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2010 - NOTOMI, N. Prodicus in Aristophanes
2010 - NOTOMI, N. Prodicus in Aristophanes
2010 - NOTOMI, N. Prodicus in Aristophanes
eu Noburu Notomi
Prodicus in Aristophanes
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panchenko_abstract.indd 231 20/11/2010 11.51.06
Noburu Notomi, Prodicus in Aristophanes
Aguaplano
Noburu Notomi, Prodicus in Aristophanes
In copertina/Cover: Greece, Athens (Ancient). Erecthion, Caryatide Porch (1860-1890), National Library of Con-
gress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, d.c.
1. See Notomi 2008. In addition to Aristophanes’ Clouds, references in Birds 1555, cf.
1282, and Frogs 1491, should be considered. Eupolis (386, 395 PCG) and Ameipsias (9
PCG) also mention Socrates.
656 Noburu Notomi
Prodicus of Ceos was active as a sophist from the late 5th to the be-
ginning of the 4th century BC. His testimonies are included, like other
sophists, in H. Diels & W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker,
vol. II, chapter 84: testimonies about life, writing, and though (in A) are
24, and “fragments” of his works (in B) are 11. Apart from a long quota-
tion of “Choice of Heracles” from Xenophon’s Memorabilia 2.1 (B1, 2),
there is no other substantial fragment, but most testimonies come from
the writers of his next generations of the 4th century BC, namely Plato,
Xenophon, and Aristotle. The collection of Diels-Kranz was edited over
a century ago, and needs critical re-examination concerning the range
and selection of testimonies. The chapter of Prodicus is no exception,
and has much room for revision.
Diels includes Aristophanes, Clouds 360-361 (A5), and a scholion to
this passage (A6, B1). A5 also includes a fragment of Tagenistae, 506
PCG (= 490 Kock), but a reference in Birds 692 is only mentioned in re-
2. Eupolis, Flatterers, fr. 157 PCG: a reconstruction from the combination of DL 9.50
(DK 80A1) and Eustathius, Commenatrii ad Homeri Odysseam, 1. 1547 (A11).
Prodicus in Aristophanes 657
lation to the Clouds in A5. On the other hand, A10 contains a scholion to
Birds 692 (with the main texts of a full line of 689 and the latter half of
691), after Quintilian’ reference in the Institutio oratoria. The Scholiast
on the Birds criticizes Callimachus, who classified Prodicus as “rhetori-
cian”, and insists instead that he should be called “philosopher”. Since
Diels in his first edition in 1903 did not include the citations from the
Birds, he was obviously interested in this scholion’s comment that re-
gards Prodicus as a natural thinker.
In fact, the passage of the Clouds, to which Diels relates the refer-
ence in the Birds, mentions Prodicus as a respectful wise man.
3. “[…to Socrates] and you, priest of the subtlest balderdash, tell us what you desire; /
for we would not give ear to any other present-day celestial expert, / except for Prodicus,
in his case because of his skill and intelligence” (trans. Sommerstein).
4. The historicity of the autobiographical description in Plato, Phaedo 95e-99d, is to
be reconsidered.
658 Noburu Notomi
5. At least the word “φιλόσοφος” was scarcely used in the 5th century. I suggest that
the sharp distinction between “philosopher” and “sophist” was invented by Plato in the
4th centuryBC in the context of the Socratic Literature: see Notomi 2008, 2010.
6. Cf. Dover 1968, pp. liv-lvi, and Untersteiner 1949/1961, pp. 162-163. Dover gives
Prodicus a high position, in the same level of Thales. He interprets the references in the
Birds and the Tagenestae in the same direction.
7. Edmonds (1957) suggests that this play was produced in 422.
8. “A book’s spoilt him, or Prodicus, or if not, / Some one at any rate of the chatter-
ing lot” (trans. Edmonds). The second line was cited in Proclus, Commentary in Plato’s
Parmenides, 656, but there it is wrongly combined with the first line of Eupolis’ reference
to Socrates (386 PCG = 352 Kock).
