 1922 as “an offshoot of the Filipino fight for freedom from American domination,” which therefore "should take its place of honor in the history of the Philippines.”? In October 1979, during the celebration of the 80 anniversary of the Church, the Metro Manila Commission renamed Sande Street in Tondo, fronting the IEMELIF Cathedral, naming it Nicolas Zamora Street, in "TEMELIF ithe acronym of fea Enangtica Meson ls ltFiipnat Ruben F Tanidad, 4 Monae 1 Reis Satara (Quewon City. Brangelial Metaadis ‘Church in the Phitppines 199), 160 ‘hg ae (The Lamp [Manila 22 Oiober 1979 9, Anglais the offal organ ofthe SMALE 203c IEMELIF CHURCH 204 | NICOLAS zawoRs AND 71 honor of Nicolas Zamora and the Church he founded. And more recently, on the occasion of the 75* anniversary of the Church, the then President Ferdinand F. Marcos issued a proclamation declaring “February 28, 1984 to be a special historical church day for thanks- giving on the founding of the first indigenous evangelical church in the Philippines.”* Who was Nicolas Zamora and what is the IEMELIF Church? Nicolas Zamora was a religious nationalist at the turn of the 19% century; he founded the IEMELIF Church, the first continuing indigenous evan- gelical church in the Philippines. EARLY BEGINNINGS OF PROTESTANTISM IN THE PHILIPPINES Historical Setting Protestantism came to the Philippines even before the United States ‘of America defeated the Spanish flotilla in Manila Bay on 1 May 1898. ‘The USA took official possession of the Islands on 10 December 1898, as a result of the Treaty of Paris between the USA and Spain. Among. the first missionaries to arrive in Manila, though in an unofficial capacity, were Methodists Arthur W. Prautch and his wife, Eliza, who came from India in May 1898. The couple was assisted by Don Paulino Zamora and his son, Nicolas, in ministering to the members of the American occupation forces It was noted that Nicolas Zamora was already preaching in seven different places in Manila when the regular Methodist missionaries arrived in 1900." The first recorded Protestant worship service was conducted by Charles A. Glunz and Frank A. Jackson of the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) + Rabon F Tiida, 285 5 Homer ©: Sons The Pipines and the Far Eat (Cneinat:ennings and Pye, 1904). 416 “Trane Laubach The ple fhe Ply (Sew York G.I, Doran Company. 925), 184— RUBEN F. TRINIDAD | 205 on 14 August 1898. The second recorded Protestant service was on 28 August 1898, and was conducted by Chaplain George C. Stull (a member of the Montana Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church) of the First Montana Volunteers of the U.S. occupation forces. Both services were non-denominational and intended for the Amer ican soldiers stationed in Manila” ‘American missionaries soon established themselves in the Philip- pines: the first Presbyterian arrived on 21 April 1899; Episcopalians in 1899; Methodists on 26 March 1900; Baptists on 3 May 1900; United Brethren on 1 April 1901; Disciples on 3 August 1901; then Christian and Missionary Alliance representatives in 1901; and Con- gregationalists in 1902, However, it is important to note that before the missionaries established themselves there were native Filipinos already disaffected with the Roman Catholic Church and the Span ish civil authorities, due to prevailing corruption and abuses, espe ally during the last thirty years of Spanish rule. A good number of them were students, or political and religious offenders banished from the country; they found their way to Europe where they were exposed to liberal ideas then prevailing there. Among these estranged Filipinos ‘were Don Paulino Zamora and his son, Nicolas. The unjust execution of Fr Jacinto Zamora (one of the Gomburza triumvirate), who was implicated by the friars in the Cavite Revolt of 1872, led his nephew Paulino Zamora to doubt, the infallibility of the Roman Catholic Church and its ministers. He began questioning Church and State restrictions over the right of the individual to exercise his own judgment on any pronouncement, and DON PRLAINO ZAMORA I. Teemayne Capplestone History of Nett asim, vol. 1V (New York: Board of Clabat Minti UMC, 1973), 17280, ay Stan, 15-16206 NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE 1EMBLIF cH concerning blind conformity to the arbitrary actions of the friars, He found himself in the company of the brotherhood of Masons (Luson Lodge No. 185), where he became its “venerable master,” to pro- mote reforms in Philippine society. He also obtained a copy of the Bible which, he felt, must be the real source of truth, For this Don Paulino was arrested at the instigation of the friars and jailed at the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution of 1896, After a mock trial the same year, he was banished to the Cueta Penal Colony of Spain in the Mediterranean Sea, together with some three hundred other prisoners. After his release in 1898 by virtue of the Treaty of Paris he ‘went to Spain, His association with liberals and Protestants in Spain reinvigorated him. He came back to his native land fired with the desire to share with his countrymen the blessings of the Gospel of Christ in its simplicity.