Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2016 Sex Online Dating HSH
2016 Sex Online Dating HSH
To cite this article: Richard Lemke MA & Dr. Mathias Weber (2016): That Man Behind the
Curtain: Investigating the Sexual Online Dating Behavior of Men Who Have Sex With Men but
Hide Their Same-Sex Sexual Attraction in Offline Surroundings, Journal of Homosexuality, DOI:
10.1080/00918369.2016.1249735
Download by: [Cornell University Library] Date: 19 October 2016, At: 21:02
That Man Behind the Curtain: Investigating the Sexual
Online Dating Behavior of Men Who Have Sex With Men but
Richard Lemke, MA
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Dr. Mathias Weber
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Department of Communication, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz
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D-55099 Mainz, Germany
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Corresponding author: Richard Lemke, Department of Communication, Johannes
mainz.de
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Abstract
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This study investigates how men who have sex with men (MSM) use chat and dating sites
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hypothesize that hidden MSM (those who self-label as heterosexual or who hide their same-
sex sexual attraction from family, friends, acquaintances, or a female romantic partner) differ
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to open MSM in how they behave on gay chat and dating sites and in offline gay venues.
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Drawing on a survey of 12,002 MSM, we show that hidden MSM tend to mask their identity
on gay chat and dating sites while avoiding offline gay venues. They also focus more
strongly on online sexual activities (e.g., masturbating during online chats) when using gay
chat and dating sites. However, they spend the same amount of time on these sites and they
use them to initiate offline sexual encounters as often and as fast as open MSM.
Keywords: internet sexuality, online dating, self-disclosure, social networking sites, stigma
Over the past two decades, the internet has become an important tool for men who
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have sex with men (MSMi) seeking to satisfy their sexual and social needs (see Grov,
Breslow, Newcomb, Rosenberger, & Bauermeister, 2014 for an excellent overview). Online
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communication serves as an important arena for online dating, hence for initiating romantic
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relationships or casual sexual encounters. By facilitating online sexual activities (OSA, e.g.,
erotic chatting, watching pornographic internet material), the internet furthermore allows
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people to express and satisfy their sexual desires independently of offline interactions with
potential partners (Daneback, Månsson, & Ross, 2007; Tikkanen & Ross, 2000; Daneback,
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Sevcikova, Månsson, & Ross, 2012; Robinson & Moskowitz, 2013). Both such uses of the
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internet are specifically relevant for MSM: online communication may be utilized to
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construct or develop a gay or bisexual identity by affording MSM a safe and anonymous
platform to disclose same-sex sexual desires for the first time or by enabling them to engage
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in erotic chatting with other men (Bolding, Davis, Hart, Sherr & Elford, 2007; Crowson &
Goulding, 2013; Ross, 2005; Tikkanen and Ross, 2003; Thomas, Ross & Harris, 2007).
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Online dating also offers advantages that help address the specific needs of MSM. Firstly, as
a sexual minority, men seeking men have historically always been in need of specific, safe
spaces to find one another MSM (Brown et al., 2005; Tikkanen & Ross, 2003; Myslik, 1996).
Secondly, the sexual roles adopted by participants in male-male sexual encounters are not as
obvious as those played out by heterosexual partners and thus often need to be negotiated.
encounters are, on average, much more desired, prevalent, and accepted among MSM than
among heterosexuals (Peplau, 2003). CMC, in combination with a large number of potential
partners made accessible through the internet, facilitates the arrangement of such casual
sexual encounters.
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However, research has shown that men seeking men are not a homogenous group
when it comes to their sexual internet uses and online dating activities. For instance,
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empirical data suggest that men seeking men who self-identify as bisexual or heterosexual
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significantly differ from men self-identifying as homosexual with respect to many aspects of
their online behavior: They search less frequently for offline sexual partners and, where they
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do, they want sexual encounters to be casual and discreet to a greater extent. Moreover, such
MSM are more frequently involved in online sexual activities (Daneback, Ross, & Månsson,
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2008; Lever, Grov, Royce, & Gillespie, 2008; Tikkanen & Ross, 2000). Schrimshaw,
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Downing, and Siegel (2013) conducted qualitative interviews to study both the concealment
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strategies and techniques of searching for same-sex sexual partners employed by non-
disclosing MSMW (men who have sex with men and women). Using the dramaturgical
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approach of Goffman (1959) as a theoretical basis, they described how the internet was a
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more popular medium than offline gay venues for non-disclosing MSMW seeking to express
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their same-sex sexual interest to others and to confidentially meet potential sexual partners.
