The Idea of India: 'Derivative, Desi and Beyond'

Author(s): GOPAL GURU

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , SEPTEMBER 10-16, 2011, Vol. 46, No. 37
(SEPTEMBER 10-16, 2011), pp. 36-42
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 I PERSPECTIVES

The Idea of India: To put it differently, the methodological

device is deployed to decide the "authenti

'Derivative, Desi and Beyond'

city" of nationalist thought. Authenticity
in this context involves the question
whether a particular thought is original or
imitative? In the present context, original
GOPAL GURU
ity is contingent upon the conditions (cul
tural and intellectual) that fix the territo
The dalit discourse in India rial boundaries around the nationalist
interrelated arguments. First, socio
presents a sharp contrast to the thought. What is being suggested here is

"derivative" and the "desi"

In political
this essaythought inIcolonial
would India like to make two
represents a multiplicity of ideas from
discourses governing nationalist
India. Thus in the "affirmative" imagina
thought and the "idea of India".
tion, the idea of incredible India can be
arguably attributed to Jawaharlal Nehru,
The dalit discourse goes "beyond"
while we need not have any hesitation in
the two in offering an imagination
associating the idea of "village India" or
that is based on a "negative"
"Ram Rajya" with M K Gandhi. Similarly,
language which however we need not hesitate to relate the idea of
transcends into a normativemother
formIndia with nationalist thinking in
the 19th and 20th century nationalist
of thinking. The dalit goes beyond
imagination in West Bengal. In another
both the derivative and desi
shade of Hindu nationalist thought the
inasmuch as it foregrounds ideaitself
of "father India" and "holy India" can
be undoubtedly attributed to Vinayak
in the local configuration of
Damodar Savarkar. There is an alternative
power, which is constitutive of the
imagination as well. In this kind of imagi
hegemonic orders of capitalism
nation, we have Jyotirao Phule's India
and brahminism. of Baliraja (the benevolent peasant king
who existed in myths) and Babasaheb
Ambedkar's prabuddha Bharat ("enlight
ened India").
The alternative imagination of India as
proposed by Phule and Ambedkar follows
a particular methodological route. The
conception of an alternative or affirmative
imagination of India seems to be preceded
by what could be termed as oppositional
imagination. For example, Ambedkar also
imagines India as "bahishkrut Bharat" -
"ostracised India".
Second, the thinkers who have imag
ined India use a particular language,
which this essay argues is articulated via
three routes - the methodological, the
conceptual and the hermeneutic.
Taking a cue from some leading scholars,1
This article is based on the text of theI would like to argue that the methodo
Founders' Day lecture delivered at the Madras
logical language plays an important role
Institute of Development Studies, 28 April 2011.
in terms of deciding the epistemic calibre
and evaluating the universal standards
Gopal Guru (gopalguru20oi@yahoo.com)
teaches political theory at the Centre for
of nationalist thought. At another level,
Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
methodological language seeks to charac
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
terise the autonomy of nationalist thought.
that spatiality as well as epistemology
foreground the question whether a partic
ular thought has an alternative point of
origin or is it a "lazy" extension of the
"modular" form of nationalist thinking,
which is already available in the west and
waiting to be replicated in India. Thus, the
methodological categories adopted by
some of the noted scholars seek to desig
nate certain distinct character to Indian
thought. Let me put this point in a more
dramatic fashion. Does the nationalist
thought in India don those categories that
are cast off by western modernity? Do we
"shop" in second hand? What is wrong in
borrowing the used and abused categories
from the west?
Thus, the methodological language is
suggestive of a characterising function that
certain categories tend to acquire. It could
be argued that the category "derivative"
as adopted by one of the leading scholars
on nationalism, Partha Chatterjee seems to
be performing the function of characteris
ing nationalist thought in India. Accord
ing to Chatterjee (1986: 41), the national
ist thought in India is essentially a deriva
tive in the sense that it fashions itself on
the modular form of nationalism as deve
loped in the west. However, Chatterjee
qualifies this argument particularly in
two respects. First, he does not suggest
that nationalist thought in India indulges
in "wholesale" borrowing from the west.
It is quite selective in such borrowings.
Chatterjee rightly points out that the
nationalist thought, at least for political
reasons (my expression), needs to assert
its autonomous character. Thus, for him, a
nationalist thought would not constitute
as nationalist if it is absolutely imitative
(my expression) of the west (Chatteijee
1986: 8). He makes an indirect reference
to the moral dimension of nationalist