* Nicolas Zamora was born 10 September 1875, Like his father, he ‘was brought up a Roman Catholic, He lost his mother while he was still an infant, and his education became the responsibility of his uncle, Fr Pablo Zamora. He completed a Bachelor of Arts atthe Ateneo Municipal de Manila. He had barely finished his master’s degree, a requisite towards the priesthood, at the University of Santo ‘Tomas, ‘when the Philippine Revolution against Spain broke out on 26 August 1896. Seeing the opportunity to help free his country from the intolerant Spanish regime, he joined the command of Lieutenant Colonel Gregorio del Pilar, under whom he saw action in battles in several towns in Bulacan. Nicolas Zamora had also been reading the le in secret. As a result he accepted the Protestant faith of his father. Fle was convinced that his father's views were correct, and was ready to openly declare his faith in Christ as his personal Savior Manvel Ortigas Diners Muon eas as ips, wl JamesThobum and FW. Wen Ug ef inc ening a 30) 8; Coen 15-9 Sam 7- * Laubach, 164-65, UREN F, TRINIDAD | 207 The Roles of Paulino and Nicolas Zamora Upon the return of Don Paulino Zamora from exile, father and son became avid preachers of the gospel even before regularly appointed Protestant missionaries arrived in the Philippines. When Bishop James M. Thobumn visited Manila in March 1899 he organized the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Institute, and delegated Arthur W. Prautch and his wife Eliza to manage this work. Don Paulino and Nicolas Zamora were among the first to assist the Prautches, helping with both Spanish ‘and Filipino worship services.” The two were baptized into the Pres- byterian Church on 22 October 1899, with the understanding that, since Nicolas Zamora had been working regularly with the Method- ist Soldiers and Sailors Institute, he would transfer to the Methodist Mission as soon as it was established in the Islands, Don Paulino ‘Zamora stayed on with the Presbyterians, He had already invited them to make his house at Beaterio Street. Intramuros, a regular meeting place for religious services, and those services began on 14 May 1899. Don Paulino Zamora was one of the Filipino founders of the Pres- byterian Church in Manila, It was he who started religious services in the homes of Canuto Cruz on Barcelona Street in Binondo and of ‘Antonio Pabalan in Paco, Manila. Early in 1900 the services in Intra- muros and Paco were moved to Nueva Street, Ermita, and later to Wright Street, Malate; this later became the Ellinwood Church. Many of Don Paulino's friends converted to the Protestant faith and became Presbyterian leaders. Among them were Agustin de la Rosa, Felipe Buencamino Sr, and Timoteo Paez. Nicolas Zamora officially joined the Methodist Mission in 1900. He continued his work as a regular lay evangelist together with Arthur and Fliza Prautch, and later with the Rey, Jesse I. McLaughlin, American > Trinidad, 63, 65-66 eorigae Rudge Forty Years in she Milppnes 1899-1239 (New Yor: Board of Foreign Mianions ofthe Presbyterian Church of Americ, 1248), 32-34208 | NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMELIF CHURCH missionaries started the Methodist Episcopal Church in the Philip- pines, but it was the early Filipino converts who gave it body and per- manence. While it may be conceded that Arthur and Eliza Prautch and the Rev. Jesse L. McLaughlin were the missionary leaders, Nicolas Zamora was the most influential figure, “blazing the trail” anddraw- = ~ ing more converts to Methodism ester MESIAL THORS than any other person in the eatly years of the mission work in the Islands, The situation was but logical. The early missionaries were quite unprepared when they first came to the Philippines. The open- ing of evangelical missions came too soon for many of them. They did not have time to learn the Asian culture, the language, or become accustomed to the climate. Delivering their messages was a problem since there were few interpreters. They were only able to push for- ward by relying on the early Filipino converts thrust into the fore- front. In recognition of the dedicated efforts of Nicolas Zamora, Bishop James M. Thoburn ordained him Deacon in the Methodist Church on 10 March 1900, thus making him the “first Filipino ever ordained ‘minister of the Gospel.” This was followed by his ordination as Elder on 15 March 1903 by Bishop Frank W. Warne.!? Through the cooperative efforts of the early American missionar ies and their counterpart Filipino workers, the Methodist Church grew by leaps and bounds. Congregations were established in Manila and in outlying provinces in Luzon. Church buildings, parsonages, and several institutions were also built, No other Protestant mission ever achieved the rapid growth seen by Methodism in these early years. By the end of 1908 the Methodist Episcopal Church in the Philippines Pnided, 71-8 nupen F.reiNIDAD_| 209 had 12,500 members, 15,000 probationary members, 3,300 adher- cents, and four service institutions."