In the present study, we aim to expand this approach to a subgroup of MSM that we call
hidden MSM. We define this subgroup as men seeking men who hide their same-sex sexual
same-sex sexual attraction to their immediate social environment (e.g., friends and
men. All three criteria may apply simultaneously; however, it is conceivable that MSM are
Studies indicate that hidden MSM, in accordance with our definition, exist to a
notable degree in Germany and Austria, where the study reported in this paper was
conducted. For example, among the German subsample of 54,275 MSM identified in the
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2010 EMIS survey (European MSM Internet Survey; The EMIS Network, 2013), 1 percent of
MSM described themselves as straight or heterosexual even though they admitted to feeling
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sexually attracted to men or having had a sexual encounter with another man (Bochow,
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Lenuweit, Sekuler, & Schmidt, 2013, p. 36).ii Furthermore, 11 percent of the sample
indicated that nobody knew about their attraction to men. Finally, 8 percent of the MSM in
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the German EMIS sample had a relationship with a woman at the time of the survey. It is our
aim to compare, using a broad quantitative approach, how hidden and open MSM (that is,
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MSM who openly express their same-sex sexual attraction) use online chat and dating sites.
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While the general prevalence of the internet as a venue to meet sexual partners was well
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and exercising cautiousness employed by hidden MSM are worthy of deeper investigation on
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a quantitative level.
The reasons why some men choose to hide their same-sex sexual desire are diverse
(Afifi & Steuber, 2010; Allen & Oleson, 1999; Ben-Ari, 1995; Boon & Miller, 1999;
McLean, 2007; Schrimshaw, Downing & Cohn, 2016). Hidden MSM may refuse to
acknowledge to themselves that they are not heterosexual despite pronounced same-sex
sexual desires. This is conceivable if, from the point of view of a MSM, same-sex sexual
desire is associated with shame and guilt and thus cannot easily be integrated into the self-
concept. Here the hiding represents hiding as denying. A second possible reason for hiding
same-sex sexual desire are actual or perceived external barriers that inhibit an MSM
disclosing such feelings to others despite his having fully acknowledged this status to
himself. This may occur if the MSM perceives same-sex sexual behavior as stigmatized and
hence expects to incur sanctions at the societal level as well as rejection from friends, family,
or partners following disclosure. We label this type of hiding hiding as stigma management
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(Shrimshaw et al., 2016). A third possible reason for hiding is that an MSM has fully
acknowledged same-sex sexual desires to himself but is unwilling to disclose this desire to
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others for functional or practical reasons. This may occur when an MSM who is
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predominantly interested in women perceives and accepts his same-sex sexual desire as a
merely subordinate variation in his set of sexual preferences or when he is not yet sure about
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the intensity of his same-sex sexual desire. In such cases, the motive for not disclosing same-
sex sexual desire is predominantly functional: being perceived as bisexual by friends, family,
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or a female partner would add unnecessary complexity to his everyday interaction with others
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orientation – much like a predominantly gay man may present himself as gay even if he
sometimes feels sexually attracted to women. This type of hiding can be labeled hiding as
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functional. For any one hidden MSM, one or more of these reasons may apply.
