Villa I Tatti

The Harvard University Center

for Italian Renaissance Studies

28

Florence
 Colors Between
Two Worlds
T he Fl or en t i ne code x
of Ber na r dino de Sa h agún

Acts of a conference at
Villa I Tatti and the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz,
12 – 13 June 2008

Organized by
Joseph Connors, Gerhard Wolf, Diana Magaloni,
with Clara Bargellini, Diana Magaloni, and Alessandra Russo

Edited by
Louis A. Waldman

Villa I Tatti Kunsthistorisches Institut

The Harvard University Center in Florenz
for Italian Renaissance Studies Max-Planck-Institut
 Contents

Joseph Connors and Gerhard Wolf

Foreword xi

Clara Bargellini
The Colors of the Virgin of Guadalupe 3

Ida Giovanna Rao

Mediceo Palatino 218–220 of the Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana of Florence 27

Diana Magaloni Kerpel

Painters of the New World: The Process of
Making the Florentine Codex  47

Piero Baglioni, Rodorico Giorgi, Marcia Carolina Arroyo,

David Chelazzi, Francesca Ridi and Diana Magaloni Kerpel
On the Nature of the Pigments of the General History
of the Things of New Spain: The Florentine Codex 79

Berenice Alcántara Rojas

Villa I Tatti In Nepapan Xochitl: The Power of Flowers in the
Publication of this volume has been made possible by Works of Sahagún* 107
The Myron and Sheila Gilmore Publication Fund at I Tatti
The Robert Lehman Endowment Fund
The Jean-François Malle Scholarly Programs and Publications Fund
Salvador Reyes Equiguas
The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Fund for Scholarly Programs and Publications Plants and Colors in the Florentine Codex 135
The Barbara and Craig Smyth Fund for Scholarly Programs and Publications
The Lila Wallace-Reader’s Digest Endowment Fund
The Malcolm Wiener Fund for Scholarly Programs and Publications Marina Garone Gravier
ISBN xxx xx xxx xxxx x Sahagún’s Codex and Book Design in the Indigenous Context 157
VIII C on t e n ts

Lia Markey
“Istoria della terra chiamata la nuova spagna”: The History
and Reception of Sahagún’s Codex at the Medici Court 199

Sandra Zetina, Tatiana Falcón, Elsa Arroyo,

and Jose Luis Ruvalcaba
The Encoded Language of Herbs: Material Insights into the
De la Cruz–Badiano Codex 221

Elena Phipps
Textile Colors and Colorants in the Andes 257

Rocío Bruquetas Galán

Local and Imported Colors: The Spanish Maritime Trade
and the Pigment Supply in New Spain * 283

Louisa C. Matthew
The Pigment Trade in Europe during the Sixteenth Century 301

Roland Krischel
The Venetian Pigment Trade in the Sixteenth Century 317

Thomas Cummins
I Saw It with My Own Eyes:
The Three Illustrated Manuscripts of Colonial Peru 335

Gabriela Siracusano
Colors and Cultures in the Andes 367

Francesco Pellizzi
Afterword “Colors Between Two Worlds:
The Codice Fiorentino of Bernardino de Sahagùn” 379

Bibliography 389

Photo Credits 437

Index 443

Fig. 1. Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España, book 11, chapter 7,
paragraph 9, dedicated to descriptions of flowering trees. Facsimile edition
by the Secretaria de Gobernación, República Mexicana, of MS. Med. Palat.
218–220, vol. 3, fol. 187v–188r, from the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana.
In Nepapan Xochitl:
The Power of Flowers in the
Works of Sahagún*
Ber en ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (unam)
The Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España, a work that came
to us in its most complete version as the Florentine Codex, is one of many
writings that Fray Bernardino de Sahagún conceived as a collaboration
with his religious order and his king in their joint duty of facing the
Devil in the New World.1 With the Historia, Sahagún tried to show
other preachers the reaches of idolatry among the Nahua, and with his
doctrinal writings he tried to provide a cure for what he believed was
a terrible sickness. The Historia was the “seine,” or “red barredera,”
created to separate and register all the words of the Náhuatl language
and their intimate significations; the doctrinal texts were the proof that
those manners of speech could be used in the translation of the Christian
message. The Historia was the account of the value, or “quilate” (literally,
“carat”), of the Mexican people; the doctrinal works were the bet on that
quilate as the cornerstone of a renewed Christian society.
* This paper, deeply inspired by Louise Burkhart’s works, is at the same time a small
review of a previous study about the significance of flowers in Sahagún’s writings (especially
in the Psalmodia Christiana) and the starting point of further research concerning the “flower
world” in the doctrinal art and literature of sixteenth-century Mexico.
1.  In addition to the Florentine Codex, we can highlight, among these writings, frag-
ments of preparatory versions of the Historia general held today in the Codices matritenses, the
Sermones de dominicas y de sanctos (a large compilation of sermons for Sundays), the Postilla
(a translation and explanation of the Gospels and Epistles for Sundays), the Colloquios (a doc-
trinal dialogue between two groups: the first twelve Franciscans who arrived in New Spain and
some priests of the ancient Aztec religion), and the Psalmodia Christiana (a collection of songs
to be performed by the Nahua on holidays, according to their ancient song-dance tradition, and
the only such work published in Sahagún’s times).
108 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 109