Prodicus in Aristophanes 659
The birds sing to the feeble mortals about the immortal and eternal
wisdom. In this parabasis (658-702), the epic language of Hesiod, the
natural philosophy of Empedocles, and the mystic images of the Orphic
are used.10 The birds reject the traditional creation myth, represented
by Hesiod’s Theogony, and introduce a new story of the birth of the
Universe, which has birds as the origin of all things. This passage once
was interpreted as presentation of the sophistic worldview of Prodicus
by Untersteiner and others, but Guthrie criticized that reading and re-
jected it in his History of Greek Philosophy.
Untersteiner reads in the creation myth by the birds a two-stage the-
ory of Prodicus, namely the creation theory depending on Empedocles’
natural philosophy, and the deification of useful objects. For example,
he interprets the “the mortal men” appearing in vocative in 685-687 as
reference to the origin of human beings in that theory.11 By criticizing
9. “So that you may hear correctly from us all about the celestial things, / and with
correct knowledge of the nature of birds and of the origin of gods and rivers / and Erebus
and Chaos; thanks to us, even Prodicus will envy you your knowledge” (trans. Sommer-
stein, with some changes).
10. Cf. Dunber 1995, pp. 428-447.
11. Untersteiner 1954, pp. 209-211; for the Birds, see p. 221, n. 3. On the other hand,
660 Noburu Notomi
Untersteiner presents an unconvincing argument that Prodicus did not believe deifica-
tion of human beings.
12. Guthrie 1969/1971, pp. 241-242, n. 3, 277.
13. Cf. Sommerstein 1991, p. 241; here, Guthrie 1969/1971, pp. 238-242, 274-280, is
referred to, but as explained above, Guthrie himself does not see any relation between
Prodicus’ theology and the Birds.
Prodicus in Aristophanes 661
14. Dunbar 1995, pp. 433-434; 1998, pp. 294-295: Ach. 397, Nu. 659, Ra. 1180-1; cf.
Nu. 227-229, 250-251.
15. The testimonies concerning this issue are collected in DK 84 B5. See also Guthrie
1969/1971, pp. 238-239, and Untersteiner 1949/1961, p. 192.
16. Jaeger 1947, pp. 179, 249, n. 29, and Dodds 1960, pp. 104-105, point out that
Teiresias’ words in Euripides’ Bacchae, 274-285, also allude to Prodicus’ doctrine. Yet, it
is far more difficult to identify allusions in tragedy, since there is no explicit reference to
contemporary people or events in Attic tragedies. Jaeger examines the Birds in 63-64, but
does not consider its reference to Prodicus.
17. Cf. Philodemus, De piet. c9, 7 p. 75; Cicero, De natura deorum, 1.15.38.
662 Noburu Notomi
The ancients accounted as gods the sun and moon and rivers and springs
and in general all the things that are of benefit for our life, because of the
benefit derived from them, even as the Egyptians deify the Nile. (tr. Bury)18
18. Cf. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, 9.18: a similar report is seen in
9.51-52.
19. Cf. Dover 1968, p. lv. Dover generally rejects any interpretation to read deep phil-
osophical meaning in the Clouds.
Prodicus in Aristophanes 663
shocking attitude to religion that Ar. had in mind here; ‘You presum-
ably know’ (perhaps many of the audience did know) ‘what Prod. has
said on how the gods came to be—his version of the γένεσις θεῶν; we
birds know better, and once you’ve heard from us the correct version,
you can tell Prod. to go to hell.”20
Looking back to the other reference in the Clouds, we now see a new
meaning. When the Chorus of Clouds mention Prodicus, in particular,
as “celestial expert”, they may well be alluding to his problematic view
of gods. In fact, just after the Clouds’ address, Socrates exposes a scan-
dalous argument to deny the existence of Zeus (367 ff.). The name of
Prodicus may naturally have reminded his contemporary audience of
the rationalistic view of gods that overturns the traditional religion, just
as the Socrates of the comedy demonstrates.
With a strong satire, the Chorus of Birds count as their contempo-
rary rival Prodicus, who had presented the rationalistic and evolution-
ary view of the origin of gods and religion through deep investigation
into nature and human beings. In this context, the use of the adverb
“correctly”, which is characteristic of Prodicus’ style, shows the author’s
ironical intention. If this interpretation is correct, we can see that the
rationalistic theology of Prodicus was already known in his contempo-
rary society, and we can trace its evidence four centuries back from Cic-
ero and Philodemus. Aristophanes ridiculed that view by forwarding a
more excentric myth of the origin of the universe centralized in birds.