september 10, 2011 vol xlvi no 37 0353 Economic & Political weekly

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thought, which according to his own read an object of not only its own inquiryinbut
character. Assimilation of one strand of

ing is internal to the derivative character Buddhism in brahminical Hinduism is one

of this thought. This is clear from the fol
lowing observation that Chaterjee makes
in his widely referred work. He says, "Na
tionalist discourse is historical in form but
'apologetic' in substance" (Chatterjee 1986:
also for establishing both autonomy from
such
and superiority over the west. Second, as example in the premodern period
and the Gandhian attempt to assimilate
a corollary to the first, a particular strand
theasdalit discourse within its hegemonic
of Indian thought could be characterised
framework is another attempt in modern
desi precisely because it is self-referential.
It is self-referential to the extent that it However, there is a striking difference
time.

9). Thus, the nationalist problematic in develops itself within the intellectualbetween
con brahminical Hinduism and the

India is replete with a dilemma - willing Gandhian

ditions that are historically available in project. While the former was
to keep distance from the west but unable successful in its mission the latter was not.
the specific territorial context of India.
to retain the autonomy. Thetodesi, unlike the derivative, thus seeks
However, in this regard it is necessary
to avoid the charge of being apologetic.
qualify this argument by making two other
The 'Derivative' and the 'Desi' additional points. Finally, the desi thinking in India
acquires its autonomy from the west pri
First, the claim for self-referentiality
It is true that the "derivative" as character
emerges
ising category plays an important role in marily because it has privileged access to
in the context of a desi response
foregrounding the dilemma that the colonial epistemological challenge the
to na thatSanskrit language which provides the
in fact shakes the desi out of its intellec
tionalist thought confronts particularly necessary vocabulary for developing an
alternative theoretical thinking. The ex
tual complacency if not slumber. Second,
within the colonial configuration of power.
that for its self-definition requires theclusive
It suffers from a dilemma in the sense"desi" west access to Sanskrit by definition
as an
while it has a will to carve out for itself questions the claim of desi thought as be
an epistemological shadow as charac
autonomous epistemological space terised
well ingitcomplete and universal. For it can
by Uday Mehta (1998). To put
outside the influence of western discourse, claim to be complete only in the absence
differently, the desi for its own "authentic"
at the same time it is unable to escapearticulation
the of that thought which developed with
requires the west as a negative
reference
epistemological grip and gaze of the western point. Finally, desi, like the
themarginal support of Sanskrit or even
without it. The dalit and shudra thought
derivative does not suffer from a dilemma
discourse. However, the logic of such rather
innovative methodological moves as mentioned above. The desi mode developed
does of by Ambedkar, Jyotiba Phule
thinking
not necessarily exhaust all the reference does not have a desire to and
follow"Periyar" E V Ramasamy Naicker
points that may bring into focus the
thewest and at the same time remain au
respectively is a case in point. It is in this
sense
tonomous. On the contrary, it acquires
hidden dimension of nationalist thought. its that the dalit shudra thought could
intellectual confidence whereby it be
Thus one needs to cast the net of methodo doesconsidered as beyond the framework
toallow the western vocabulary to of
not
logical language a little wider so as desi which is exclusively based on
float
into
capture within its range some other cate the minds of the desi thinkers Sanskrit.
who However, this idea of desi is
gories that can throw some light ondrawing
the on Bhikhu Parekh's (1989) classi certainly different from the idea of desi as
fication
hidden character of nationalist imagina could be characterised as either
developed by one of the leading Marathi
traditionalists
tion. The central argument of this essay, or critical traditionalists. literary
The novelists and critics, Bhalchandra
Nemade. He would call all the silenced
desi thought articulates supreme confidence
thus, is this: "derivative" as a methodolog
to the point that it, as mentioned above,subaltern or little traditions like
ical language is necessary but not suffi
but

