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The Evolution of Markets in The Renaissance
The Evolution of Markets in The Renaissance
The Evolution of Markets in The Renaissance
Matthew Conde
HONR 2210-01
8 June 2020
2
Emerging from the Medieval Era with a social dynamic centered around Humanist
notions, Early Modern culture transformed political and religious institutions and influenced
ideas and people to foster communalization. While elements in this time frame may resemble
those of the contemporary era, one must note that this developing system of control, interactions,
and discoveries is different. Early Modern markets evolved society and culture from a communal
identity to one about the individual, and from Early Modern culture sprang a competitive attitude
of distinguishing oneself from a group. Examining the market is the best method of studying this
cultural transformation, for the market embodied people’s interests and desires. Also, the market
was closely connected to governmental and theological bodies. As a result of these interactions,
conflicts about control over ideological and capital markets arose—the only way to resolve them
was by separating oneself from a collective group through power, discovery, and uniqueness.
One distinction between contemporary marketplaces and the Early Modern markets is
that Early Modern markets were physical places that housed public events. Economics and
socialization were combined. In Tuscany, Italian cities commonly incorporated commercial and
social spaces.1 Italian and Western European city-life concentrated around the physicality of the
market. Shops and businesses surrounded pathways for shoppers and passersby, and markets
were exciting grounds for people of different social statuses to meet and interact. A product of
these experiences was the popularity of lotteries; in fact, Venetians gambled on the Senatorial
elections to gain money, not for political purposes.2 Lotteries stirred anxiety within betters, but
the excitement from these events increased consumerism and social interactions. While there
appears to be a separation between politics and economics, governments used revenue from
market businesses to supply military and other state demands. Indeed, when England expanded
1
Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600 (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2009). 6.
2
Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600. 204.
3
its trading businesses abroad, the government met this economic demand by paying with the
profits from international and domestic markets.3 State powers grew closer to the markets, for
they became great methods for accumulating money and fostering social interactions. The more
successful England’s market evolved, the more dominant England arose as a powerful nation.
Like shoppers in a market, nations of different sizes and authorities interacted on a global scale.
Evidently, a government’s power correlated to the prosperity of its markets, and nations
adapted to their economic demands to increase market and state wealth. England, especially,
demonstrated its rising power through its experiences in Virginia. Games highlights that the
Virginian enterprise was to mimic English charters, like the Muscovy Company and the East
India Company.4 England saw the promising fortunes of the New World, and they wanted to
capitalize on their opportunity to control trade. Set to gain authority over the coastline, England
aimed to secure the New World from already-powerful nations, such as Spain. Out of fear of a
Spanish attack the English allocated more resources to fortifications.5 England wanted to emerge
as a powerful empire to compete against other dominant nations like Spain, so they had to
generate enough revenue from their markets to fund their defense and military expansions.
Despite these changes, England was unsuccessful in establishing Virginia as a trading post due to
poor soil and infectious diseases. More significantly, unlike their traditional protocol in cultural
assimilation, English traders were more hostile towards the Indians in the New World, mistaking
the Indians as rivals: “Appearances were forever deceiving [the English].”6 The English failed in
New World because they could not adapt to the native social structure. If they better understood
the Indians, the English could have made a market around Indian demands. Moreover, England
3
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2010). 83.
4
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660. 118.
5
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660. 138.
6
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660. 136.
4
could have established a strong alliance, and the Indians would have helped England control
costal entries. By doing so, they would control commerce itself. Evidently, the conflict between
appearance and reality arises through constant trade and consumerism in the market.
As Early Modern markets quickly grew in popularity and size, issue between appearance
and reality expanded as well, and market authorities could not properly control these situations.
As a result, there was a common belief within the people that the market was out to cheat them.
Civic surveillance was enforced and increased, for if merchants attempted to deceive shoppers,
the city would trace where he lived and worked to punish him. “Effective commerce, therefore,
depended on effective policing.”7 The markets wanted to implement an honor code, but due to its
vast size, it was unsuccessful. There was a problem with social order in the marketplace, and
since businesses interacted frequently, this issue quickly grew. Maintaining order was a difficult
challenge in such a rambunctious atmosphere, so major state authorities used this fear as a way
to exercise their powers, and a resistance to authority began to rise. When state entities were
unable to mitigate market issues, religious bodies interceded to possess both money and power.