Here, we can observe a cheerful and open atmosphere of the intellectual
exchange of the 5th century BC, in contrast with the gloomy attack of
“atheism”, directed to Prodicus a few centuries later.
Bibliography
PHYSIS
Beatriz Bossi, Parménides, DK 28 B 16: ¿el eslabón perdido?, p. 45; Omar D. Álvarez
Salas, Intelletto e pensiero nel naturalismo presocratico, p. 63; Miriam Campolina Di-
niz Peixoto, Physis et didachê chez Démocrite, p. 83; Antonietta D’Alessandro, Dem-
ocrito: visione e formazione dei colori nel De sensu et sensibilis, p. 101; Carlo Santini,
Democrito, Lucrezio e la poesia delle cose impercettibili (De r.n. 3,370-395), p. 113;
Daniela De Cecco, Anassagora B4 DK (B4a; B4b): esame delle fonti, p. 123; Serge
Mouraviev, L’Exorde du livre d’Héraclite. Reconstruction et Commentaire, p. 135;
Dario Zucchello, Parmenide e la tradizione del pensiero greco arcaico (ovvero, della
sua eccentricità), p. 165; M. Laura Gemelli Marciano, Il ruolo della “meteorologia” e
dei “discorsi sulla natura” negli scritti ippocratici. Alla ricerca di un “canone” per
lo scritto medico?, p. 179; Daniel W. Graham, Theory, Observation, and Discovery in
Early Greek Philosophy, p. 199.
LOGOS
Delfim F. Leão, The Seven Sages and Plato, p. 403; Gabriele Cornelli, Sulla vita
filosofica in comune: koinonía e philía pitagoriche, p. 415; Mario Vegetti, Il medico
antico fra nomadismo e stanzialità (dal V secolo a.C. al II secolo d.C.), p. 437; Fran-
cesco De Martino, Aspasia e la scuola delle mogli, p. 449; Francisco Bravo, Entre
la euthymía de Democrito a la eudaimonía de Aristóteles, p. 467; Chiara Robbiano,
L’immutabilità come valore morale: da Parmenide (B8, 26-33) a Platone (Rep.
380d1-383a5), p. 483; Renzo Vitali, Stasis come rivoluzione, p. 493; Walter O. Ko-
han, Sócrates en el último curso de Foucault, p. 503; Giovanni Cerri, Tesi di Platone
sulla ragion politica del processo a Socrate e sulla natura della sua attività propa-
gandistica, p. 519; Christopher Rowe, Boys, Kingship, and Board-games: A Note on
Plato, Politicus 292E-293A, p. 529; Gerardo Ramírez Vidal, Los sofistas maestros de
política en el siglo V, p. 535; Rachel Gazolla, Intorno alla Paideia di Socrate e dei
Cinici, p. 547; Gilbert Romeyer Dherbey, Socrate educateur, p. 563; Giovanni Caser-
tano, La regina, l’anello e la necessità, p. 587.
PATHOS
Maria de Fátima Silva, Euripides and the Profile of an Ideal City, p. 603; Patrizia
Liviabella Furiani, Il V secolo, tra fiction e realtà, nel romanzo di Caritone, p. 617;
Maria do Céu Fialho, The Rhetoric of Suffering in Sophocles’ Philoctetes and Colo-
neus: A Comparative Approach, p. 645; Noburu Notomi, Prodicus in Aristo-
phanes, p. 655; Enrique Hülsz Piccone, Huellas de Heráclito en tres fragmentos
‘filosóficos’ de Epicarmo, p. 665; Alessandro Stavru, Il potere dell’apparenza: nota
a Gorgia, Hel. 8-14, p. 677; Lidia Palumbo, Scenografie verbali di V secolo. Appunti
sulla natura visiva del linguaggio tragico, p. 689; Nestor L. Cordero, Les fonde-
ments philosophiques de la ‘thérapie’ d’Antiphon. Les vertus thérapeutiques du logos
sophistique, p. 701.
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Prodicus in Aristophanes
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