Although hiding same-sex sexual desire may be functional in some cases, it is still
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strongly associated with the perceived social climate regarding same-sex sexual behavior
(Lemke, Tornow, PlanetRomeo.com, 2015, p. 37). The present study will focus on Germany
and Austria, with the vast majority of participants living in Germany. Consenting same-sex
sexual behavior has been legal since 1969 in Germany and since 1971 in Austria (initially the
age of consent was 21 in Germany and 18 in Austria; it was lowered in both countries to 14
years of age in 1994 and 2002, respectively). Potential legal sanctions are, however, not the
only factor that may lead MSM to hide their same-sex sexual interest. Social sanctions,
resulting from cultural norms, societal attitudes, and public behavior towards sexual
minorities also have a significant influence on gay and bisexual men’s self-concept and on
how they manage their sexuality (Berg, Ross, Weatherburn & Schmidt, 2013; Lemke et al.,
2015). In the 2008 European Values Survey, 17 percent of Germans and 24 percent of
Austrians named (among others) “homosexuals” as a group of people “you would not like to
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have as neighbours.”iii This is reflected in everyday experiences. Taking the example of
Germany, in a 2015 survey of 29,325 MSM, 16 percent stated that they were often “upset by
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overhearing negative statements or jokes about [their] sexual orientation” in public spaces
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(Lemke et al., p.61). One-third of respondents reported having experienced discrimination in
their family (p. 51) and 18 percent reported having experienced physical assault (p. 56)
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related to their non-heterosexual orientation. These data show that, while homosexuality is
already widely accepted, there remain social and geographical environments where
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The internet offers a large variety of technologies and websites that are or have been
used for sexual and dating purposes, such as chat rooms, social networking sites, instant
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messengers, relay chats, etc. (Albright, 2008; Daneback & Ross, 2011; Döring, 2008;
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Wakeford, 2002). However, with chat and dating sites (CDS), a specialized type of online
environment has emerged that is entirely dedicated to facilitating the search for romantic and
offline sex partners and initiating online sexual activities. Such CDS, prominent examples of
Different labels have been used to describe CDS in academic research, such as contact sites
(Daneback, 2006), gay social networking sites/social networks (Gudelunas, 2012; Miller,
2015), online personals (Fiore & Donath, 2004) or online dating sites (Clemens, Atkin &
Krishan, 2015). However, we regard CDS to be the most appropriate term as it encompasses
both online and offline uses (Robinson & Moskowitz, 2013) and avoids focusing on either
romantic or sexual goals only (unlike the terms partner-sites or sex-sites ). We define chat
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1. Users have to create a personal profile page that is visible to other users
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2. The profile pages document a set of personal information along predefined
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categories, including information that is not visible in face-to-face
encounters. Often a search engine allows users to filter other users based on
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these categories, or the entire chat and dating site may be limited to users
preference, etc.; Fiore & Donath, 2004; Davis, Hart, Bolding, Sherr, &
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Elford, 2006).
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3. Members use an alias when interacting with others (Fiore & Donath, 2004).
5. Users can filter and sort the profiles of other users by offline local structures
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(e.g. members from the same city, by physical proximity in ascending order,
With the emergence of new technologies, new dating environments have appeared,
such as position-based dating apps on smartphones (Tinder, Grindr, Lovoo, Scruff, etc.).
However, the five criteria listed above remain applicable for these dating apps, too: For
example, on Grindr, the most popular gay dating app (Grindr, n.d.), users (1) create a profile
containing their (2) personal information, and the app allows members to filter other users by
this information (e.g. certain age ranges). Members on Grindr also (3) use a nickname (or at
least not their real name) and (4) communicate through private messages while (5) other
users are displayed by physical proximity in ascending order. Over recent years, the
distinction between websites and apps has eroded: many CDS offer both a desktop and an
app version, or a responsive website that can be used on desktop computer, tablet and
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smartphone browsers.
The use of CDS is particularly prevalent among MSM (Lever et al., 2008). They serve
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as an online equivalent of queer places (Myslik, 1996) or as technological tearooms
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(Tikkanen & Ross, 2003) that MSM visit to find other MSM. They are what Goffman in his
theory of stigma calls “back places, where people of the individual’s kind stand exposed and
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find they need not try to conceal their stigma, nor be overly concerned with cooperatively
trying to disattend it” (Goffman, 1963, p. 81). However, CDS on the internet differ from
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offline gay venues by what Cooper & Griffin-Shelley (2002) call the “triple-A engine of
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online sexual content”: accessibility, anonymity, and affordability (Cooper & Griffin-Shelley,
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2002; Hertlein & Stevenson, 2010). Especially for those MSM who do not want to publicly
express their sexual attraction towards men, the internet offers an ideal environment for
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management, hidden MSM, as we define them, may tend to avoid offline “queer spaces.”
