Haney 1

Erin Haney

Latin 524

617-636 Carmentalia

The Carmentalia is a two-part festival in honor of the goddess Carmentis, or Carmenta

(Var., L. 6.12). Carmentis is an ancient Italian goddess of both prophecy and a protector of

mothers. Before Vergil, the only other surviving mention of Carmentis appears in Pausanias

(8.43.2). He reports that her original Greek name was Nikostrate. Cicero (Brut. 14.56) refers to a

priest, the flamen Carmentalis, who is associated with the goddess, as well as a shrine near a gate

bearing her name, porta Carmentalis (Seyffert 1895, 115). It is at this shrine that her festival was

celebrated by Roman mothers. This temple was also located almost next to that of Mater Matuta,

and possibly the two were linked for ritual purposes (Lipka 2009, 82). These two goddesses are

also linked as Carmentis appears in the story of Mater Matuta, and explains why liba are offered

during the Matralia (Ov. F 6.529-31). Little is known about the flamen Carmentalis, therefore it

is assumed that this cult and priest were very old, dating to before the beginning of the Republic

(Orlin 2010, 88).

The first part of the festival occurs on January 11th, while the second part falls on January

15th. There is no exact parallel in the rest of the calendar of a deity being celebrated on two

different days in the same way that Carmentis is. However, festivals occurred on odd numbered

days, and when the festival lasted for multiple days, the even numbered days were skipped. The

Romans did not view the two days of the Carmentalia as the celebration of the same festival, but

rather as two different festivals tied to the same goddess. Otherwise, they would not have had a

different origin story for second day dedicated to Carmentis (Fowler 1969, 290). Carmentis was

viewed by the ancients as having two distinct roles, that of a prophetess, as well as divinity
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dedicated to motherhood. Varro records that Carmentis was an old Italian goddess of childbirth.

The placement of a festival to a goddess of birth in the middle of January may seem odd,

however April was known to be a popular month for marriages, so births could be expected in

January. Ovid utilizes the non-consecutive days to explore these different roles. The

disconnection of themes surrounding Carmentis is emphasized by the temporal disconnect

between the two days in celebration of her.

The first day of the Carmentalia, discussed by Ovid in lines 461-586, tells of the exile of

Evander and his mother Carmentis, and of the foundation of the Ara Maxima. In this section,

Carmentis is described as a diviner of prophecies, however her capacity as a goddess of mothers

does not seem to be completely separate, as her relationship with her son Evander is a major

component of these lines. A comparison between Carmentis and Livia can be read through this

relationship (1.535-6). Tiberius, like Evander, was also exiled and it was Livia who supported

him politically. Livia and Carmentis are also the only women in Roman history to be elevated to

the status of divinity (Barchiesi 1997, 199). Ovid’s emphasis on the relationship between the

goddess and her son effectively transfers the prominent role of founder of the settlement in

Latium from Evander to Carmentis and her prophecy. In the first account regarding this goddess,

Ovid extensively reports the story of Carmentis as the instigator for the foundation of an

Arcadian settlement in Latium. This story is briefly mentioned in the Aeneid by Evander himself:

“Me pulsum patria pelagique extrema sequentem Fortuna omnipotens et ineluctabile fatum his

posuere locis, matrisque egere tremenda Carmentis nymphaea monita et deus auctor Apollo”

(8.333-36).

Differing from Vergil’s depiction, Ovid puts emphasis on Carmentis’ role as a prophetess

in this section. He is playing with a connection between Carmentis and carmen, both as prophecy
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and poetry. Plutarch in his Questiones Romanae 56 connects Carmentis with the identity as a

fate. This identification is because of this connection between the etymology of Carmentis and

carmen. Ovid’s narrative of the arrival of Carmentis and Evander into Latium, explicitly

contrasts with the brevity with which Vergil approaches this event. Ovid’s account returns

Carmentis to her pivotal role in the foundation of Rome.