ciently capacious so as to unfold to usbecomes

the saint
self-referential, or a source of traditions as desi. Although the
"subaltern"
reference for the other. It acquires the
differential nature of nationalist thought as desi warrants critical atten
tion,
status of a classic having timeless essence
in India. Thus, at the methodological level, here for the sake of convenience I do
and relevance. One could interpretnot
it becomes necessary to add to "derivative" thepropose to assign full treatment to
element of confidence in the desi thinkingperspective.
two other categories - "desi" and "beyond". that
However, it is important to mention
as aismoral source, which therefore chooses
This semantic extension, in my opinion,
necessary to bring out what couldtobe here that such a thought falling outside
operate on its own without necessarily
making any association with other con
called a "distinct" character of nationalist the framework of both "desi" and to some

tending thoughts. extent "derivative" has a strong moral

thought in India. Let us therefore examine,
to what extent and in what context, the significance. It has emerged and devel
In fact, desi thought is epistemologically
inegalitarian
"desi" acquires a character which is different inasmuch as it seeks oped
positivein adversarial intellectual conditions
from the derivative. dissociation from other contending whereintel thinkers like Ambedkar and Phule
did not have resources to fall back on and
I would like to argue that both desi lectual
and traditions. It does not find it neces
sary
derivative are different from each other hence were forced to draw on those pro
in to exist as a contending and compet
the following respects. First, taking aing duced by the collective cultural and intel
cueintellectual tradition. At another level
of
from the very instructive insights providedits intellectual existence and in the practices of the "shudra-atishudra
lectual
need communities". It is the experience and
by Sudipta Kaviraj (1995) it could be to remain hegemonic both across
argued that the desi seeks to reversetime not the already available text that led to
the and space, it seeks to assimilate those
intellectual traditions that are the reflective intellectual consciousness
heterodox
logic of orientalism thus making the west