* ‘One reason for this unprecedented sucess was that the early Methodist leaders recognized the imperatives for indigenization of the Church based on the threefold principle of self-support, self- governance, and self propagation of the Gospel. Their continuing efforts toward the realization of these principles gave encouragement to the early Filipino converts in the Methodist Church, as these ulti- mate goals certainly were attuned to Filipino nationalistic aspirations. Founding of the IEMELIF Church ‘The early years of the 20% century in the Philippines (1900-1916) were characterized by Anne C, Kwantes as the years of “suppressed nationalism,” This was an epoch when national as well as religious leaders and some miscionaries failed to disentangle their political ‘views from their involvement in church affairs." This was well exem- plified by Nicolas Zamora, whose desire for an independent Philip~ pines bumed in his heart even as he embraced the Protestant evangelical faith under the aegis of an American church. He believe that his Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, would in the short run achieve its ultimate goal of autonomous status. The same feeling pervaded a group of church lay leaders in the Methodist congresa- tion in Tondo as early as 1904 Factors leading to the IEMELIF schism ‘The growing desire for an autonomous Church was fanned into flame by the prevailing social, political, and religious conditions in the Phil- ippines during the first decade of the 20" century. Gare wees, ines: sus of Sockal Change, 1899 «eRe sce Pes smart Pips: Co rm no (Quezon ey: New Day Publishing 1989). 65159.210_|_ NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMELIF CHURCH Firstly the ‘Manifest Destiny” doctrine of America with all its avowals “to uplifi, educate, Christianize, and prepare them for self govern ment,” did not register well with Filipinos. They believed that the United States’ real intention was to stay in the Philippines to exploit the archipelago to the advantage of American trade, and to make it the vanguard of American power in Asia." Secondly, the Filipino desire for freedom was deeply part of the national psyche, While grateful for American assistance in ousting the Spaniards from the country and for the impetus given to Western liberalism, most Filipinos were against being placed under American domination. Ecclesiastically also, they wanted their churches free from foreign control. This aspiration ran counter to the thinking of some influential missionaries, who strongly opposed passing political control into Filipino hands, for fear of the implications for American religious organizations in the Philippines."* Thirdly, the paternalistic tendencies of some American mission- aries alienated many Filipino Protestants, The condescension displayed nwittingly by many of the missionaries toward native workers led Filipino church leaders to doubt the sincerity of the Methodist Epis- copal Church. Filipinization and the ushering in of the autonomous church envisioned by the early missionaries came too slowly. Fil ino preachers did not relish the missionaries’ paternalistic approach to church administration, in which native pastors were given little voice, if any. In the case of Ang Kapisanang Katotohanan (Ihe Society of Truth) in Tondo, the members could not understand the paternal- istic attitude of these missionary leaders who wanted to control and centzalize the missionary and evangelization efforts initiated and funded by the locals, As early as 1906 the conflict between this Gerald H. Anderson, "Providence ant Potties Heind Protcstane Missionary Besaings i the Mlipines Sian habe Chuck sry (thax: Caml Uni Mesa) 138,28 felioe Agni, A Sho Hstry 9 he Piping (New Hore The New Aunercan Libra, 975, 108 195 komt | Clymer, Prosi sisi the Phin, 1898-2916 (Chicago: Univer of ino, 1986), 135-39 2u. society and the missionaries came to a head. A break might have occurred then had not Nicolas Zamora prevailed upon the rebellious group to stay within the Church.” Finally, among the social evils spawned by the Filipino-American relations at the turn of the century was racial discrimination. This was the straw that broke the camel's back, Unequal treatment accorded Filipino pastors was common in dispensing ministerial privileges, salaries, and respons- ibilities. Filipino preachers resented being treated as “second class* in their own country and in the Church that teaches equality among races, between the sexes, and among people of different social levels.