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They do so because places where people with the same stigma meet always carry some “risk
of being easily discredited should a normal person known from elsewhere enter the place”
(Goffman, 1963, p. 82). Here, CDS may provide hidden MSM with a less risky alternative of
entering a virtual gay space – “a one-way window into a gay bar: the individual can observe
but not be observed” (Ross, 2005, p. 348). Empirical research points into the same direction:
in the 2010 EMIS sample cited above, MSM who are “out to no-one or only a few” are more
restrained in visiting offline gay community centers or gay commercial venues than MSM
who are “out to more than a few” (The EMIS Network, 2013, p. 43). In contrast, they are
their visual anonymity depending on the level of trust and intimacy towards their chat partner
(Joinson & Paine, 2009; Walther, 2011) and according to the anticipated future offline or
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online interaction and its perceived benefits (Gibbs, Ellison, & Heino, 2006). In fact, research
has shown that some MSM don’t publicly display their face on online profiles in order to
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have “control over when and under what circumstances they would reveal identifiable
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characteristics” (Gudelunas, 2012, p. 362). Instead, such MSM send pictures through private
messages to other users who are perceived as suitable for meeting in offline encounters. In
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addition, CMC between two previously unknown individuals is used for uncertainty
reduction (Berger & Calabrese, 1975; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), which, borrowing from
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Tidwell & Walther (2002, p. 321), we define as “the exchange and collection of information
that allows one to predict another’s attitudes and behaviors.” This interpretation can be
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applied to hidden MSM on CDS: they are more dependent on predicting the behavior of a
possible dating partner in order to reduce the risk of being uncovered than are open MSM.
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They may, therefore, use CDS to a greater extent as a means of reducing this uncertainty.
quantitative sample, hidden MSM will visit offline gay venues less frequently than open
MSM (H1). In contrast, we assume that they will use homosexual-specific online
environments more intensively than open MSM (H2). We further hypothesize that hidden
MSM will be more cautious in their online behavior than open MSM; two manifestations of
this is that they will be less likely to show their face on profile pictures (H3) and that they
will delay offline encounters by engaging in a longer period of CMC for uncertainty
These hypotheses were primarily derived from stigma management theory. However,
they do not only apply to hidden MSM whose reasons for hiding is due to stigma
management. The predicted behavior also corresponds to MSM hiding same-sex sexual
desire due to both functional and denial reasons. Those who have the intention of hiding their
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same-sex sexual interest should be motivated to be anonymous and to separate homosexual
behavior from their interaction with friends, family, or a female partner as far as possible,
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regardless of their reasons for hiding.
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Using chat and dating sites as gay-related sexual activity
Goffman’s theory does not only relate to the attendance of places that are associated
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with a stigma; Goffman is also concerned with the conditions and consequences of co-
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presence in general: “To be ‘with’ someone is to arrive at a social occasion in his company,
walk with him down the street, be a member of his party in a restaurant, and so forth. The
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issue is that in certain circumstances the social identity of those an individual is with can be
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used as a source of information concerning his own social identity, the assumption being that
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he is what the others are” (Goffman, 1963, p. 47). When arranging an offline sexual
encounter at the home of one of the participants, hidden MSM are at risk of being spotted by
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a third party; this may take the form of being seen entering the flat of a well-known gay
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neighbor late at night or a neighbor of the hidden MSM spotting his late night visitor. Hidden
MSM, therefore, may not only be specifically cautious when entering offline gay spaces; they
may also be more likely than open MSM to prioritize gay-related online sexual activities over
offline male-to-male sexual encounters. In fact, prior research has shown that online sexual
activities can be sexually satisfying and serve as a substitute or equivalent for offline
sexuality (Daneback et al., 2012; Robinson & Moskowitz, 2013). Online sexual activity can
thus be an efficient way of realizing same-sex sexual desire at relatively low risk.