However, in the works of Sahagún there appear other interests and

meanings besides those imagined by Fray Bernardino, because all of these
writings were born from the complex and still misunderstood collaboration
of several persons, with their efforts, skills, and creative processes. First,
the Historia general was the result of a process of compiling information
that went through several stages between 1536 and 1569, and between
Tlatelolco, Tepepulco, and Mexico City. The communicative interactions
between Sahagún and the Nahua elders he decided to interrogate were
always mediated by a group of literate Nahua, proud heirs of the legacy
of their own people and proficient participants in the cultural tradition
inculcated into them by the Franciscans fathers at the College of the
Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco.2 Second, all the works of Sahagún were the
outcome of long, simultaneous, and very intricate processes of creation
in which the information obtained for the Historia was reelaborated, and
in which was composed a large corpus of lengthy doctrinal texts. Here
again, close to Sahagún stood the same literate Nahua, composing and
reviewing the Náhuatl texts for the Historia and the doctrinal works,
as well as the professional scribes who placed in “good letter” the final
versions of all these writings, the tlacuilo (or native painters) who added
beautiful paintings to the Primeros memoriales around 1558 (today in the
Códices matritenses) and to the Florentine Codex around 1575–1577, and
the Nahua printer’s assistants who prepared the Psalmodia Christiana for
publication in Pedro Ocharte’s workshop in 1583. Therefore, the works of
Sahagún must be seen and studied as a major collective and intercultural
enterprise.
In this paper, I will review some of the contexts in which flowers
appear in works of Sahagún, as an attempt to show the interconnections
among these works, and that inside all of them are hidden the voices, not
always concordant, of the different men responsible for their creation.

* * *

Flowers, or to be more specific, the blossoms of certain plants, were

very significant for the ancient Nahua, and consequently, they had a

2. As Federico Navarrete has pointed out, the interactions among all these men must not
always have been easy, even if all of them shared the interest in working together. Navarrete, Fig. 2. Black-ink line-drawings of plant profiles. Facsimile ed., MS. Med.
“La sociedad indígena en la obra de Sahagún,” pp. 97–116. Palat. 218–220, vol. 3, fol. 193v.
110 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 3. Black-ink line-drawing emphasizing generic aspects of flower. MS.
Med. Palat. 218–220, book 11, fol. 190r.
place in the great encyclopedia designed by Sahagún. In particular, in
book eleven of the Historia general, the eighth through tenth paragraphs
of chapter seven are dedicated to descriptions of flowers and flowering
trees (fig. 1). These sections were composed according to the model of
the Renaissance herbarium.3 Hence, the information presented followed
this order: Náhuatl name of the species, its synonyms, its morphological
characteristics, its habitat, its properties, and some of its uses. In the same
way, the native painters who illustrated these flowers adopted the botanic
conventions of their time to create images that assisted recognition of the
species in the “real” world, applying different techniques: a) black-ink
3.  Pablo Escalante has identified some structural and formal links between book 11 of
the Florentine Codex and the Hortus sanitatis of Johann von Cube, as well as the De Materia
Medica of Dioscorides, particularly the 1566 Castilian edition of the Dioscorides by Andres
Laguna, commissioned by Philip II. Escalante, “The Painters of Sahagún’s Manuscripts,”
pp. 175–176.
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 111
Fig. 4. Schematic depiction of flowers in different stages of development.
Facsimile ed., MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, book 11, fol. 186v.
line-drawings of profiles of entire plants (fig. 2); b) emphasis on depicting
generic aspects of the flowers (fig. 3); and c) schematic depiction of the
flowers in their different stages of development (fig. 4).4
The familiarity of these painters with the botanic conventions of
representation is not surprising because in the scriptorium of the college
of Tlatelolco had been painted, two decades earlier, the medicinal
herbarium known as the Codice de la Cruz–Badiano (fig. 5). Besides,
it is quite possible that some of the painters who collaborated in the
Florentine Codex had also participated in the nature compendium of
Francisco Hernández, Philip II’s protomedic, as well as in the garden
4. One must not forget that in some of these drawings, the painters added pictographic
resources to indicate the colors of the flowers, as Diana Magaloni points out in her work in
this volume.
112 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 113