** The bases for the schism crystallized ‘The unabated racial discrimination, stifling paternalism and deni- gration of Filipino capabilities hecame fundamental issues in the relationship between Filipino preachers and missionaries in 1908, despite the efforts of some well-meaning missionaries. They reached the brink of a disastrous schism.” The restive lay preachers, especially the members of Ang Katoto hanan society in ‘Tondo, did not take long to reappear. The bitter debates in the United States Congress in 1902 on the issue of Philip- pine autonomy, where derogatory speeches were leveled against the Filipino people, stirred the people's emotion about the colonial status to which they had been relegated. The temper of the Tondo lay preachers reached a high pitch in 1908. They felt that they should be given a rightful share in running the Church and that they should sit in the decision-making councils. It was only a matter of time before they would declare their independence from the mother Church. Their © coplenone 216 * DionisieD Alejandes, From Darkness to Light (Manila: UMC Central Conference, 1974), 102: Chyntesone 39. wna, ot212__|_NIGOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMELIE CHURCH only hindrance was the lack of a strong leader whom they could trust to champion their cause, At that time Nicolas Zamora had become increasingly sensitive about the inferior position of the Filipino corps of Methodist workers. The persistent complaints of his fellow workers about the discrimination — lower salaries than their American counterparts, ack of recognition, lowly positions in the church hierarchy even when. compared with the newly arrived American missionaries — all these finally won Zamora's sympathy. Zamora himself became restive under the American missionary direction. He did not like the slow pace towards the indigenization of the Church, ‘This was not at all surprising: Nicolas Zamora, while putting the Christian lite above all else, was also a nationalist. ‘Zamora also felt exploited. His stature as a preacher of extra- ordinary effectiveness and influence, his training and vast experience fs a teacher in the seminary, and hia stature as an outstanding evan- gelist had not brought him proper recognition in the Church hier- archy. What finally brought his feelings to the boiling point was the accusation of his District Superintendent alleging questionable prac- tices in conducting marriages, and that Zamora was charging exorbi- tant fees. In reply, Zamora pointed out that he was well within the bounds of a mission conference act that provided that “the dispost- tion of wedding fees be left to the judgment and conscience of the officiating minister." It was but natural that once he identified him- self with the rebellious members of Ang Kapisanang Katotohanan, Zamora should become their leader. The break (On 20 February 1909, a week before the annual conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, Nicolas Zamora met with the = neon pnp Cure, Dusit Coneence of Phippine Mlands Mision Conference, anh Seton (12-17 Sth 208) 17 uae f. Taintpan | 213 members of Ang Kapisanang Kaiotohanan at the residence of local preacher Moises Buzon on Quezada Street in Tondo. The Kapisanang Katotohanan members present were Felipe Marquez, Pedro and Servillano Castro, Moises Buzon, Cirilo Kasiguran, Eugenio Monico, Victoriano Mauricio, Leoncio Ronquillo, Sinforoso Ponce, and Luis ‘Ocampo. They were joined by representatives from the provinces of Rizal and Bulacan, namely, Alejandro H. Reyes, Diosdado Alvarez, Ricardo Lozada, Santiago U. Tanghal, Hilario Aniceto, Valeriano Villanueva, Timoteo Lopez, Victoriano Mariano, Santos Trinidad, Ignacio Bartolome, Pio Banta, Lorenzo Basilio, Pedro del Fin, Rufino Bautista, and Eusebio Domingo. Pedro Castro presided over the meeting, The group wrestled with the question of separation from the mother Church. After a long drawn out meeting, they agreed on the following: 1 The reason for the separation from the mother Church was to give realization to the long cherished autonomy for the Philip- pine Church by the early missionaries and Filipino church leaders. Zamora and the Filipino church leaders believed that the act of the General Conference in 1908 that considered the Philippine Church asa ‘home field” of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America was inimical to the Filipinos’ prevailing sentiment for political and reli- gious liberty. They were concerned that, as a result of this, the loath- some racism and paternalism would still remain. Besides, Zamora ‘was also becoming increasingly sensitive to the inferior positions of the entire Filipino corps of workers. These perceptions, he believed, would cause endless conflicts between missionaries and Filipino preachers, Therefore, he and the lay preachers saw no solution to the unjustifiable conflict among the “servants of God" in the