Ross and colleagues found that MSM who identify as heterosexual are “much more
focused on the full sensory spectrum of cybersex, and that it may be providing them with
more than cybersexual release” (this means they were more likely to use web cameras and
microphones during cybersex when compared to other MSM and to non-MSM heterosexuals;
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see Ross, Månsson, Daneback, & Tikkanen, 2005, p. 138). The authors therefore conclude
that for MSM who self-identify as heterosexual, cybersex “has provided a niche midway
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between fantasy and actual physical contact in experimenting with, or approximating,
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homosexual behavior. There is a space for doing, without the physical contact that would
bring the individual closer to being, homosexual” (p. 138; see also Ross, 2005). This idea of
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CMC providing a space for doing homosexual acts without being homosexual is in
accordance with Suler’s (2004) psychoanalytical idea of a dissociation between online and
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offline activities that leads to online disinhibition. What is written on CDS is less associated
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with shame and guilt than offline behavior. The stigma is temporarily suspended in online
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characters they ‘created’ exist in a different space (…). They split or dissociate online fiction
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from offline fact” (Suler, 2004, p.323). MSM who do not fully acknowledge their same-sex
sexual desire may feel encouraged to engage in gay online activities, as what happens online
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can be dissociated from their offline persona and hence a “heterosexual” self-schema can be
preserved. In addition, activities on CDS are characterized by the opportunity of undoing they
(Baumeister, Dale, & Sommer, 1998). On CDS, users can easily delete their profile and then
recreate it within minutes later if they once again start looking for other MSM. This act of
deleting an account can be accompanied by the notion of deleting all the preceding sexual
activities not only from the internet but also from their own reality and personal history
(Suler, 2004, p. 323). We therefore hypothesize that hidden MSM engage in offline sexual
encounters with other men through CDS less frequently than do open MSM (H5), while they
will more frequently engage in online sexual activities with chat partners (H6). This
psychoanalytic interpretation particularly applies to MSM hiding their same-sex sexual desire
due to reasons of denial. However, substituting sexual encounters with other men by
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engaging in online sexual acts can also be functional for MSM who view same-sex sexual
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stigma management, given that online sexual activities entail less risk of being uncovered.
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In addition to helping to facilitate offline and online sexual gratification, CDS can
serve non-sexual, social needs, such as finding friends or passing the time (Clemens, Atkin &
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Krishan, 2015; Gudelunas, 2012; Lever et al., 2008; Blasband & Peplau, 1985; Miller, 2015;
Murphy et al., 2004). This is plausible, as open MSM also tend to prefer gay men to straight
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men for non-sexual friendships (Nardi, 1999). For hidden MSM, such as those in a
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relationship with a woman or who self-identify as straight, the desire for non-sexual
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interaction with other gay or bisexual men should, however, be significantly weaker than that
experienced by open MSM. We hence assume that hidden MSM put less emphasis on non-
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sexual conversations and interactions on gay CDS than open MSM (H7).
Method
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members of the gay dating site PlanetRomeo.com in the fall of 2011. PlanetRomeo.com is by
far the most popular chat and dating site among MSM in German-speaking countries. This
was especially true for the year 2011 (and earlier), when the mobile dating app Grindr had
not yet become as important in Europe as it is today. For this reason, studies using MSM
populations in Germany and other European countries frequently use PlanetRomeo.com for
An invitation to participate in our survey was sent via a newsletter to all German-
456,247 at the time when the newsletter was distributed)iv. In addition, banners and ads were
placed on the website. The online questionnaire was accessed 42,873 times. However, only
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28,822 people actually answered the first questions, of whom 19,463 completed the entire
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questions and those who took less than eight minutes to complete the questionnaire (n =
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15,311 remaining). For the current study, we further excluded respondents who did not give
valid answers to questions enquiring about their education or relationship status, who were
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under 18 years old, as well as those who did not identify themselves as male. Furthermore,
participants who refused to declare their sexual preferences and/or sexual identity, who
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showed no sexual interest in men by either sexual orientation, practice, or identity, and who
didn’t use CDS were also excluded from the sample. The final sample consisted of 12,002
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male participants aged 18 and above. Of this sample, 93 percent lived in Germany and 7
percent lived in Austria. Because of the comparability of Germany and Austria with respect
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to the questions addressed in this study, we do not analyze the two countries separately. The
mean age of MSM in our sample was 35.5 years (SD = 11.1). A majority of 62 percent had
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half of the respondents (47 %) reported being in a committed relationship at the time of the
survey.