Fig. 5. Cacahuaxochitl. De la Cruz-Badiano Codex, fol. 53v, from de la

Cruz, Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis, 1991.

frescoes of the lower cloister of the Augustinian monastery at Malinalco

(fig. 6).5 However, I do not attempt to go further in the analysis of these
botanic conventions. Instead, I want to explore some fragments of the
complex net of signification surrounding two flowers whose images in the
Codex break entirely with naturalistic depiction. I refer to the images of
the cacahuaxochitl (Lat., Quararibea funebris) and the izquixochitl (Lat.,
Boureira huanita) located in the Historia general, book eleven, chapter
seven, paragraph nine (figs. 7, 8). To do so, I will make a journey into the
flowers of two different works associated with Sahagún.
In addition to the sections of book eleven already mentioned, flowers
appear in book four of the Florentine Codex as one of the twenty day-
5.  Favrot Peterson, Paradise Garden Murals of Malinalco, pp. 52–56.
Fig. 6. Xiloxochitl. Malinalco (Estado de México), monastery, lower cloister.
signs of the divinatory calendar (fig. 9), in book two in many ornamental
motives framing the texts and images in which the ancient deities were
condemned, and in book eleven as the sources of medicinal treatments
and pigments. They also appear, as Magaloni and Baglioni’s team has
discovered, as the actual sources of the colorants with which many images
of the Florentine Codex were made. More importantly, throughout all
these occurrences and contexts, flowers appear in the Florentine Codex
as the primary materials of apparel and insignia worn and held by nobles,
114 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 7. Cacahuaxochitl. MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, vol. 3, fol. 188v.
rulers, warriors, priests, god-impersonators, singers, and many other
Nahua during the song-dance rituals that took place in almost all of the
ancient religious festivities (figs. 10, 11).
Such song-dance attire was so important that there were artists and
ritual specialists involved in its invention: the women who made the
clothing; the amanteca, or feather artists, who gave form to the feather
garments; and the xochichiuhque, or “flower makers,” who were the
professionals in charge of cutting, handling, and interlacing flowers
and otherwise turning them into ritual settings, bouquets, mosaics, and
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 115
Fig. 8. Izquixochitl. Facsimile ed., MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, vol. 3, fol. 189r.
garlands. These specialists also performed the service of offering their
flowery creations to the participants of song-dance rituals and other
festivities. A description of this flower art appears in book eleven, chapter
seven, paragraph eleven (fig. 12), just after the depiction of the flowers
themselves, in a manner similar to the presentation and description of
the painted art. In this case we find, side by side, images illustrating the
principal stages of this craftwork along with a first-person statement in
Náhuatl:
116 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 117

I offer flowers. I plant flowers. I assemble flowers [...] I pick the different
flowers. I remove flowers. I seek flowers [...]
I make flowers. I make flower necklaces, flower garlands, paper of flowers,
bouquets, flower shields, hand flowers [...]
I smell them. I cause one to smell something [...]
I provide one with flowers. I make flowers, or I give them to someone who
will observe a feast day [....] 6

