Definitions of witchcraft

In anthropological terminology a 'witch' differs from a sorcerer in that they do not use physical
tools or actions to curse; their maleficium is perceived as extending from some intangible inner
quality, and the person may be unaware that they are a 'witch', or may have been convinced of
their own evil nature by the suggestion of others.[5] This definition was pioneered in a study of
central African magical beliefs by E. E. Evans-Pritchard, who cautioned that it might not
correspond with normal English usage.[6]

Historians of European witchcraft have found the anthropological definition difficult to apply to
European and British witchcraft, where 'witches' could equally use (or be accused of using)
physical techniques, and some really had attempted to cause harm by thought alone.[7]

As in anthropology, European witchcraft is seen by historians as an ideology for explaining

misfortune, however this ideology manifested in diverse ways. Reasons for accusations of
witchcraft fall into four general categories:[8]

1. A person was caught in the act of positive or negative sorcery

2. A well-meaning sorcerer or healer lost their clients' or the authorities' trust
3. A person did nothing more than gain the enmity of their neighbours
4. A person was reputed to be a witch and surrounded with an aura of witch-beliefs

Éva Pócs in turn identifies three varieties of witch in popular belief:

 The "neighbourhood witch" or "social witch": a witch who curses a neighbour following some
conflict.

The "magical" or "sorcerer" witch: either a professional healer, sorcerer, seer or midwife, or a
person who has through magic increased her fortune to the perceived detriment of a
neighbouring household; due to neighbourly or community rivalries and the ambiguity betwe

BIBLIOGRAPHY. - For a short list of general works and a topographical bibliography, see
Herzog-Hauck, Realencyklopddie, s.v. " Hexen"; see also W. H. D. Adams, Witch, Warlock,
Magician, pp. 378-428; G. L. Burr in Papers of American Hist. Ass. iv. 237266. For classical
times see Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites, s.v. " Magia." For Scotland, see C.
K. Sharpe, Historical Account, pp. 255-262; J. Ferguson, Witchcraft Literature, reprint from
publications of Edinburgh Bibliographical Soc. iii. For New England see Justin Winsor in Proc.
Am. Ant. Soc. (Oct. 1895) and G. H. Moore in do. N.S. V. 2 452 73. For France, see R.
YvePlessis, Essai d'une bibliographie francaise de la sorcellerie. For Italy, see C. G. Leland,
Etruscan-Roman Remains, Legends of Florence, '' and Aradia; G. Cavagnari, Il Romanzo dei
Settimani; Folklore, viii. 1 -9; Niceforo and Sighele, La Mala Vita a Roma; E. N. Rolfe, Naples
in the Nineties. For Africa, see R. E.'Dennett, Seven Years among the Fjort, Folklore of the Fjort
and At the Back of the Black Man's Mind. For the American negro, see M. A. Owen, Old Rabbit
the Voodoo. For India, see W. Crooke, Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore in N.
India. For a survey of European witchcraft up to the 16th century, see J. Hansen, Zauberwahn
(190o) and Quellen (1901). See also Graf v. Honbrock, Das Papsttum, i.; O. Stoll, Suggestion
and Hypnotismus; Tylor, Primitive Culture. On salves and magical plants, see E. Gilbert, Les
Plantes magiques; Bastian, Der Mensch in der Geschichte. On witchcraft and insanity, see Hack-
Tuke, History of Insanity; O. Snell, Hexenprocesse and Geistesstorung. For a discussion of the
evidence for the real existence of witchcraft, see E. Gurney, Phantasms of the Living, vol. i.; F.
Podmore, Modern Spiritualism, i. 13. (N. W. T.)

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