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PERSPECTIVES

among the thinkers from the fail to fit into the definitional framework
shudra negative or grotesque to the latter. This
atishudra community. of political thought. Second, the thought might appear to be negative to both the
Thus, within the Indian tradition
which ofis made to exist in the "beyond" is derivative and the desi thought which
thought, there is an intellectualdifferent
trend, both in terms of style and sub claims to be articulating itself through the
which goes beyond both the derivative
stance. Itas
is different in style as it expresses canonised language of self-rule, swadeshi,
dissonance,
well as the desi. In the following section, I difference and defiance. The home rule and swarajya. The thought from
assertion
would like to argue that the category "beof "no" and an element of anti the margins looks much beyond identical
scepticism
yond", that can function through the con that is so prominent in such
and affirmative language for its expression
ceptual language is more sensitive in creates interruptions in the con
thought as mentioned in the preceding sentence.
terms of capturing the historical form and
ceptual stability and universal validity of
We will talk more about the role of nega
normative substance of sociopolitical
thethink
hegemonic thought. Third, sociopoliti
tive language in shaping the thought in the
ing which emerged in India despite cal heavy
thought seems to exist beyond both the discourse of the "beyond" later.
desi and
odds. It faced heavy odds in the sense thatthe derivative to the extent that Fifth and finally this particular thought
it was pushed both beneath and the
beyond
concepts that inhibit this thought play not only goes beyond the derivative and
the desi as well as the derivative. an important role of recasting the real the desi in terms of its style and substance
(largely un-thought) into reflection. but it also goes beyond itself particularly
The Category of the 'Beyond' The experience of untouchability forms in terms of its search for an alternative
I argue here that the category of "beyond"
the part of "un-thought" as it fails to get normative ideal. The category "beyond"
is distinctive from both the "desi" and fully accommodated in or fails to become does not suggest that the thought from the
the "derivative" inasmuch as it seeks to the part of conceptual vocabulary of the margins does not have its own ideal. In
characterise the nationalist imagination desi as well as the derivative. Its systematic fact, it does have its own idea of ideal
radically differently. It is also different articulation had to wait till the arrival of (Guru 2009). For example, Phule moves
from the other two in the sense that it Phule and most particularly Ambedkar from gulamigiri (slavery) to sarvajanik
suggests the possibility of a parallel prob into the intellectual imagination in the 19th satya dharma (religion based on universal
lematic of nationalist thought. I will explain and 20th century India. Thus, in Ambedkar's truth) and Ambedkar moves from "bahish
what is a "parallel problematic", but before thought one finds several concepts and krut Bharat" (India of the ostracised) to
I do this let me explain the underlying categories like bahishkrut Bharat, untouch "prabuddha Bharat" (enlightened India)
ability as lokvigraha, "broken men", "de or from "lokvigarha" (untouchability) to
characteristics of the category "beyond".
First, the category "beyond" seeks to pressed classes", "pad-dalit", hinatva "loksangraha" (annihilation of untoucha
render the thinking that otherwise is (servility), and vital (ritual pollution) that bility). This particular thought also adopts
pushed beneath and beyond the public receive intellectually sophisticated treat an affirmative language for the articulation
imagination. Such rather coercive seclu ment from him. Thus, in Ambedkar the of this ideal. But the intellectual project
sion and separation of a particular think concept of hinatva is different from the of subaltern thought aimed at preparing
ing is analogous to the dalit literary imagi concept of durbalata (weakness). For the masses for the realisation of a norma
nation which in its self-description claims him the former is the state of being of tive ideal becomes discernible through a
that its poems belong to what is called in a particular self while the latter is the particular dialectic. It chooses to operate
Marathi, gao kusa baheril kavita (poems condition that has a limited impact on through the negative language as an ini
from beyond the margin). The category this self. tial communicative condition. Negative
"beyond", however, is the result of the Phule, Periyar and Ambedkar as reflec language as the grotesque form of expres
intellectual practice of those who were tive thinkers seek to recast a particular sion makes both the derivative and the
privileged to have been involved in such reality into reflection thus elevating it desi as an object of its criticism. It thus
practice. Scholars and commentators of from mere description to its universal seeks to undercut the significance of
political thought in modern India seem to abstraction. For example, the concept of canonised language as the only legitimate
have either completely omitted (Mehta bahishkrut in Ambedkar is the reflection form of expression.
1996 for example) or rhetorically accom of the real, i e, mal-apportioned untouch
modated (Pantham and Deutsch 1986) ables. As is evident from the conceptual 'Negative Language'
certain social and political thinking parti vocabulary mentioned in the preceding The thought hailing from the "beyond"
cularly that has originated from the subal sentences, the concepts and categories seeks to challenge this canonised language
tern intellectual traditions. An alternative constitutive of the discourse "beyond" access by deploying the negative language. For
mode of thinking from the "margin" has this ideal only through the reflection on example, this invokes the language of un
been actively pushed beyond both the the real. touchability in order to undercut the political
derivative and the desi which have been Fourth, the thought from the margins significance of the affirmative language of
treated as the hegemonic terrain of public also acquires the character of going loksangraha mooted by Sri Aurobindo.2
inquiry characterising "argumentative beyond the derivative and the desi to the The negative vocabulary seeks to challenge
India". Thus, according to this particular extent that for its articulation it adopts a the mechanical language of unity as
reading, thinkers like Phule and Ambedkar vocabulary, which might appear to be proposed by the nationalist thinkers.