This floral work was as highly valued in the sixteenth century as it

had been in pre-Conquest times, as we can see in the images from the
Florentine Codex in which a sixteenth-century flower maker offers his
work to a Nahua noble (fig. 13). The practice of adorning sacred spaces,
images, and ritual participants with flowers was never forbidden.7 Instead,
it was encouraged within Catholic contexts, and even today this work
remains as an essential ritual specialization among Nahua peoples (fig.
14).
Turning back to the song-dance rituals of pre-Conquest times, one
must point out the very different natures of the rituals: some involved
multitudes, and others were the privilege of a few; some occurred as the
climax of major annual public festivities, while others were for the simple
leisure of the elite. However, all of them were offered to the gods as an
act of reciprocity and during all of them, the complex settings, elaborate
apparel, choreography, repetitive sounds, intricate song texts, flowers, and
feathers combined to make possible, via interrelated symbolical codes,
the communion with other realms of reality, the manifestation of the Fig. 9. “One Flower” day-sign. Facsimile ed., MS. Med. Palat. 218–220,
divine through the human, the reconfiguration of time-space, and the vol. 2, fol. 19r.
reestablishment of social and political hierarchies. The song-dance
rituals were a multifaceted phenomenon in which the power of flora was following fragment of the chant for the feast of Atamalcualiztli preserved
exploited to lead the sacred through the face of the earth, as evident in the in the Primeros memoriales, and in book two of the Florentine Codex:
My heart is a flower bursting into blossom […]
Our mother has arrived,
The goddess has arrived,
6.  Florentine Codex (facsimile ed., 1979), book 11, chap. 7, paragraph 11, fols. 198v–199r.
Unless otherwise indicated, translations are mine. The goddess Tlazolteotl has come.
7.  This was so, even if the practice seemed suspiciously related to idolatry for some priests, Cinteotl was born in Tamoanchan,
like the Dominican father Diego Duran: “[Before,] they used to hold flowers in their hands as In the place where the flowers stand erect […]
they do today in some solemnities, particularly in the feasts of the Ascension and of the Holy
Ghost around May, and in some others that correspond to their ancient ones. I see this and Now the sun will rise,
I remain silent, because no one notices it; then, I also hold my flower staff, as everyone else, The dawn will arise.
even if I consider our great ignorance; thus there could be evil in it.” Duran, Historia de las
Indias, vol. 2, p. 51.
118 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 119

Fig. 10. Merchants offering flowers for song-dance rituals. Facsimile ed.,

MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, vol. 2, fol. 30v.

Let all the various quechol birds sip nectar at the place where the flowers
stand erect […]
Let there be rejoicing by the flowering tree various quechol birds.
Hear the quechol bird,
Our god speaks,
Hear it, Fig. 11. Impersonator of Huitzilopochtli adorned with flowers. Facsimile
His quechol bird speaks. ed., MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, vol. 1, fol. 60v.
Are they perhaps our dead who play the flutes?
Is he perhaps the one who will be chased with the blowgun? Atamalcualiztli (the “eating of water tamales”) was a festival dedicated
Only with my flowers shall I fan the wind. to Cinteotl, the maize god, and was celebrated by the Nahua of the Valley
With the tonacaxochitl, of Mexico every eight years. For this feast, the Nahua prepared plain
With the izquixochitl, at the place where the flowers stand erect [....] 8 tamales by simply steaming them, which allowed the sacred maize to
“rest” instead of suffering the usual rigors of the nixtamalization process.9
Among other solemnities, they performed a ritual in which all the gods

8.  Florentine Codex (facsimile ed., 1979), appendix of book 2, fol. 142. Among other frag-
ments in which the connection of flowers with the song-dance ritual is apparent, I present this
quotation about the One Flower feast:
Also it was said that when One Flower set in, then everywhere began [a dance], spread
all around; always there was dancing, always there continued, and was always held, a dance, a
procession. But only Moctezuma in his own heart knew [...] for how many days he established
his dance.
And in this way it might be known that the dance had been arranged: two poles with flow-
ers were set up; they remained at the palace, at the place of the tlatoani. Thus was made known
that this was the feast of the flower, that there would be flowery enjoyment, flowery rejoicing.
— Florentine Codex (facsimile ed., 1979), book 4, chap. 7, fols. 18v–19r
9. Nixtamalization is the process of soaking maize or corn fermentation in hot, limed
water to soften it and remove the outer husk as preparation for grinding it and making tortillas.
120 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 121

Fig. 13. Flower maker giving adornments to a noble. MS. Med. Palat. 218–
220, vol. 3, fol. 199r.

danced via their ixiptla, or impersonators, coming down to earth in the

guise of hummingbirds, butterflies, honeybees, and other flying creatures
to suck the nectar of the tree in which grew the “flowers of different kinds”
(fig. 15). The ritual actions of Atamalcualiztli recreated, as some scholars
have pointed out, a mythical time-space known as Tamoanchan—“the
place of the flowering tree” or “the place where the flowers stand erect.”10
Tamoanchan was one Nahua manifestation of what has been called the
“flower world,” a conceptual unit shared by many peoples from the Uto-
Aztecan family. The flower world was the upper realm of reality, a place
full of light, heath, fire, war, singing, and dancing—a world in which forces

Fig. 12. Xochichiuhque or flower makers. Facsimile ed., MS. Med. Palat.