Ovid places Octavian’s taking the name of Augustus between these two non-consecutive

days in honor of Carmentis, on January 13th. Each of the days dedicated to the goddess begins

with a mention of a celestial being, so that these two entities surround the nomen Augusti. In the

first passage, Aurora, or the Dawn, looks towards (prospiciet, 461) the first part of the

Carmentalia, while on the following day of the festival, Titan looks back (respiciet, 617) to the

Ides. These two celestial figures have different views, one looks forward, while the other looks

back; but both viewpoints are directed towards the day Octavian becomes Augustus. One should

take notice of the gender of these beings; Aurora is female, while Titan is male. Because of this,

Ovid appears to be playing with the idea of conflict between genders with these two astral beings

having differing viewpoints (King 2006, 166-7). Therefore, it seems interesting that Ovid would

decide to place the day devoted to Augustus’ naming between these conflicting viewpoints of the

genders. Other sources report that Octavian took the name of Augustus on January 16th, not the

13th. Therefore, it seems that the alteration of this date by Ovid is a purposeful treatment of the

nomen Augusti within the structure of the two Carmentalia dates (Barchiesi 1997, 93).

On the calendar, each day had a letter denoting the status of that day. These letters are: F

(fasti) days on which legal business could happen, N (nefasti) when these activities could not

occur, and C (comitales) when public assemblies could be held. There is also the letters NP

which are understood to be an abbreviation for nefastus publicus, which denotes days that are
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public holidays. Both days of the Carmentalia have the lettering of NP. The Carmentalia is one

of the festivals that is marked on the fasti in capital letters which means, it is assumed, that it is

one of the oldest festivals. It also is one of the few festivals that are celebrated multiple times

during the year (Orlin 2010, 146). In the Fasti Praenestini, it is suggested that the second day of

the festival was already established by Romulus when he conquered Fidenae on January 15th.

217 Titan: The Titans were the race of gods that preceded the Olympains. When only one is

named, it refers specifically to Sol-Helios, as the son of Hyperion, the sun god of the Titans.

Here the mention of the sun is referring to the passing of days.

Respiciet: The specific verb for “looking back” is used here. The sun is looking back on the

Ides, on which day Ovid celebrates the adoption of the name Augustus by Octavian. The sun

would want to look back at the Ides because in the nomen Augusti passage there is an allusion to

the Solarium Augustus dedicated. This day would have drawn the sun’s attention because of the

worship that may have been occurring at this obelisk and the fact that it would have functioned

as a sundial (King 2006, 167-8). As mentioned previously, Ovid begins the first day of the

Carmentalia with Aurora looking forward and the second day with the sun looking back, both

celestial beings are directing their views to the important day of the naming of Augustus.

Idus: The Romans used three fixed points in month to count the days. These fixed points were

the Kalends, the Nones, and the Ides. The Ides was a day that fell roughly in the middle of the

month; it fell on the fifteenth in the months of March, May, July and October, and on the

thirteenth of every other month. The name for this day comes from the verb iudare “to divide”

because of its placement within the month. The Romans counted inclusively to the next of the

three principal days. Therefore, counting inclusively and following the information about the
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date of the second Carmentalia Ovid gives “respiciet Titan actas ubi tertius Idus”, the date must

be January 15th.

618 Parrhasiae: This epithet refers to the goddess Carmentis for whom these festivals are

celebrated. This name comes from the district of Parrhasia, a well-known Arcadian place located

on the Messenian border. It was located in central Arcadia and was named after a son of Lycaon.

In this section on the Carmentalia, Ovid never explicitly refers to the goddess by her name, but

instead utilizes different Arcadian place names. The focus on her identity as an Arcadian is tied

to the emphasis he places on Evander in the previous section dedicated to this festival (461-586).

The most common reference using this adjective is to Callisto and her transformation into the

constellation Ursa Major. To see more on the use of this word, check Oxford Latin Dictionary p.

1299. To see more on the emphasized role of Evander in the Fasti, see Fantham 2011.

619 Ausonias: Referring to the Italian or the Roman people. The Ausonians were the ancient

inhabitants of Campania, so many poetic authors use the word to refer to Romans.