Philippines except complete separation and the establishment of a truly self. governing indigenous church. They thus decided to return their licenses as pastors and lay preachers to the Annual Conference,214_ | NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMBLIF CHURCH In consonance with the principle of religious liberty the group adopted the slogan — “In the same manner that God has ordained people of other nations the right to establish and administer their own church, the Filipinos are likewise so ordained.” With the deci- sion the new church shall have achieved the three “self-" principles — self-supporting, self-governing and self-propagating — that the Methodist Mission had endeavored but so far failed to achieve since the early phase of their missionary efforts, [See page 209.] 2 The name of the new Church would be Iglesia Evangelica Meto- dista en las Islas Filipinas (Evangelical Methodist Church in the Philippines). ‘The acronym IEMELIF represents the initial letters of the official name of the Church in Spanish. The name of the Church was rationalized as follows: Iglesia because the members all believed that the bodly of Christ is the Church; Evangelica because its teaching was to be based. on the evangelical teaching of Christ and his disciples; Metodista because the new Church was to be methodical like its mother Church; «en las Islas Filipinas because the Church originated in the Philippines from where it was to spread throughout the world. 3 The date of proclamation was set for 28 February 1909, during the Tagalog morning service at the St. Paul's Methodist Church in Moriones, Tondo, Manila. Nicolas Zamora was given the responsibility of delivering the procla- ‘mation of independence from the Methodist Episcopal Church. ‘Two days later (February 22), upon learning of the impending secession, Bishop William E Oldham invited the secessionists to a conference. A few ministers and laymen attended. Zamora, however, refused to come since “he had nothing against the Bishop, and he feared that the kind words of the Bishop might break down his nen F.mmiNipap | 215 esolution.”® The venerable Bishop, with teats in his eyes, pleaded with the secessionists to reconsider for the sake of unity and the glory of God. The meeting failed to make the secessionists reconsider. There upon, four pastors — Victoriano Mariano, Alejandro H. Reyes, Dios- dado Alvarez, and Servillano Castro — tured in their licenses. Consequently, their cases were referred to the Methodist Episco- pal Committee on Conference Relations on 26 February 1909. Proclamation of independence On 28 February 1909, at 9 am, during the Tagalog service at the St, Paul's Methodist Church in Moriones, Tondo, Manila, Nicolas Zamora delivered an impassioned sermon based on Galatians 5:1 which reads as follows: “Stand fast therefore in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage.” He drew a parallel between the saeri- fices of the members of the Kapisanang Katotohanan for religious freedom and the struggle of ‘our heroes for national independence. He also reiterated that “he REN. NICOLAS ZAVORA VIULEGAS nia 12 inidad, 15-21216 _| NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMELIF CHURCH cherished the doctrine and traditions of the Methodist Church,” and that in separating from her, there shall be “no ill-feelings nor hatred towards the Americans and their colleagues; al we want is only to be independent.” tthe end of his emotional appeal for support at high noon, Nicolas Zamora dramatically declared: “tisordained of God that in the Philippines, the /olesia Evangelica Metodisis en ies Islas Fillpinas be established, which shall be run by Filipinos and where the Gespel shall be preached in the languages of the Philippines.” Instantly, members defecting from the Methodist Episcopal Church swamped the new Church. The Tondo circuit was almost stripped of her members, its membership went down from six hundred and sixty- nine to eighty, of which only twenty were full members. Altogether, ao reported by the Mission Board, there were about 1,500 members who joined the new Church. They came from within the limits of the pastorates of the men who organized the independence movement. ‘The seceding pastors — Nicolas Zamora, Alejandro H. Reyes, Victoriano Mariano — were allowed to formally withdraw from the Methodist Episcopal Church under the provisions of paragraph 162 and 164 of the Discipline of 1908. At the closing ceremonies of the Annual Con- ference on 5 March 1909, all three pastors were tacitly given a clean slate. Not one of them was reported during the usual Conference “Question and Answer” period as having pending cases in the Church or as being subject to expulsion proceedings.” Propagation and Growth of the IEMELIF Church The rapid growth of the IEMELIF Church was unusual, bearing in mind the adverse situation at the time of its birth. There was > iid, 121-24, __nuven