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 ^^PERSPECTIVES

The political thought residing in the

mobilising Indian society initially against (Chatterjee 2006: 83) he argues that
beyond as an hermeneutic space,
itself andthus,
essentially for its transformation Ambedkar does not have a problem exist
performs an ethical functioninto
in the
as distant
much future. The derivative and ing in the homogeneity of India but is also
it causes an embarrassment tothe
nationalist
desi, on the other hand, hesitate to reduced to suppressed heterogeneity.
thought and seeks to puncture thewith
engage moral
the local but show an extra The above description thus involves
confidence of the canonised thought. At to confront the imperial three claims. First, that the sociopolitical
ordinary urgency
another level, through the adoption
State in theof an configuration of power. thought which exists in the realms of the
colonial
alternative affirmative language of self
The derivative and desi, thus, make huge "beyond" essentially suggests a possibility
respect and dignity it seeks to posit oppo
concessions to native capitalism and most of a parallel problematic of the idea of
sition within a person (in the present case
particularly brahminism that regulate lo India. Second, it adopts a negative lan
untouchables) who is otherwise immune of power.
cal configurations guage for the articulation of the "parallel
to the normative desire for self-definition.
problematic". Finally, this thought does
'Postcolonial'
The invocation of an affirmative lan Critique
not remain pathologically stuck in the
guage in the subaltern thought leads toto note that some of the framework of negative language. On the
It is interesting
postcolonial
reconstruction of consciousness whereby scholars seem to have used contrary it progressively transcends the
every being existing at the the
margins be
much celebrated framework, i e, the negative and develops an affirmative lan
comes his/her own opposite.derivative
The recondiscourse as a potent methodo guage for fashioning out an alternative
structive process facilitated through subto critique Ambedkar's conception of India. These claims make it
logical resource
altern thought thus involves, for example,
modernist moves for political mobilisation necessary to explain the nature of the
an attempt to overcome the state ofdalits
of the servile
(Ganguly 2005:115). Some of "parallel problematic" within which the
being and radically transform theobliquely
them servilecritique Ambedkar for new questions implicating the idea of
into a subversive entity. The having
redemption
indulged in unconditional borrow India are framed and a non-identical,
of subversive entity becomes ing a possibility
from the western modernist para grotesque language is developed for the
primarily through the complex digm.interplay
But if Phule and Ambedkar borrow articulation of these questions.
between the modernist dimension of it, what is wrong? They certainly have
social thought and its corresponding incorporated the western in their thought. The Parallel Problematic
framework, i e, the local configuration of One cannot object to such borrowing The term problematic in the Althusserian
power. The local configuration of power isparticularly on moral grounds. They were framework,3 designates the theoretical/
constitutive of brahminism and capitalism forced to borrow because they were ideological framework, which puts the
in Phule's language "shetji-bhatji" and in denied access to the desi category that basic concepts into relation with one an
Ambedkar's language "brahmanshahi" was locally available. For example, they other, determines the nature of each con
and bhandwalshahi. were denied access to learning Sanskrit cept by its place and function in this sys
To put it differently, the redemption of that arguably happened to be the potent tem of relationship, and thus confers on
the subversive entity through the subaltern field of conceptual vocabulary. each concept its particular significance.
thought or the thought of the "beyond" The postcolonial critique of Ambedkar Althusser further argues that the con
takes place within the context of this local as mounted by scholars like Ganguly cept of the problematic acquires its own
configuration of power constitutive ofneeds to take into account the constrain significance by determining what it includes
capitalism and brahminism. Ambedkar's ing impact of local configuration of power within its field, and thereby necessarily
thought entails modern vocabulary such that has produced the following predica determines what is excluded therefrom.
as equality, justice, self-respect and more ment for the dalit thinkers. It says in The concepts which are excluded and the
importantly dignity. The internal struc Marathi, and I quote "aai jeyaila wadat problems which are not posed adequately
ture of nationalist thought as argued by nahi, ani bap usanwari karu det nahi". In or not posed at all are therefore as much a
Chatterjee and endorsed by Kaviraj is this context, aai is understood as a step part of the nationalist problematic as are
extremely complex because according to mother. Sanskrit language is a stepmother, the concepts and problems that are present
these scholars it contains critiques within and according to the proverbial under in the nationalist thought. It could be
critiques. While there is no problem in standing, exclusion, discrimination is in argued that the "parallel problematic" pro
accepting the validity of this reading of her nature. Thus, Sanskrit as a stepmother viding intellectual space for the emergence
nationalist thought, the associative problem does not offer conceptual food (and cre of the subaltern thought in turn results
of this "critique within the critique" is ates conditions of intellectual starvation) from the deficiency that is internal and
that it does not exhaust its logic in theand the postcolonial theorist also does not endemic to the nationalist problematic.
sense that it pays rhetorical attention allow borrowing ideas from the west. In fact, The nationalistic problematic provides
rather than offering substantive treat Chatterjee's recent work on Babasaheb a negative reference point that triggers off
ment to the question of caste. Ambedkar certainly contributes to our a parallel problematic. Thus, the parallel
This language in its affirmative mode understanding of thought that exists on problematic seeks to bring into the fore
seeks to not only interrogate the local the edge of thought corresponding to the front questions relating to normative con
configuration of power, but it also aims at "beyond". In his recent work on Ambedkar cerns like justice, equality and dignity

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PERSPECTIVES

that get buried in the backyard ofquestion.