619-620 Carpenta…haec quoque ab Evandri dicta parente reor: A carpentum is a two-

wheeled carriage used in Rome, specifically by women. Ovid ties the name of the carriage,

carpentum, to Carmentis. This is not seen in any other source; it seems that Ovid made up the

etymology of carpenta. In order to connect these two, Ovid would have utilized one of the four

standard methods of etymologizing, immutatio, where the letter “p” is changed for “m” (Pasco-

Pranger, 805).dicta: Gap in a form of esse here, understood that reor is introducing indirect

speech. reor: The use of this verb calls into question even more this etymological link. By
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introducing this story with this verb meaning “I believe”, Ovid is confessing that this is probably

made up or only reflects his own personal view (Pasco-Pranger 2006, 193). This word also

seems have been used by poets when they wanted to make it appear as if there was a predecessor

for the information they are giving, when really there is not one (Ross 1975, 78). Ovid gives the

impression that he is coyly indicating how great his skill as poet is, because he has the ability to

tell of stories that were little known by most Romans. The attestation of Carmentis as the mother

of Evander and a prophetess in the first section of the Carmentalia was well-known, however

this etymological tie to carpenta and the story that Ovid will subsequently relate, were meant to

raise questions among the Romans.

Ovid probably made this up because the Romans were unaware of why two festivals were

held to the same deity so close to one another. His invention of the etymology of carpenta allows

Ovid to give an explanation of having two separate festival days. There are some other festivals

that occurred on numerous days in a similar way to the Carmentalia; like the Lemuria and

Lucaria (Lemuria-May 9th, 11th, 13th; Lucaria-July 19th, 21st). However, these were continuous

festivals that were interrupted and thus occurred on separate days, whereas the two days of the

Carmentalia had very distinct purposes.

Evandri: Once again Ovid does not refer to the deity by her name, but instead connects her to

Evander, her son. Some readers may have made a connection between Evander and Tiberius.

Both men were exiled, Tiberius went to Rhodes in 6 BCE, and both had mothers that played a

strong role in pushing their sons to be leaders of (proto-)Rome. Evander is a character that shows

up quite often in Ovid’s Fasti overall. His focus on Evander as the founder of Rome, rather than

Romulus, serves as a differentiator between himself and Vergil. For more on the emphasized

presence of Evander in the Fasti, see Fantham 2011.

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621 Honor eripitur: The honor is the privilege for Patrician women to ride in the carpentum to

sacred festivals and games. This honor was given to women because they donated their jewelry

to help Camillus pay off his vow to Apollo in 396 BCE. Livy attests this story in Ab Condita

Urbe 5.25 (Camillus’ vow, 5.21). Riding in a carriage was a social marker for women. This ties

to Augustus’ legislation of the leges Juliae, in which Roman matronae were distinguished from

meretrices by certain clothing and visual markers, i.e. riding in the carpentum. For more on the

different clothing of women, see Olson 2006.

However, as Ovid reports, this honor was stripped away from women. This must be

referring to the lex Oppia in 215 BCE, in which luxuries, as well as the privilege of riding in the

carpentum, were stripped away. The right was removed during the Punic Wars in order to

conserve the horses for the war effort. The removal of this privilege strips Roman women of

their marker for social status (Papaioannou 2017, 330-1). Yet once the war was over, the senate

did not restore the right to the matronae. Livy opens book 34 of Ab Urbe Condita with a

discussion of the Oppian Law and the discontent that caused women to gather on the Capitoline

to repeal the lex. In Livy’s account, there is no mention of Carmentis, the story was however

chosen by Ovid because of the way in which the Roman matronae demanded their rights be

returned.

621-624: In these two couplets, Ovid tells how all of the matronae rebel against the lex Oppia by

refusing to bear children to their husbands. This story is also told by Plutarch in Questiones

Romanae 56. Ovid, however, takes the description a step further and explicitly states that the

women aborted their children so not to bear them to their viros. Ovid probably created the story
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about the abortions, as Plutarch and other sources make no mention of this. The reason for the

creation of this story was probably because of Carmentis’ tie to motherhood and childbirth.