Catholicism sought to dominate the market by controlling transactions and the ethical
nature surrounding them. One way they exercised power was by regulating market and European
times. Using Church and Gregorian Calendars, the Church controlled when markets opened
through the ringing of bells: “Listening to bells meant accepting civic authority and conforming
to public notions of appropriate behavior.”8 Bells signaled Catholic rituals, and they notified the
public when the market was, or was not, operating. By obeying the bells, the public showed their
adherence to social order, an action that structured a robust market. While the market appeared in
order, lucrative business occurred after workhours. In fact, on holy holidays, merchants were not
7
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660. 72.
8
Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600. 119.
5
allowed to fill their windows with their products, yet discreet transactions were permitted.9 For
the Church, as long as an individual appeared devout and rested on non-business days, they were
fine. Answering the discrepancies of appearance and reality, the Church placed more importance
on presentation than the truth. This notion shows that personal and collective identity are rooted
on the external nature of people’s thoughts and behaviors, not on people’s true ideas and actions.
Morality was one of the most major concerns for Catholic control over the markets, and
they were able to build their faith around the market fears. Religion was seen as a belief and a
place of comfort, and the Catholic Church, especially in Tuscany, was the most accepted faith.
The Church knew that if people were genuinely scared of disobeying the order of theocratic, or
even civil, doctrines, they could buy an indulgence. These purchases were popular and quickly
became an opportunity for Catholics to gain virtuous riches and moral capital. In fact, single-
sheet certificates of indulgence were the first and most popular work of early German printing
presses.10 The creation of indulgences imply that the Church saw the discrepancies between the
market’s appearance and its truth. Buying indulgences was easy, and that transaction meant to
show a growth in morality—from an external perspective. Morality was not gained through just
payment, but also through radical moralists like San Bernardino. When criticizing sexuality in
the market, Bernardino exclaimed, “Wake up citizens, and see that your sons are going to the
devil unless you ensure that the taverns are shut at the twenty-fourth hour.”11 Angry and
confused with a preconceived notion of sexual undertones from female merchants, Bernardino
preached from a radically religious perspective and advocated for Catholic control over the
people allowed in the markets. With concerns of a fleeing honor code, the cry for religion was
9
Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600. 113.
10
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 1
11
Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy 1400-1600. 32-33.
6
strong, and Catholicism took advantage of the opportunity. While the Catholic Church was the
most dominant religion, Protestantism emerged from its control to challenge Catholic ideologies.
While the Catholic Church symbolized power, Protestantism represented the resistance to
it. The clash between these two religions displayed the changing hierarchies that established
order within the market and society itself. Protestants retaliated against Catholic control, and
Catholics responded by warning others of the dangers of flirting with the rising faith. In France,
more particularly, “Protestantism was the source of division, chaos and disorder.”12 Followers of
this faith were disowned, persecuted, and punished. Western Europe appeared to be in order with
Catholicism as the leading, unquestioned religion, so the rise of Protestantism threatened the
social and religious dynamic of Europe. This “division, chaos and disorder” went beyond Europe
and was shown in the trial of Nicolas Burundel, a prisoner in the Caribbean. Burundel, refusing
to truly accept Catholicism and convert, claimed he was a poorly educated Christian. Fearing a
change in his appearance would alter his inner-self, Burundel did not comply until he was forced
into the torture chamber and asked, “Wouldn’t cooperation be preferable?”13 The Church wanted
social order to appear maintained, but Nicolas’s rejection to Catholicism indicates a new fear:
Outer appearances affect reality itself. Through this fear, it is possible that Nicolas was truly a
Protestant, and like many Protestants, he resisted the Church’s control of their ideas and market.
In addition to public sermons in the marketplace, Protestants sought to regain the market
from Catholic domination through the printing press. The printing press became a very integral
aspect of spreading the Bible and other Protestant publications. Prominent theologians, such as
John Calvin, used printing companies to press his translations, sermons, and anti-Catholic works.