r. TRINIDAD | 217 contempt from some sectors, for the new Church was believed to have placed Evangelical Christianity in the country in a bad light ‘The conflicts arising from the schism were viewed as having stymied ‘evangelization of the Philippines. Moreover, some observers belitiled the new Church's capability for growth, and predicted that it would be short-lived. However, these charges only served to inspire the IEMELIPs stouthearted men and women to forge ahead to establish a truly self-supporting, self-governing and self-propagating church. ‘the Church was led by an interim set of officers — composed of Nicolas Zamora, General Superintendent, Diosdado Alvarez, Gen- eral Secretary; and Moises Buzon, General Treasurer — equipped only with faith in the divine leading of God and their willingness to obey him. Coping with immediate problems “The secessionists were immediately beset by seemingly insurmount- able problems, There were few preachers to cope with the immediate work. Only Nicolas Zamora, Alejandro HH. Reyes, Victoriano Mariano, Diosdado Alvarez, and Ricardo Lozada had the experience and capa bility to attend to the varied needs of church administration. There was not even one Bible woman, deaconess, or young person trained in the public school. The first ministerial conference, at which the first regular officers were elected, took place from 24-28 February 1910. Those elected were: Nicolas Zamora, General Superintendent: Diosdado Alvarez, General Secretary; Alejandro 11. Reyes, Assistant Secretary; and Ricardo Lozada, General Treasurer. To meet the imme- diate need for workers, the unlicensed local preachers from the Kapisanang Katotohanan were drafted into the ministry. The organiza- tion also lacked buildings in which to hold religious services and from which to administer the new Church. They had to resort to “house churches" until they were able to rent appropriate halls and build- ings. Among the first house churches where those in the homes of Arsenio Bartolome (Tondo), Santiago Garcia (Malibay), Carmelo218 _| NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE IEMELIE CHURCH ‘Duran (Sta. Mesa), and Florencio Nadurata (Caloocan). Pastor Zamora held office at the residence of Arsenio Bartolome at No.17 Moriones, Tondo, Manila, The most pressing problem was the lack of finance. Most of the people joining the new Church belonged to the low income group. The pastors had to support themselves while also performing their church duties. OF course the Church was helped financially by certain relatively wealthy members — the Bartolome, Feliciano, Policarpio, Marquez, Trinidad, and Clemente families from ‘Tondo, Manila — but meeting the needs of the whole Church was far beyond their ability. Pastor Zamora himself was so concerned about the financial needs of the Church that he threw himself actively into fundraising even during his evangelistic sorties. Centerpiece of Nicolas Zamora’s ministry ‘Training church workers and conducting evangelistic work took most of Pastor Zamora’s time. As an initial strategy he deployed his most able preachers: Hipolito Guimalda to Northern Luzon; Alejandro H. Reyes to Central Luzon; and Victoriano Mariano to Southern Luzon. He himself continued to minister in Manila and in nearby towns, assisted by Florencio Nadurata in Caloocan, and by Santiago and Epifanio Garcia in Pasay and Parafiaque. A crash pastoral and mis- sionary raining program was conducted amonga select group of local preachers all over Luzon. They followed the curricula which was in uuse in the mother Church, Their evangelistic campaigns used the traditional methods of the mother Church — “tent,” or outdoor, street comer, in-church evangelistic preaching, and personal evangelism, Filipino preachers enriched these methods by indigenizing these traditional approaches. One cannot overlook the fact that in the beginning the “Zamoristas,” as they were called, also engaged in pros- elytizing members from other churches. ‘Their preaching focused on two major issues — religious nation- alism and the fallacy of the Roman Catholic doctrines. ‘The fledg- ling group, fired by both patriotic and religious ardor, quickly grew RUBEN F. TRINIDAD | 219 in numbers and spread rapidly in the capital and in the surrounding provinces. They began a relentless campaign, conducting forty reli- gious meetings a week in Tondo, Sampaloc, Sta. Mesa and Pandacan in Manila; in the towns of Malabon, Caloocan, Polo, San Felipe Neri, and Malibay in Rizal province; and in Malolos, the capital of Bula- can Sickness and death of Nicolas Zamora ‘At the height of his ministry Pastor Zamora fell ill on 1 September 1914 while holding office in Manila. His ailment was diagnosed as kidney disease with heart complication. On doctor's advice he was brought home to Matungao, Malolos, to relieve him of the pressure of work. Though bedridden, his mind was still on the affairs of the ‘Church. On seeing that the pastors and members who came to keep ‘watch over him were downcast, he found the energy to comfort and counsel with them. He admonished them to remain steadfast in the faith and to continue their love for the Church as he himself When his illness worsened and he knew that the end was near, Pastor Zamora summoned the Rev. Alejandro H. Reyes, then the second highest official of the Church, and thus enjoined him and all pastors and members present: “Abide in your faith and obey the Gospel of Jesus. Love the ‘Church of the Lord as you have seen me love Fier. Persevere in your responsibilities as loyal Christians and servants of the Lord Jesus, for a man’s honor lies in his fulfillment of his responsibilities" In the presence of his family, some ministers and church members, jicolas Zamora was taken to be with his Creator on 14 September220 | NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE UnMMHLIE CHU emote senice at the ton of Nicol Zamora 1914, He was thiny-nine years old, He left behind a grieving Church of 11,000 members. The following day word of his death was carried in all Manila newspapers. His body was brought to Manila and state at the Knox Memorial Church; here appropriate necrological services would be held for the man who had blazed the wail for ‘Methodism in the Philippines. Because space was limited in the Knox Memorial Church, Zamora's casket was transferred to the Funeraria Nacional. Thousands of members of the IEMELIF Church, Method- ists, and members of other Protestant denominations, even Roman Catholics, people of all walks of lie, elbowed their way to see and pay their respects to a great man of God. At noontime on 21 September the final rites were held with Church dignitaries and missionaries officiating, Many public officials and numberless townspeople joined the thousands of Church members in the funeral procession on foot to the Narth Cemetery in spite of the torrential rain that fell as the cortege reached the cemetery UREN #. TRINIDAD | 221 In a ceremony held 14 September 1956, his forty-second death anniversary, the episcopal tile of “Bishop” was conferred posthu- mously on Nicolas Zamora, Further Expansion and Growth of the IEMELIF Church The death of Reverend’ Zamora was a great blow to the IEMELIF Church. As word of his death spread, many observers believed that the fledgling church would quickly fall apart and that its members would return to the churches they had come from, Instead, the remaining leaders resolutely closed ranks and, with firm resolve vigorously continued the work that had been begun. They could not in good conscience neglect the prompting of the man whose com: pelling influence upon their lives continued beyond the grave. Their solemn oath as ministers of the Gospel was a potent force that motivated them to obey the “Great Commission” of Jesus Christ. These men worked faithfully in the years which followed, each one playing his own part. The names and contributions of some of the outstanding leaders in the [EMELIF Church are: Bishop Alejandro H. Reyes (1914-21) Bishop Reyes made his mark pursuing a sustained evangelistic campaign directed mainly toward non-evangelical Christians, especially in the far-flung areas of the country, He was a daring evangelist who did not retreat in the face of bitter opposition. His eloquence and charisma won him the sobri- quet “the preacher with the golden tongue." Bishop Victoriano Mariano (1921-26) Rishop Mariano believed that for the Church to endure, the members should be strong and well grounded in their faith. Thus, he devoted much of his time to teaching, preparing Sunday school lessons, writing sermons, and = Un his death Sicolas Zarmora was usally neresed as “Pastor” by hs contempoaties, He hau been feed a ax “Rew Zamora” oF “ssh Zamora” only sie he 1950s,222_| NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE JEMELIF CHURCH administering the Church, Because of his emphasis on education he ‘came to be known as the “Tather of Christian Education.” Bishop Francisco Gregorio (1926-39) Bishop Gregorio is remem- bered for his efforts in instituting a stable organization and admin istrative system for the Church. He led the writing of the IEMELIF Discipline in Filipino based on the Methodist Discipline of 1908 Changes were introduced, such as allowing the participation of lay- persons in Church administration. Through his efforts the Templo Sentral was erected in 1929, but sadly this edifice was destroyed by the great Tondo fire of 1941 Bishop Matias B. Valdez (1939-47) Bishop Valdez will be remem- bered as the servant of God who preserved the independence of the TEMELIF Church during the difficult and trying times of the Japanese ‘Occupation of the Philippines, 1941-45. Through his courage and tact he helped prevent many IEMELIE congregations from participat- ing in the Japanese forced union of Protestant Churches in 1943. He inculeated