Measures
At the beginning of the questionnaire, participants had to indicate the CDS for gay
and bisexual men they used most frequently (e.g., PlanetRomeo.com, Gayroyal.com, etc.).
This site was then referred to in all subsequent questions regarding participants’ use of CDS.
As was to be expected, the vast majority (82 %) chose PlanetRomeo.com as their favorite
chat and dating site, while 9 percent preferred Gayroyal.com. The remaining indicated a
number of smaller sites, none of which had a share of 2 percent or greater among our
respondents.
Sexual attraction and sexual identity. Respondents indicated the gender of their
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current partner or partners (if any) and the degree of their sexual attraction to both men and to
women on a five-point scale, where 1 indicated I am only attracted to men and 5 indicated I
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am only attracted to women. Sexual identity was established by asking How do you usually
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label yourself? (the response options available where gay, homosexual, bisexual, straight,
heterosexual, queer, other, or I do not assign a label to my sexual identity; these responses
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were taken from The EMIS Network, 2013).
question: Who knows that you are sexually attracted to men? For each of the categories –
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neighborhood/local community – the choice of available answers were yes, no, some of them,
or don’t have. Respondents who were in a committed relationship with a female partner at the
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time of the survey were also asked if their partner knew of their sexual attraction to men (the
Participation in offline and online gay subculture. Our participants indicated how
often they visited three types of offline gay subcultural venues on five-point scales, where 1
indicated never and 5 was several times a week. The venues listed were gay/LGBT parties,
gay/LGBT clubs, and gay/LGBT bars and cafés. The three items were condensed to a scale
representing the degree of participation in offline gay subculture (α = .83). The degree of
involvement in online gay subculture was established by asking respondents how long it had
been since they had last visited their favorite chat and dating site. How recently the
participants last visited the website was indicated on an eleven-point scale, where 1 indicated
more than six month ago and 11 was less than two hours ago.
Cautiousness when using CDS. Respondents’ cautiousness when using CDS was
established on two levels. With respect to respondents’ online behavior, we asked them if
their face was visible on their profile pictures (the available response options were my face is
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clearly visible, my face is visible, but so small that it cannot be recognized, my face is not
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about the possible risks of linking online and offline behavior, we also asked our participants
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about the last time they had met another man offline for sex whom they had only known
through chatting online beforehand. In particular, if they had done that, we asked them to
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indicate how long they had known each other online before meeting offline for the first time
(the response scale raged from 1 one day or less to 4 more than four weeks).
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Uses of CDS. We established three basic uses of CDS. Sexual uses that do not include
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offline sexual encounters were measured by asking respondents how frequently they
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masturbated until experiencing an orgasm while chatting with other chat and dating site
members, how frequently they masturbated without reaching orgasm while chatting, and how
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often they masturbated right after chatting until/without experiencing an orgasm (the
response scale ranged from 1 never to 4 very often). The four items were condensed to a scale
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(α = .79). Nonsexual uses were established using the same response categories. Participants
rated how frequently they used CDS to chat with friends and to talk about things other than
sex. The two items were likewise combined (α = .65). Respondents were also asked to
indicate how long it had been since they had most recently arranged to meet a chat partner
offline for sex through a CDS (the response scale was from 1 I have never done that to 8 The
Another 15 percent described themselves as bisexual while less than 1 percent chose queer to
heterosexual or straight.
