Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Harris 2018
Harris 2018
DONNA HARRIS
University of Oxford, United Kingdom
groups. This problem is alleviated only if checks and balances exist, enabling each group
a veto over the other groups’ rent appropriation. However, ethnically diverse societies
are less likely to have the kind of political institutions that create effective checks and
balances (i.e., democratic institutions and rule of law).
A different approach to tackling the negative effects of ethnic diversity may be to
reduce the friction between different ethnic groups. A natural field experiment study
(Roth and Sumarto 2015) in Indonesia shows that it may be possible to increase toler-
ance toward people from different ethnic groups through an indoctrination program
that emphasizes the unity of different ethnic and religious groups.
Measures of ethnicity and ethnic diversity vary across studies. Currently, there is
no consensus regarding the basis on which ethnicity or ethnic diversity should be
measured—for example, whether it should be based on cultural practices or shared
language. Economists typically use various measures of ethnolinguistic fragmentation
to quantify ethnic diversity, while anthropologists may construct a combined measure
of shared values, cultural practices, and language based on specific characteristics of
the society of interest.
At a micro level, ethnicity is considered a type of social identity. People identify with
their ethnic group, which, in part, defines who they are and influences their decisions.
Different ethnic groups have different prevailing norms, and these norms specify how
people should behave and treat each other. People who share the same ethnic group
adopt common social norms to signal ingroup cooperation while differentiating them-
selves from those in other groups. Individuals can choose the ethnic group(s) with
which they most identify, and their choice of ethnic affiliation can affect their economic
outcomes, such as educational attainment and employment opportunities.
There is overwhelming experimental evidence for the importance of ethnic identity
in economic decisions and behaviors. It has been shown that people behave differently
when they are “primed” or reminded of their ethnic identity. For example, people per-
form worse on a cognitive test if they are reminded of their inferior ethnic background
and they are less trusting toward people from a different ethnic group. They also con-
tribute less to a public good and are less cooperative when they interact with people
from different ethnic groups. These findings help to explain why societies with multiple
ethnic groups are likely to be less developed.
Ethnic tension has become one of the most serious economic, political, and social prob-
lems in today’s world. Policy makers and politicians are struggling to find solutions
to ethnicity-related issues, such as how best to manage the influx of immigrants from
countries suffering from ethnic conflict and civil wars; how to resolve violence and
antagonism between different ethnic and religious groups living in the same country;
E T H N O E CO N O M I CS 3
and how to tackle the widespread radicalization and extremist ideologies arising among
certain ethnic groups. Research on ethnoeconomics will play a vital role in identifying
appropriate policy measures to tackle these issues. Since it is not possible to convert
multiethnic states into homogeneous ethnic states or to restrict immigration without
political repercussions (as well as a potential negative impact on long-term economic
growth), efforts could be directed toward reducing ethnic tension and increasing inter-
actions between different ethnic groups, which, in turn, would increase interethnic and
interreligious tolerance. This can be done through the education system by providing
students with opportunities to learn about and understand different cultures and the
values of people from different ethnic groups; through sports and other social activities;
and by increasing the political participation of minority ethnic groups. Cooperation and
trust are likely to be improved when the quantity and quality of interaction between
members of different ethnic groups increase. The greater the frequency of interethnic
interaction, the more likely people will view others as less dissimilar or as the “outgroup”
and the more likely that common social norms of cooperation and reciprocity will be
developed.
Akerlof, George A., and Rachel E. Kranton. 2000. “Economics and Identity.” Quarterly Journal
of Economics 115 (3): 715–53.
Akerlof, George A., and Rachel E. Kranton. 2010. Identity Economics. Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press.
Alesina, Roberto, and Dani Rodrik. 1994. “Distributive Politics and Economic Growth.” Quar-
terly Journal of Economics 109: 465–90.
Bates, Robert H. 2000. “Ethnicity and Development in Africa: A Reappraisal.” American Eco-
nomic Review 90 (2): 131–34.
Cheeseman, Nicholas, David M. Anderson, and Andrea Scheibler. 2013. Routledge Handbook of
African Politics. Oxford: Routledge.
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sions.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 112 (4): 1203–50.
Henrich, Joseph, Robert Boyd, Samuel Bowles, Colin Camerer, Ernst Fehr, and Herbert Gintis.
2004. Foundations of Human Sociality: Economic Experiments and Ethnographic Evidence from
Fifteen Small-Scale Societies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Roth, Christopher, and Sudarno Sumarto. 2015. “Does Education Increase Interethnic and Inter-
religious Tolerance? Evidence from a Natural Experiment.” MPRA Paper No. 64558. Accessed
February 27, 2017, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/64558.