218–220, vol. 3, fol. 198v. 10.  See López Austin, Tamoanchan y Tlalocan, and Graulich, Mitos y rituales.
122 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 14. “Mayordomos” (ritual custodians) attired with flower adornments.
Alta Puebla, Santa Cruz feast, 2007.
and powers manifested themselves among humankind through “colored
flowers and other brightly colored and iridescent natural phenomena.”11
For the Nahua, this flower world was a place of origin, the place
where the gods were created and where they generated the movement and
combination of forces that made earthly life possible.12 At the same time,
this flower world was a time-space of destiny. In the Historia general, we
find a report of the existence of a place known as Tonatiuh Ichan (the
11.  Hill, “The Flower-world of Old Uto-Aztecan,” pp. 117–144.
12.  López Austin, Tamoanchan y Tlalocan, chap. II.
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 123
Fig. 15. Atamalcualiztli feast. Códice Matritense del Palacio Real de
Madrid, fol. 254r, from Sahagún, Primeros memoriales, facsimile ed., 1993.
“house of the sun”), where one of the souls of men who died in war and
of women who died in childbirth went to help the sun in his daily battle
against darkness.13 This precinct was sometimes described as a desert of
13.  In pre-Conquest times, according to López Austin, the Nahua distinguished at least
three souls, or “entidades anímicas,” as main components of the human being: the tonalli, the
ihiyotl, and the teyolia; each of them was connected with diverse forces of the cosmos. After
one’s death, these souls separated and experienced different destinies. Only the teyolia made
the voyage into the underworld, the upperworld, or the waterworld, according to divine choice
and the circumstances of demise. See López Austin, Cuerpo humano e ideología, vol. 2, Las
concepciones de los antiguos nahuas, chaps. 5 and 6.
124 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 16. “Flowery heaven.” Malinalco monastery, vault of lower cloister.
heath and war, and others as a flowery realm where warriors experienced
transfiguration into birds with iridescent feathers:
And when they had been there for four years, then they transformed into
precious birds, hummingbirds, xochitototl birds, totocoztli birds […], chalky
butterflies […], who went sucking [nectar] everywhere. And also they came
here to the earth; they came to suck from the different kinds of flowers:
the equimitl, or the tzonpanquahuitl, the xiloxochitl, the tlacoxiloxochitl.14
We can recognize this realm as the same locus where Cinteotl was
born according to the chant for Atamalculiztli, because both of them
14.  Florentine Codex (facsimile ed., 1979), book 3, appendix, fol. 29r.
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 125
Fig. 17. Cacaloxochitl (Lat., Plumeria rubra).
Fig. 18. Cacaloxochitl.
were described as the place of the “different kinds of flowers” (nepapan
xochitl). One of the most frequent Nahua epithets referring to the upper
world, as it can be seen in many chants of ancient tradition:
Let there be song with flowers, let it be said, oh my younger brothers!
The inebriating flowers have arrived right here.
Comes the intoxicating poyomahtli flower, comes swelling.
Let the flowers arrive right here.
Only the rejoicing flowers disperse away, shake away.
They are indeed the different kinds of flowers.
The drum resounds. Let there be dancing.15
Nevertheless, the richest and most overwhelming expression of this
flower world does not appear in the Historia general, but in various
15.  “Ma xochicuicoya ma ihtoa nichuana ayyahue teyhuinti xochitl aoyano yehcoc
ye nica poyomaxahuallan timaliuhtihuitz ayyo. / Ma xochitl oyecoc ye nican ayyahue çan
tlaa’huixochitla moyahuaya motzetzeloa anca ço yehatl in nepapan xochitl ayio. Çan comoni
huehuetl ma ya nehtotilo et.” Bierhorst, Cantares Mexicanos, p. 226.
126 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 19. Xiloxochitl (Lat., Pseudobombax ellipticum).
sixteenth-century Christian doctrinal writings, among which are found
the Náhuatl songs of Sahagún’s Psalmodia Christiana, as Louise Burkhart
has indicated.16
On the Day of the Stigmata of Blessed Francis
The various kinds of flowers lie giving off much fragrance.
In eloxochitl, in cacahuaxochitl, in mecaxochitl, lie extended over all the
land. Alleluia!
The cacahuaxochitl, the colored izquixochitl, spread about sparking, lie
blossoming. Alleluia! Alleluia!
They stand bending with quetzal feather dew, there on the mountaintop,
in the place called Mount La Verna.
May your hearts be filled, you children!
16.  Burkhart, “Flowery Heaven,” pp. 89–109.
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 127
Fig. 20. Xiloxochitl. MS. Med. Palat. 218–220, book 11, fol. 191v.
May our hearts bloom with the red tecomaxochitl, with the eloxochitl!
Red tecomaxochitl lie dawning with roses there on the mountaintop.
A great marvel happened there to God’s loved one, to our father Saint
Francis!17
On the Day of Saint Bernardine
Let us honor the cypress tree of quetzal feathers,
The silk cotton tree of trogon feathers, which our lord God caused to
sprout: he, Saint Francis.
Throughout the world [its] branches, [its] shadows, shade all the children
of the Holy Church.
And in its shade, in its leaf, we people of New Spain are happy here. We
rejoice.
17.  Ibid., p. 98. I take here Burkhart’s translation, with only the change of flower names,
which I prefer to maintain in their original Náhuatl forms.
128 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 129