a sense of dignity and pride among the pastors for their high spiritual calling. Bishop Eusebio Tech (1947-52) The most important achievement of Bishop ‘Tech was his espousal of democratization in the Church, He believed in “collective responsibility” and "delegation of powers” in church administration. Under his supervision the Discipline was revised to allow the election of a “Supreme Consistory of Elders” which exercised policy-making for the various church ministries, The responsibility of head of the Church remained in the position of General Superintendent. Bishop Marcelino C. Gutierrez (1952-53) During the brief term of Bishop Gutierrez the ministry of Christian education was vigor- ously promoted. He addressed the need for an institution to train ‘workers, and then established a ’Ministerial and Lay Workers Insti- tute" which in1991 became the [EMELIF Bible College in Novaliches, Quezon City. In order to spread the training of workers into RUBEN s TRINIDAD | _223 ‘The |ERELIE Cates and sanctuary in 1858 provincial areas he initiated teachers’ training courses in Sunday schools of all congregations, Bishop Lazaro G. Trinidad (1953-72) Bishop Trinidad gave much of his dedicated ministry to the completion of the IEMELIF Cathed- ral located at Zamora Street, Tondo, Manila, Tt was completed and dedicated to the glory of God during the Church’s golden anniver- sary on 28 February 1959. His contribution in the realm of church finance was capped by the establishment of a “central funding system’ at each level of church organization, Democratization of the Church was completed in 1972 with the conversion of IEMELIF from «corporation sole to a corporation aggregate. Bishop Geronimo P, Maduedoc (1972-80) With Bishop Maduc- doc in office the “Read, Pray, Meditate” program was launched to strengthen the faith of church members. Also a systematic evangel- istic campaign, “Eighty by 1980" was begun to increase church mem- bership.224 | NICOLAS ZAMORA AND THE LENRLIF CHU ‘The financial system of the IEMELIF Church gradually became responsive to the needs of its various ministries. Building require- ments of church properties, social security needs of workers, and various financial issues were addressed Bishop George F. Castro (1980-2000) The thrust of Bishop Castro's administration has been to adapt the Church to the changing times, to improve church administration, to enhance evangelistic efforts, and (o improve the status of ministers and other church workers both professionally and economically. Corporate planning has been institutionalized, culminating in the formulation of a Church master plan entitled, “Church Growth Program Towards the Centennial, 1998- 2009.” It has as its battle cry, “A Church Triumphant in the 21* Cen- tury.” Bishop Castro has labored for ecumenism and encouraged the IEMELIF Church to participate in various national and intemational church programs and activities. Nathanael P. Lazaro (2000-) To Bishop Lazaro falls the awesome task of pursuing the Church vision and missions set forth at the thresh- old of the 21* Century. Upon his election as General Superintendent, he pledged to dedicate himself to pursue with vigor a five-point pro- gram contained in the Church master plan for growth in the new millennium, namely: (1) mission and evangelism, (2) Christian edu- cation, (3) church organization and administration, (4) stewardship and finance, and (5) Christian advocacy. He anchors his faith on the abiding guidance and loving care of God Almighty for the success of his administration. ‘The IEMELIF Church has experienced many vicissitudes in the past ninety years. But the Lord has been good. During prosperous times, the Lord has given the Church his benign smile of approbation and commendation; when all looked dark he showed his timely and abundant mercies. Praise the name of the Lord! ¢ ; eg Perspectives on ~ Baptist Church History | Domingo J. Dil J Baptist work in the Philippines has passed its 100 anniversary, a significant milestone. The start of Baptist work in the country has "usually been placed around May 1900;" however, a recent study* placed the beginning of Baptist missions two years earlier. Eric Lund, a Swedish. missionary in Spain, and his young Christian companion Braulio Manikan, a Filipino who was also in Spain, are said to have agreed in 1898 with the American Baptist Missionary Union (ABMU) that they would initiate missions in the Philippines. But this is only one of any stories here ae Baptist groups in the country other than the one de- scribed in this chapter; their accounts are not included here. This chapter contains a stony that took place mainly inthe Western Visayas, as a result of a general Protestant comity agreement. + raymond We Bener Pris ono (li AKC Printing Cents, 1980.25. 1 Ril. unde sis Hy of he PippneBapest Chae 1898-1998: Pom 4 Pi Fone Mpeoe (PHD. da, Unwoy of Hamburg 1998). 47-3 1 Trae 20-27 225