A Greek parallel to this idea of female rebellion by refraining from sex is Aristophanes’

Lysistrata. In Lysistrata, it is poignant that the effect of the absence of sex on the men does not

create an anxiety about the female role in reproduction, but rather focuses on the men’s desire for

sex that is not being given. The women of Lysistrata bemoan the absence of sex as much as the

men do, depicting women in a somewhat surprising manner as being desirous of sex. However,

in Ovid, he does not display the women as having any similar pain to their husbands about

refraining from bearing children. Just as the women in Aristophanes’ play can be considered

transgressive women because they step out of the typical stereotype of women by displaying

sexual desire; the Ovidian woman here are transformed into women who have no care for being a

mother. For more on the women of the Carmentis passage being characterized as having no

motherly care, see the note below on line 625.

621 Matronae: Ovid explicitly expresses that it was matronae from whom the right was taken

and who rebelled against the removal. Matrona refers to a married woman, but very early on the

word acquired a connotation of dignity and rank, both morally and socially (Lewis and Short).

Therefore, it was not all women who participated in the Carmentalia, but only matronae, and

more importantly, mothers.

623 Ictu…caeco: Ovid refers to the use of sharp objects to abort a child in other works (Am.

2.14.27-28). To read more about the use of ictus, see Yan 1986. Abortion was usually done away

from the eyes of men, in secret. This tradition would have given rise to male anxieties about the

use of potions and poisons by women (Kapparis 2002, 19). Anxiety also arose because women
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had knowledge about different ways of inducing abortion, therefore it was often kept secret from

men. Ovid discusses women’s knowledge in regards to pregnancy (Her., 11.37-44). There were

different methods for abortions known by the ancients, like drugs, surgeries, and violence. To

read more about abortion methods in the ancient world, see Kapparis 2002 and Gourevitch 1984.

In the Iustinian Digesta two types of abortion are categorized, as either violent or medical

(48.8.8, 48.19.39).

Temeraria: Also in Amores 13, Ovid describes abortion as being rash or thoughtless.

624 Visceribus crescens excutiebat onus: The exact phrase to describe abortion is used by Ovid

in the Heroides, the only difference is the verb form excuteretur (11.42). visceribus: Here

referring to the womb. To see more uses of viscus as referring to the womb, check OLD p.2077.

excutiebat: “To cast out violently, to shake out”. In equally as dramatic fashion as Ovid reports

this story, Seneca the Elder speaks about actions women take against a tyrant, “Trahebantur

matronae, rapiebantur virgines; nihil tutum erat; nullae feliciores tunc videbantur quam quae

liberos non habebant. Quaedam itaque elisere conceptos, quaedam fecunditatem suam moratae

sunt” (Contr. 2.5.2). Seneca utilizes a different verb, elisere, but both verbs come to mean

violently casting out, i.e. abortion. Both stories depict women rebelling against abuses of power

that affect them. In contrast to Plutarch’s description of this story (Quaest. Rom. 56), Ovid

displays much more violence. In Roman law, abortion was not prohibited, however it was not

looked on favorably. Abortion was considered to be the worst crime against the family. Children

were a blessing to both fathers and the state, to abort was against the interests of the Republic.

Women’s ability to have an abortion caused male anxiety, because it was women who held

control over their ability to reproduce. There is evidence in other ancient authors of men
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complaining against women inducing abortions (Hip., Mul. 8.140 (67)). Ovid also writes against

abortion, saying that if Venus had aborted Aeneas, the consequences on Rome would have been

catastrophic (Ov., Am. 2.14.17-18). In the law of Septimus Severus, one way Romans thought

about abortion is revealed; that it was the deceit of the wife that was an issue, not so much the

actual act of abortion. Some view this story, which was partly fabricated by Ovid, as a critique of

Augustus’ legislation on the family and marriage. This legislation placed pressure on the elite

men of Rome to marry and produce as many children as possible. In Suetonius’ De vita

Caesarum, it is reported that many rebelled against the legislation of the new empire (2.34).