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the principle of dalit thought seeksnitive
to gov
level, the conceptual vocabulary in
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not" historically sensitive to the
thisdalit
sense, that a body of thought exists

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 PERSPECTIVES

"beyond" and entails concepts andMarxist,

catego Hindu) however, tend to rally Hindu discourse. As has been argued by
some scholars, the category of "seva", con
round the single concept of political free
ries related to struggle and that acquires
dom. They
meaning and significance in the realm nects with the new Hindu ethics. Those
of rally round this single concept
social struggle. for intersecting purposes. The cognitiveHindus who sought to defend Hinduism
However, in Gandhian thought, in an event of a challenge from colonial
the that are internal to dalit thought
categories
seek to deflate this discursive character
concepts, due to their moral orientation modernity and Christianity offered to
acquire a non-cognitive character. of nationalist
This in treat dalits decently. They showed some
thought. It connects the
effect, tends to shape social relations degree of concern, care and an attitude
production of thought to the production
around the idea of seva (service), sahanub towards "seva". Gandhi among all the
of spaces, which in turn affect the herme
neutic capacity of thought. As a result
huti (compassion) and care; not struggle other Hindus, offered rather substantive
treatment to the category of "seva". The
Ambedkar's thought finds its audience
or contradiction. Since Gandhi's political
construction of dalit into harijan was
basically in the dalit bastis (ghettos). The
existence operates through a seamless
cognitive
spatiality, it tends to create only corre categories also define to invoke a sense of "seva" among the
themselves
and acquire salience against the use of orthodox Hindus. Seva thus connotes a
sponding concepts like "seva" or trustee
non-cognitive
ship. In the Gandhian case it is seamless kind of passive revolution, which becomes
categories that are consti
tutive
because for Gandhi, every space becomes of Gandhian thought. The feasible because "seva" facilitates the re
dalit
thinking
quite hospitable and receptive. That construction of Hindu ethics while pre
is to seeks to polarise the discursive
say Gandhi can move in and out field of nationalist thought and chooses serving
of any to caste Hindu dominance. Other
exist
space, even the "Bhangi colony". in the heterogeneous time with the
This Hindus had only rhetorical association
negative
choice to walk in and out has a bearing with the category of seva. The native capi
on intention to question the homo
geneous time within which the national
Gandhi's thought. It changes the character talist also supported "seva" as a hegemon
of his thought thus making it moreist thought seem to be operating. It thendevice to pacify the dalit masses (Srivat
placid. ic
acquires
Ambedkar, on the contrary, does not san 2006: 107). It is for this reason, the
have potency in terms of the cognitive
a choice and hence has to open up and hence it becomes deeply political
spaces capitalists donated generously to Gandhi's
rather
that are not only hostile but are also fragthan moral. Harijan Sevak Sangh.
In Gandhian thought the moralising lan
mented around social stigma. Thus physi
guageget Struggle and Self-help
like "seva", care, harijan, and trus
cal spaces which are otherwise empty
As against the language of seva, the dalit
teeship seek to dissolve the contradiction
constructed through negative or positive
meaning depending upon who isand thought contains the language of struggle
eliminate the possibility of polarisa
assign
ing this meaning. In India, it was tion so oppositional imagination. Itand
the and is self-help, which promotes normative
cially powerful who till the arrival driven aspirations among the dalits. Self-help
by an element of appeal rather than
of colo
assertion.
nial modernity assigned meaning to the Moral appeal finds its basis connotes
in the idea of self-respect as a moral
language of duty, whereas assertion good
the also
spaces they inhibited (agrahara) and is to be pursued by social groups that
driven
to the spaces that they did not reside inby the language of rights. are
Assertion, marginalised. Unlike the category of
but held in deep repulsion (cherry, as seva, which suggests an asymmetrical
mentioned above, involves a firm nega
hulgeri
and maharwada or chamar tola). Buttionthe
rather than affirmation and confirrelationship and denies a sense of auto
mation
enabling aspect of colonial modernity em of the established claims. The nomy
lan to the dalit. In fact, it suggests a
powered the untouchables to seek guage
new dependence that presupposes the element
of seva essentially foregrounds duty
driven
meaning for their physical space (Bhimna action that necessarily of patronage. The early efforts made by
emanates
fromSidthe humble side of human nature. dalits to start educational institutions for
gar, Buddhawada, Ramabainagar and
The
dhartanagar). The politics of acquiring language of right, on the other hand, theis dalits show that dalit thought con
new names to social spaces assumed theconstitutive of assertion. Seva as a non tained the radical morality that brought
cognitive
possibility of producing cognitive categories moral category also possesses out
a a sense of agency that would keep the
discursive notion of "free riders" away.
that sought to interrogate and then under character. That is to say, it is avail
able to different social forces for intersecting Third, the negative vocabulary plays an
mine what could be described as the
patronising and hence non-cognitive cate purposes. For example, it makes a "guestimportant role in shaping the idea of dalit
self and the other. In the case of India it is
gory such as "harijanwada" - the name appearance" in Hindu political thought. It
given by Gandhi. acquires a thick presence in Gandhianthe twice born or the touchable who is
thought and it is also available to theconstructed as the other of dalit, through
Political Freedom Alone? native capitalist as well. deploying the negative language. The
These cognitive categories suggesting theFinally, it is taken seriously by thedeployment of negative language denies
oppositional imagination in turn seeks Christian
to missionaries who have been the hegemonic language, for example, of
active
expose the discursive character of nation in India for a long time now. In fact,nationalism and secularism. For example,