These publications were popular in Protestant nations like Geneva, and the market benefitted
12
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 182.
13
Kristen Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012). 9.
7
from them. In fact, Calvin’s literary works alone could support a printing company.14 While these
books contained a theological message, like indulgences, the author and company profited from
these sales. These books were shipped around the world, and the higher the demand rose, the
more money the author and publisher received. These books reaffirmed and spread Protestant
ideas, and international merchants purchased them. In fact, English clergy in Japan acquired
them and made collections to substitute for libraries.15 The clergy dispatched by England
monitored morality within businesses and preached their faiths. Through these books, the clergy
could remind themselves of Protestant teachings and doctrines, and this confirmation in faith
reveals that the market is intrinsically immoral, but that the market is capable of being moralized.
Noting the communal atmosphere of the market, Protestants transformed local markets
and challenged Catholic authority through their influence on fine arts. Their plays discussed
morality and salvation through knowledge of the Bible, and they were open to all members of the
community.16 Unlike the Catholic Church, where Papal authority dictated how the religion was
presented, Protestant plays better included their followers with faith. Performances may not have
been effective evangelization tools, but they grounded Protestants in their religion. They showed
a true interest in Protestantism because, rather than profiting from the play, writers gave free
admittance to the public. Plays were brought into the market because of their power to convey
ideas. Leaders like King Louis XIV used performances to emphasize his power. In fact, Louis
would play as himself in French productions about his war victories, and he aimed to redefine
the arts through his creations of the academies of arts and sciences, which acquired the finest
artisans and scientists.17 Not only did he show himself as that, but Louis also portrayed himself
14
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 142.
15
Kristen Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit.
235.
16
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 86-87.
17
Peter Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011). 51; 66.
8
as the leader of international Catholicism. Louis’s interest in the arts with a religious perspective
shows how Protestants integrated their plays into the market and daily life. As Catholicism and
Protestantism conflicted through the market, people were unsure which faith they should follow.
religion was a prominent piece of identity. The Reformation challenged many on a theological
and social level. The clash between each religion jeopardized harmonies within families,
communities, and nations.18 Faith was a major proponent of one’s identity and following the
“wrong” religion resulted in the cutting of social ties. Catholics and Protestants stereotyped one
another, and people disowned anyone, depending on their preferred faith. An individual’s ideas
and experiences were overshadowed by religious belonging. However, there were attempts to
break social barriers to appeal to individuals. For one, Protestants smuggled Bibles and other
works into Catholic France through the black market.19 Despite France’s religious identity and
ban against Protestant ideas, there was a niche group of individuals in France that benefitted
from the black market. Underlying the spread of faiths is the flow of ideas. Slowly and over time,
people saw one another beyond their subscribed religion—they saw their ideas and experiences.
Emerging from market capital and the fight between Catholicism and Protestantism was
human capital, and one of the faculties of this concept emphasizes an individual’s unique
experiences. Understanding where someone was, and what they underwent, was more important
than their shared identity. In a race to attain the most power, England dispatched merchants
abroad who assimilated into native cultures, learned about the indigenous people, and established
a market. Gradually, merchants realized that “travel outside of England shaped a man’s
identity.”20 Traders adapted to local culture and accommodated to their societies. Living in their
18
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 217.
19
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 175.
20
Alison Games, The Web of Empire: English Cosmopolitans in an Age of Expansion, 1560-1660. 94.
9
social structures was essential for market success, as alliances secured trading posts and helped
consumerism. Interactions beyond England were carefully noted, and people questioned outside
experiences, as they could undermine loyalty to the crown. This attitude reflects a shift away
through personal interactions were valued more than collective identities, such as religion. This
change is shown through Isabel Criolla, a slave who successfully contested against her master’s
cruelty. In the Caribbean, slaves used stories of their membership in the Christian community to
their advantage.21 If social identity functioned from a general, communal perspective, Criolla
would only be seen as a slave—as property. However, legislation saw beyond her social class
and accepted her unique account. Indeed, through her external performances, she was able to
display her true self. This increase in personal interactions also lead many to gain unique skills.