These rebellions may be what Ovid is tying to the rebellions of the women; the elites did not

want to be under the complete control of the state. These rebellions appear to be a reaction

against the control that Augustus was trying to enact over the private sphere. crescens: Just as

abortion is a very political topic now, it was for the Romans too. They questioned when human

life began as well. There are basically three different perceptions regarding the beginning of

human life as seen by the ancients: those who believe life began at conception, those who believe

it began at birth, and those who believe that it happens at some point in the womb while the child

is growing (Kapparis 2002, 35). In some ancient texts, concerning when the exact moment of the

formation of a human occurs, it is debated that male and female fetuses formed on different time

frames. For more on ancient thought on human life, see Kapparis 2002. onus: This word points

back to the last line of the nomen Augusti passage, orbis onus (1.616). Within the span of fewer

than ten lines (616 and 624), the word has taken on two completely different meanings.

Therefore, a contrast has been set up between the burden that Augustus and his successors must

take on and the burden the women relieve themselves of. Elite Roman men had the onus of

producing children, specifically heirs; this was increased by the moral laws passed by Augustus.
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Dio Cassius writes that Augustus reprimanded men who did not bear children (56.2.2, 56.4.2,

56.9.1).

625 Corripuisse patres: Corripuisse, “to censure, rebuke, find fault with a person or his

conduct”. To see other sources’ use of this verb check, OLD p. 450. On the subject of punishing

abortion, Cicero relates a story of a women who was put to death for aborting her child. He goes

on to explain that this was done nec inuria, because she deprived her husband of being a father,

the family of an heir, and the city of a citizen (Pro Cluentio, 10.32). Once again this shows the

anxiety men had regarding the production of children, and the control women had on their ability

to do so. The Digest of Justinian also states that a woman could be exiled for the act of abortion

(48.8.8, 48.19.39). ausas: The meaning of this word means not only daring, but can also refer to

something that is a crime or outrageous. Therefore, with the use of this word, Ovid is making a

comment about the action the Roman women take in this situation. immita: Once again Ovid’s

word choice reveals his, and perhaps the Roman, thought on abortion. This adjective means

“lacking pity, merciless”. The Roman matronae are depicted as having no thought for their

children and being incredibly savage. This characterization displays the Roman women as being

transgressive, because their main role within society was to be mothers, and here they display no

motherly concern for their offspring.

Line 626 Ius…exemptum restituisse: The women were able to use their bodies and their ability

to produce children as a way of rebelling politically. The Senate was forced to return the right to

them or face a demographic disaster for Rome. It is not known exactly when the privilege of

riding in the carriages was returned; however it is believed that Livia was given the honor of
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riding in a carpentum to public games. The evidence for this comes from coins dated to around

23 CE that depict a carpentum (see Barrett 2002, fig. 5. ). Dio also reports that Messalina was

given the same honor in 43 CE (Barrett 2002, 95).

Line 627 Tegeaeae: Tegea was an important site in the south-east of Arcadia for both politics

and religion. Evander is also associated with this name, domus Tegea (1.545).

Line 629 Scortea: In the Fasti Praenestini, on January 11th, Carmentis is associated with

childbirth as well as future things, a tie to her capacity as a prophetess. Therefore, hides or any

omens that were associated with dead animals were prohibited from her temple. In the previous

line, Ovid attributes virgines to the worship of Carmentis. With this adjective of scortea, which

is attached to the noun scortum “whore”, appearing in the next line, it is possible that it is

prostitutes that are being restricted from her temple. Carmentis was worshipped by wives and

mothers, so it would make sense that prostitutes would not be allowed to take part in the

Carmentalia (Barchiesi 1997, 96). Varro connects scortea with scortum: “Scortari est saepius

meretriculam ducere, quae dicta a pelle: id enim non solum antique dicebant scortum, sed etiam

nunc dicimus scortea ea quae e corio ac pellibus sunt facta; in aliquot sacris as secellis scriptum

habemus: Ne quod scorteum adhibeatur, ideo ne morticinum quid adsit”(De Lat. Ling 7.84).

sacello: Here Ovid uses “shrine” rather than a temple. In other sources (Verg. A. 8.337), her

sanctuary is referred to as ara.