alist thought. The nationalist thought the concept of "seva" genealogically bethe language of bahishkrut Bharat used
longs to Christian religious discourse andby dalits and Ambedkar would render the
acquires a discursive character to the extent
has been subsequently borrowed by the new
that different strands of thought (liberal, description of "modern" multicultural

Economic & Political weekly B3Q September 10, 2011 vol xlvi no 37

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PERSPECTIVES

India as incomplete. The negative lan the concept of "mother India" shetji and bhatji (capitalism and brah
example,
guage also questions a dominant form ofnegated first by Ambedkar and minism). Dalit thought also goes beyond
has been
identical language that constructs on by several dalit writers (Guru itself in the sense that it transcends the
later the
moral order of India as the nation which
2011). Negative language thus seeks to limits of its particularity in which it
is based on social harmony. In factreveal the limitations of the identical
nega expresses as an initial condition. It also
tive language seeks to historicise the
hegemonic vocabulary that seeks to goes
con beyond its own negative language
identical language, which seeks to avoid
stitute from bahishkrut to the puruskrut. How
India as an epitome of glory and
incredibility.
the question of historical injustice. The It shows the existenceever,
of dalit thought articulates itself through
identical language seeks to construct the taken as isolated particulars that
"things" the initially negative and essentially affirm
nationalist self. The negative language
are basically negative or incomplete. ative language.
constitutes the source of moral embar
Thus, the idea of bahishkrut Bharat
rassment precisely because the twice bornforms the logical part of the akhand
NOTES
castes treat themselves as the constitutive (socially) Bharat or insulated India ofSee two influential works by Chatterjee (1986 an
core of modern India. The reactions to untouchables as the part of incredible2006), Kaviraj (1995), Kaviraj (1986: 209-35).
Ambedkar and Katherine Mayo's MotherIndia of the urban upwardly mobile upperSee Sri Aurobindo, The Ideal of Human Unity
Sri Aurobindo Ashram Pondicherry, first publish
India bring out this element of embarrasscastes. Thus the negative language grasps in 1919 and in 1998. In this regard also refer
ment clearly. Parekh (1989: 21).
the true (and negative) real which universal
Western Marxism -A Critical Reader, ed. New Le
Fourth, negative language at the onto thinking seeks to avoid. This avoidance
Review, London, 1977, pp 244-45.
logical level, seeks to unite the dalit, sub can be explained in terms of moral reason.
altern with herself or himself. It saves the Negative language causes moral embar
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