When asked about the degree of their sexual attraction to both genders, 75 percent
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reported being only sexually interested in men while the remaining 25 percent indicated
attraction to both men and women. We regard the respondents who chose “heterosexual” or
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“straight” as a label while being at least partially sexually attracted to men therefore as the
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first of the three types of hidden MSM that we proposed in our introduction: despite their
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same-sex sexual attraction, they label themselves as heterosexual (1).
Twelve percent of our respondents had not disclosed their same-sex sexual attraction
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to any of their heterosexual friends, nor to anyone in their extended family, to colleagues, to
associations of which they were members. We coded those participants who had not revealed
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their attraction to men to anyone in any of these five groups (n = 1,457; 12 %) as the second
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type of hidden MSM – MSM who had not disclosed their same-sex sexual attraction in
everyday social relations (2). Among those, 62 percent chose the label bisexual to describe
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themselves, 28 percent chose gay, homosexual, or queer, and 10 percent chose heterosexual
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or straight.
in a committed relationship with a female partner who, at the time of the survey, did not
know about their sexual attraction to men. They constituted the third category of hidden
MSM as they had – in line with our rationale – not disclosed their same-sex sexual attraction
Figure 1.
To test our hypotheses, we calculated seven separate linear regression models (cf.
Table 2). The dependent variables are different aspects of offline and online behavior that we
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assume to be related to the three types of hidden MSM in our seven hypotheses. In the first
step, we entered respondents’ age, education, and relationship status as controls into the
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seven regression models. In the second step, we added the three types of hidden MSM as our
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main predicting variables. Means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations with the
variance (1 % or 2 %) in the dependent variables. Older respondents were slightly less active
throughout all online and offline behaviors under examination, while highly educated
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participants were more active with respect to both offline subcultural activities and online
sexual interaction. Being in a committed relationship was associated with a slightly less
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active involvement in gay subculture, both online and offline, yet at the same time this
The fact that participants do not openly declare a same-sex sexual identity in their
expressing sexual attraction to men. Respondents who indicated a sexual attraction to men
but still identified themselves as heterosexual or straight did indeed visit venues like gay bars
or clubs less frequently than open MSM (cf. Table 2). This was even more strongly the case
for respondents who had a female partner from whom they kept their attraction to men secret
or who had not disclosed their same-sex sexual attraction to family, friends, or colleagues.
Altogether, the three categories of hidden MSM accounted for 9 percent of the variance (ΔR²)
in how frequently participants visited offline subcultural venues (H1 supported). Hidden
MSM, however, had not used their favorite gay CDS more recently than open MSM (H2
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rejected). However, they differed significantly in how they communicated and interacted on
these sites: hidden MSM more frequently masturbated during or right after chatting (H6
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supported, ΔR² = .02), yet they less often used CDS for non-sexual purposes (e.g. finding
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friends, H7 supported, ΔR² = .06) and they were less inclined to show their faces on profile
pictures (H3 supported, ΔR² = .17). The result pattern was similar in each case: choosing a
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heterosexual label significantly, yet weakly, predicted the three dependent variables.
Concealing same-sex sexual attraction from a female partner had more predictive power, but
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the strongest predictor throughout all (significant) regression models was the fact that sexual
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attraction to men had not been disclosed to anybody in their immediate social environment.
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Against our hypotheses, hidden MSM did not differ at all from open MSM in how often they
met chat partners in offline contexts, nor did they wait longer before going on offline dates
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Discussion
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The purpose of our study was to compare how hidden and open MSM utilized gay
chat and dating sites (CDS). Hidden MSM are men who declare that they are sexually
attracted to men and yet still self-label as heterosexual, who do not disclose their same-sex
sexual interest to anyone in their everyday offline social environment, and/or who keep up
the façade of an exclusive heterosexual relationship. We argued that hidden MSM should be
specifically motivated to restrict their same-sex sexual behavior to highly confidential, if not
anonymous, environments due to their being in denial about their same-sex sexual desires,
because they are trying to avoid stigmatization, or because they perceive and accept their
preference.