630 Ne…focos: Take this clause as a purpose clause. See note above about the prohibition of

dead animals in the temple of Carmentis.

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631 Veteres ritus: The Carmentalia is considered to be a very ancient festival.

633-4 Porrima…Postvertaque…sive sorores sive fugae comites: There is debate about who

Porrima and Postverta were in relation to Carmentis as indicated by Ovid, “either your sisters or

companions of your flight”. It is also attested (Gel., 16.16.4) that these two are also given the

name of Carmentes or Carmentae, therefore Carmentis may have been thought of as both a

single and multiple entity. If Carmentis is indeed one figure, as Ovid writes, with two

companions, which in some sources are referred to as Carmentes, then there are three

Carmentes. In the Hellenic myths there were three Carmentes, one who was the lead figure

(Carmentis) and her two companions or sisters. fugae: This is an explicit reference to Carmentis

and Evander’s exile from Arcadia, which Ovid discusses on the first Carmentalia (461-586). The

first book of the Fasti was revised by Ovid while he was in an exile. Ovid views his exile as

occurring because he offended Augustus (Tr. 1.2.92-3; 1.3.38; 1.2.103-4; 2.207-8) which may tie

to the exile of Carmentis and her son, who were exiled because her divination did not please the

gods (471-7).

634 Maenali: Another known Arcadian epithet. Maenalus was a mountain range in Arcadia, and

was named after the son of Lyacon.

635-636: There is debate concerning the names of Carmentis’ companions. It seems that in order

to make sense of Ovid’s additions to the second Carmentalia aetion, that Porrima and Postverta
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are associated with fertility. Acccording to Gellius, Varro in his Antiquitates rerum divinarum

(16, frag. 17) explains the reason for these names being connected with childbirth as:

“Esse autem pueros in utero Varro dicit capite infimo nixos, sursum pedibus

elatis, non ut hominis natura est…’Quando igitur’ inquit, ‘contra naturam forte

conversi in pedes, brachiis plerumque diductis, retineri solent, aegeriusque tunc

mulieres enituntur, huius periculi deprecandi gratia area statutae sunt Romae

duabus Carmentibus, quarmum altera ‘Postverta’ cognominatast, ‘Prorsa’

altera, a recti perversique partus et potestate et nomine” (16.16.2-4).

In Varro’s explanation, Carmentis’ role as prophetess is left behind; and Prorsa and Postverta

relate to the goddess in her capacity as a deity of childbirth. The meanings of their names come

to mean not “forwards” and “backwards” in terms of time, but rather refer to the position of the

baby during labor (Pettazzoni 1954, 113). In this understanding, the two names do not refer to

distinct figures, but are instead names given to Carmentis in her role as presiding over different

births. Prorsa is the name when Carmentis helps deliver a baby with the head being exposed

first; and Postverta, where the arrival of the child is perverse or inverted, so that the feet are

presented first. One scholar argues against this interpretation as well, arguing that Varro is

coming to this explanation because he ties Prorsa to the passive form of provorsa, and that the

name actually needs to take on an active meaning. Prorsa means literally “she who is turned

forward”, when it should be “she who turns the fetus forward”. In a similar way Postverta,

means “she who is turned backwards”, when once again it should be “she who turns the fetus

backwards” (Pettazzoni 1954, 114). Births that occurred with feet appearing first were more

difficult and dangerous. Some believe that they were related to Carmentis’ capacity as reporting

prophecies because Porrima meaning “she who can declare (cecinisse) that which was
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previously (quod porro fuerat)” and Postverta “she who knows what shall be afterwards

(venturum postmodo quicquid erat). Therefore, these two are referring to the past and the future

of newborns. However, this reading is contentious because a newborn baby can only have a

future (Pettazzoni 1954, 113).

It seems interesting that there is a goddess that looks both backwards and forwards, if the

names are to be read this way. Barchiesi (1997, 93) believes that Ovid was comparing Carmentis

with Janus, who dominates the first half of book one, as his female counterpart. But also, does

point out that Ovid may have been casting doubt on her likeness to the gods of beginnings by the

placement of this feature after his made-up etiology for the festival.
 Haney 16

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