Another aspect of human capital was an individual’s unique expertise, and the main issue
with achieving such personal skills was that it reinforced order and societal ranking. Presenting
himself as a glorious general, Louis XIV showed himself a very prolific military leader. When
fighting the Dutch, he crossed the Rhine, and writers and painters applauded this simple action,
and furthered those notions, by exclaiming how Louis executed this task better than Caesar.22
Louis made a system of government officials who highlighted his actions and accomplishments.
Not only did Louis’s external self align with his internal self, but it emphasized his true self.
Upon Louis’s return to France, medals were made to emphasize his victories, not the army’s.
Louis intended for this to happen to maintain his reputation as a powerful leader, and the only
way he could distinguish himself from other kings was through his personal achievements.
Magnifying unique skills reaffirmed power and brought out a resistance to power. Protestants
21
Kristen Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit.
57.
22
Peter Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011). 76.
10
proclaimed sermons in the market because of the dense crowds and ample spaces, and preachers
used effective rhetoric to speak against Catholicism. For one, Calvin utilized his skill of
relatability and tailored Biblical passages to address the needs of his local audience and mixed
congregation.23 These speakers used the market to reach to the local population, and they
challenged Catholicism to advocate for Protestantism. Sermons were the most effective method
of evangelization because it was easily accessible and were uniquely tailored to the issues in
local cities. The markets and the power behind it drove many to explore their best skills, for the
most successful individuals distinguished themselves from the crowds, and this competition
drove many to demonstrate how their inner self is unique from collective appearances.
The most defiant element of human capital that rose from market capital was knowledge.
As the Renaissance dawned, people wanted to gain more knowledge of their world; however,
this drive caused tensions with major institutions. Galileo Galilei was tried over the validity of
the heliocentric universe and was accused of challenging Papal authority. Affirming Nicholas
Copernicus’s works, Galileo published, Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems in
Italian to express to a wider audience that the sun was at the center of the universe. This use of
the market also mirrors how Protestants released works in various languages to appeal to specific
audiences. The Church saw Galileo as an imposer who enforced his universe onto others, but
Galileo was merely correcting traditional beliefs.24 Galilei wanted to become the scientist who
proved Earth’s motion and risked his life and reputation for his ideas. Galilei himself was
Catholic, and he was not denying sacred scriptures, but to reaffirm that God’s works are
mysterious. Like Galilei, John Milton emphasized knowledge and free-will in Paradise Lost, a
popular, yet controversial, book during its release. Retelling the creation story, Milton built Satan
23
Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion. 23.
24
Jerome J. Langford, Galileo, Science and the Church (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1971). 173.
11
as an advocate for personal choice when he tells Eve that the Fruit of Knowledge “gives you
life / To knowledge.”25 Similar to Galilei, Milton released this book to the market—a place
where commerce and ideas spread. Businesses, ideas, and discoveries were not collective—they
were competitively oriented. Without unique knowledge, intellectuals and pioneers would not
have challenged one another to discover the truths within their world and within their own
culture.
Markets transformed society and culture from an Early Modern emphasis on community,
to once centered around individualism and distinguishing oneself from a group. Without looking
at the markets, modern readers would dismiss markets’ physical nature, and from its existence,
how issues between appearances and reality arose. Indeed, the Catholic Church controlled these
problems by regulating time and morality, but Protestantism resisted their authority, and the new
faith aimed to regain the market. As Catholicism and Protestantism fought on an economic,
religious, and political level, many learned that they could separate themselves from their group
identity by following their ideas. The market, as a result, evolved from a highly regulated space
to one that was free. This shift resulted from global and personal competition for control, which
inspired individuals to transform their products, powers, and ideas. From Early Modern culture,
emerged Individualism, empowering each person to redefine their ideas that structured society.
Works Cited
Block, Kristen. Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean: Religion, Colonial Competition, and the
Burke, Peter. The Fabrication of Louis XIV. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011.
Langford, Jerome J. Galileo, Science and the Church. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
1971.
Milton, John. Paradise Lost. Edited by David Scott. Kastan. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing,
2005.