All the various flowers of heaven waft [their scent] to it.

All the diverse precious stones of heaven grow as its fruits.

The yolloxochitl, the teuizquixochitl, the cacahuaxochitl, the eloxochitl,

the tecomaxochitl, the red omixochitl, all are arched there, scented,
scattered wide.18

On the Day of the Virgin Saint Clare

May she be marveled at, may she be praised, the maidenly elder sister of
our lord Jesus Christ! Various flowers lie together, lie gathered there!
The very fragrant and wonderful flowery green water spreads about,
flowing wondrously over them, spreads about gushing.
It stands, going about in all directions.
Our lord’s walled garden is watered with it.
There our lord appointed his precious Saint Francis. He is his gardener,
his florist!19
Our lord’s walled garden is walled all with precious stones, and it is
encrusted with gold!
His enclosed garden has an entrance in only one place. Its door is of
pearl.
The stewards who are on guard there are arraying for war.
The flowers that lie growing there are the sunshine of our lord Jesus
Christ.
He loves them dearly, he tends them carefully, especially the heavenly Fig. 21. Huacalxochitl (Lat., Philodendron mexicanum). De la Cruz–
flower, his precious Saint Clare! Badiano Codex, fol. 18v.
There our lord’s flowery mountain lies visible, lies giving off warmth, lies
dawning. Its fragrance, its emanation, its scent lies reaching far, lies They spread about giving off warmth. They lie extended over all the land,
spreading over all the land. scented and fragrant.20
The red omixochitl, the jade yexochitl, the red rose, the red tecomaxochitl, The creation of this flowery garden, where Saint Francis unites with
lie blossoming preciously, lie flaming, lie waving, lie dripping with Jesus Christ and where the saint appears sometimes as a precious tree
golden dew. and others as the xochimanqui, or flower offerer designated by God, is
The rose, the dark red one, the pale one, the red ihuixochitl, the a testimony of the convergence and interpenetration of several ideas
teucuitlaxochitl, lie bending with quetzal feather dew. and representations of heaven whose origins can be traced to different
cultures and continents. First, this flowery garden is heir of the long
process that led, in Western Christianity, to the superposition of various

18.  Sahagún, Psalmodia Christiana, p. 155–156. This is Anderson’s translation, with only
the change of flower names, which I prefer to maintain in their original Náhuatl forms. 20.  Burkhart, “Flowery Heaven,” pp. 98–99. Burkhart’s translation, with only the
19.  “Ixuchipixcatzi, ixuchimacantzi” (his flower keeper, his flower offerer). change of flower names, which I prefer to maintain in their original Náhuatl forms.
130 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s
Fig. 22. Cacahuaxochitl (Lat., Cuararibea funebris).
Fig. 23. Ixquixochitl (Lat., Beureria huanita).
notions about paradise, among them the Garden of Eden of Genesis, the
New Jerusalem of the book of Revelations, and the Hortus conclusus of
the Song of Songs or Canticles, this last an important flowery symbol of
Mary’s purity and of the redemptive character of the Catholic Church.
Second, this flower garden was possible thanks to a conjunction that
occurred in New Spain, within different doctrinal arts, of that square and
flowery conception of Paradise (with its roots in the Old Testament) and
certain native conceptions of the universe as a four-cornered place whose
upper realm was a flowery space full of light, song-dance, and birdlike
transfiguration of the dignified dead (fig. 16).
As I try to show here, it is the sixteenth-century Christian Náhuatl
songs (preserved today mostly in the Psalmodia Christiana and the
Cantares mexicanos) that reveal the nature of the flower world in all its
potentiality, Christian and Amerindian, for the Nahua. It is also thanks to
these cantares that we can accurately reconstruct the repertory of flowers
that the Nahua associated with this high and incandescent plain of reality.
The flora of the flower world did not include all the blossoming species
known by the Nahua but a certain set of them to which they refer, in
general terms, as the “flowers of different kinds,” or in nepapan xochitl.
These different kinds of flowers share common attributes. They are flowers
of the hot lands, growing in the tops of trees, and blossoming in the dry
season. They reproduce the luminous colors of the sunlight spectrum and
possess, above any other characteristic, the quality of producing sweet
fragrances with the capacity to affect the human nervous system and create
Th e P ow er of F l ow er s 131
altered states of consciousness, making possible a communication with
supernatural powers and realms. Among these flowers we can count the
cacaloxochitl (Lat., Plumeria rubra; figs. 17, 18); the yolloxochitl (Talauma
mexicana); the eloxochitl (Magnolia schiedanae); the tecomaxochitl
(Solandra maxima); the xiloxochitl (Pseudobombax ellipticum; figs. 19,
20); and the huacalxochitl, (Philodendron mexicanum, fig. 21). Of course,
too, there are the cacahuaxochitl (Quararibea funebris; fig. 22), and the
izquixochitl (Beureria huanita; fig. 23), those two flowers whose images
I pointed out at the beginning of this paper. The cacahuaxochitl and the
izquixochitl stand out, too, as the only white flowers of this group, and as
those whose names most frequently appear together as a diphrase in the
corpus of cantares as an immediate reference to the flower world.21
Coming back to the images of the cacahuaxochitl and the izquixochitl
in the Florentine Codex, one may suggest that the tlacuilo who drew them
chose to outline them so differently because the two flowers, as a pair,
were a paradigmatic symbol of the upper realm, that flowery garden that
was an entity full of both convergent and contradictory meanings for the
Christian Nahua of the sixteenth century. In the case of the cacahuaxochitl
(see fig. 7), the Nahua painter selected the tree archetype—a tree that
sinks its roots into the depths of the earth and projects its branches to the
sky. It is a tree full of insects and butterflies sipping nectar from its flowers,
just like the descending gods of the Atamalcualiztli feast, and the dead
warriors of the House of the Sun. Yet this tree, which stands sheltering
these two flower makers, also evokes a very complex Christian imagery
concerning the origins of human kind, the transition from a pagan past to
a Christian present, and the possibility of everlasting redemption.22
In the case of the izquixochitl (see fig. 8), the tlacuilo chose the
figure of a four-cornered garden, enclosing four trees and four rivers. It
is a garden that is at the same time the flower world of the Nahua and
the Christian paradise, in which rabbits and deer roam as a sign of its
heavenly condition, and in accordance with native cosmic geometrics.23
However, of these two paradigmatic images, the flower world appears just
21.  Sautron, “In izquixochitl in cacahuaxochitl,” pp. 243–264.
22.  Russo, “El renacimiento vegetal,” pp. 5–39.
23.  The words rabbit and deer constitute a diphrase in Náhuatl, referring to
the periphery and its instability, and also to the sun and the moon (the latter in its
erratic character). See Burkhart, “Moral Deviance,” pp. 107–139; and López Aus-
tin, “Los dichos,” pp. 49–53.
132 Ber e n ice Alcá n ta r a Roja s

a few times in the Florentine Codex. Instead, it appears where it more

properly belongs within the conceptual framework of Sahagún’s works—
in the cantares, the song-dance texts created by Sahagún and his Nahua
aides to celebrate the glory of the blessed ones.
Many times I have asked myself what this flower garden really was
for those men who participated in its creation. One possible answer I
have found is that it functioned, between Sahagún and his Nahua
collaborators, as a commonality (or locus communis) that allowed them to
join two different cores of ideas and representations of the heavenly. From
these two sets of concepts they used all the elements that they considered
equivalents or that they forced to be equivalents: heaven as a place of
light, as a garden full of trees and flowers, as a home of sacred warriors, as
a place of singing and music, and of course, as a space of joy. More than a
final conclusion, these lines are an invitation to approach more closely this
colorful and scented flower world kept in many Indo-Christian works, to
start decoding it in its details because these works contain, in every trace,
and sometimes behind the most superficial coincidences, the voices of
those men who made them possible, each one with different ideas, points
of view, and aspirations, but all capable of uniting and reinventing two
cultural traditions in such dissimilar ways, as diverse as the flowers of
different kinds.
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Baglioni Essay
Fig. 1–10.  “A Reconstruction of Nahua Plant Classification,” pp. 15–17. Museum of
Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS. Med. Palat. 218–220.
By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. All rights
reserved.
Fig. 1 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 2 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 3 MS.
Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 4 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 5 MS. Med. Palat.
_, fol. _; Fig. 6 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 7 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _;
Fig. 8 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 9 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 10 MS.
Med. Palat. _, fol. _.
Alcántara Essay
Figs. 1–2, 4, 8–12.  Portilla, Borbonic Codex, Bibliothèque de l’Assemblée Nationale, Paris, fig. 28.
Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva España. Facsimile edition by the
Secretaria de Gobernación, República Mexicana, of MS. Med. Palat. 218–
220 of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence.
Fig. 1 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 2 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 4 MS.
Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 8 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 9 MS. Med. Palat.
_, fol. _; Fig. 10 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 11 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _;
Fig. 12 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _.
Figs. 3, 7, 13. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS. Med. Palat.
218–220. By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali. All
rights reserved. Fig. 3 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _; Fig. 7 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol.
_; Fig. 13 MS. Med. Palat. _, fol. _.
Figs. 5, 21. Martín de la Cruz, Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis,
Fondo de Cultura Económica / Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social,
Mexico, 1991.
Fig. 6, 16–20, 22–23. Photos: Berenice Alcántara
Fig. 14. Photo: Adriana Estrada
Fig. 15. Códice Matritense del Palacio Real de Madrid. In Bernardino de
Sahagún, Primeros memoriales, facsimile ed., Ferdinand Anders, University of
Oklahoma, Norman, Okla., 1993.
Equiguas Essay
Fig. 1. Photo: Miguel León-Portilla, “Tonalámatl de los pochtecas (Códice
Fejervary Mayer),” Revista Arqueología Mexicana, special no. 18, Mexico,
Editorial raíces/Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2005. The
codex is located in the National Museums Liverpool, England, cat. 12014.
Fig. 2. Photograph: Salvador Reyes.
I m age Cr edits 439
Figs. 3a, b. Tables by Salvador Reyes Equiguas, based on Sophia Popper,
Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Paper presented
at 2nd Annual Ethnobiology Conference, University of Washington. Seattle
1984. Transcribed in Estrada Lugo, El Códice Florentino: su información
etnobotánica, México, Colegio de Posgraduados, 1989.
Fig. 4. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS. Med. Palat. 220,
book 11, fol. 218v. By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali. All rights reserved.
Figs. 5a, 6.  Photos from Miguel León-Portilla, Códices: Los antiguos
libros del Nuevo Mundo, Aguilar, Mexico, 2003. Fig. 5a: León-Portilla fig. 3,
Mendoza Codex, Bodleian Library, Oxford University, lam. LXXI. Fig. 6: León-
Fig. 5b. Photo from Eloise Quiñones Keber, Codex Telleriano-Remensis:
Ritual, Divination, and History in a Pictorial Aztec Manuscript, Austin, Tex.,
1995. Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Bibliothèque de l’Assemblée Nationale,
Paris, fol. 30r.
Garone Essay
Fig. 1. Details: (Quadrate) MS. Med. Palat. 220, book 10, fol. 151r;
(Rounded) MS. Med. Palat. 218, book 6, fol. 1r; (Rustic) top, MS. Med.
Palat. 220, book 10, fol. 1v [or 1r?]; bottom, MS. Med. Palat. 218, book 1,
fol. 37r; (Chancery) detail, MS. Med. Palat. 218, book 1, fol. 1r. Florence,
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana. By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e
le Attività Culturali. All rights reserved.
Fig. 2. Reproduction of original table by Marina Garone.
Fig. 3. Details: (Scribe 1) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. __; (Scribe 2)
MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___; (Scribe 3) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book
__, fol. ___; (Scribe 4) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___; (Scribe 5)
MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___; (Scribe 6) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book
__, fol. ___; (Scribe 7) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___; Florence,
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana. By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e
le Attività Culturali. All rights reserved.
Fig. 4. Reproduction of original table by Marina Garone.
Fig. 5.  Details. Stylized vegetal: (1st and 2nd) MS. Med. Palat. 220, book 11,
fol. 364v; (3rd and 4th) MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___. Exuberant
stylized vegetal: MS. Med. Palat. ___, book __, fol. ___. Florence, Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana. By permission of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attività
Culturali. All rights reserved.