Indeed, our results show that hidden MSM are more reluctant to visit offline
subcultural venues such as gay bars or clubs. Furthermore, while they do not use CDS more
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often than open MSM, they significantly differ in how they use these sites. Hidden MSM are
less likely than open MSM to post a recognizable profile picture on CDS and they less
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frequently use CDS for non-sexual purposes such as finding friends or talking to friends
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about non-sexual subjects. Instead, they more often masturbate during or straight after
chatting with other MSM via CDS. Contrary to our expectations, however, hidden MSM do
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not refrain from meeting chat partners for sex offline more frequently than open MSM, nor
Our results can be interpreted in light of different theoretical approaches. Firstly, our
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data show that CDS are especially relevant for MSM who fully acknowledge the fact that
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they are not heterosexual but who are unwilling or unable to disclose their attraction to men
to anyone in their immediate social environment. This highlights the importance of CDS for
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identity, while actively engaging in sexual behaviors” with other men by arranging sexual
encounters and maintaining dual lives. Secondly, the fact that hidden MSM use CDS with a
more pronounced sexual focus compared to open MSM can be understood as supporting the
idea of CDS being efficient environments in their ability to facilitate the satisfaction of sexual
desire. Because of their anonymity, accessibility, and affordability (Cooper & Griffin-
Shelley, 2002), CDS are functional for hidden MSM as they provide low-risk opportunities
for expressing and experimenting with same-sex sexual behaviors. Yet thirdly, using CDS for
online sexual activities may also be regarded as a dysfunctional act given that it may prolong
or even reinforce denial of same-sex sexual desires among MSM who struggle with coming
to terms with their sexual identity. Here, same-sex sexual desire is not fully incorporated into
the self-concept, but rather it is confined to the CDS as a homosexual environment while the
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The fact that hidden MSM meet other CDS members for offline sexual encounters
just as often and as fast as open MSM, however, speaks against the dysfunctional
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interpretation of hidden MSM’s online sexual activities. In contrast, it appears that hidden
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MSM are in no way limited to experiencing sexual encounters online, but that sexual
interaction on CDS provides an entry point for expressing and realizing their sexual desires
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offline as well – at least with respect to casual, uncommitted sexual encounters. One reason
for this may be that hidden MSM successfully use CDS for reducing uncertainty by
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collecting exactly the kind of information they need to judge the trustworthiness of potential
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offline sex partners. Accordingly, offline dates would no longer compromise the aim of
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concealing same-sex sexual attraction from friends, family, or colleagues. Another reason
may be, however, that the disinhibiting effect of online communication combined with high
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sexual desire and arousal associated with online sexual activities as well as increasing
feelings of intimacy towards a chat partner (Jiang, Bazarova & Hancock, 2013) can lead to a
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heightened willingness to engage in risky behavior – risky from the perspective of MSM who
do not want their same-sex sexual attraction to be disclosed (Suler, 2004). Online
disinhibition may, therefore, facilitate arranging offline sex dates even in cases when they
involve a risk of being discovered. Either way, the results imply that prior engagement in
online communication can help MSM overcome (actual or perceived) sexual behavior
restrictions. This can be regarded as a functional benefit and is congruent with findings on the
impact of the internet on sexual liberation in countries where same-sex sexual conduct is
MSM use CDS, and potentially how they select venues for sexual encounters in general, we
suggest a conflation of (at least) three theoretical pillars – psychoanalytic ideas of online
disinhibition and dissociation, stigma management theory, and the sexual efficacy of using
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online communication jointly influence the online and offline sexual venue selection among
MSM.
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1) The greater the extent that denial is the reason for hiding same-sex sexual desire,
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the more relevant the pillar of online disinhibition afforded by CDS becomes.
2) The more that hiding same-sex sexual desire represents a need for stigma
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gay CDS. Such venues represent a safe space where the stigma does not need to
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be concealed and where hidden MSM do not risk being spotted while entering and
interacting.
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3) The greater the extent of mere functional reasons for hiding same-sex sexual
desire, the more relevant the argument of efficacy of online communication is.
Compared to offline gay venues, CDS are more accessible, more affordable, and
house a greater number of potential sexual partners that can easily be filtered and
However, there are limitations to our results. First of all, our sample is no more than a
convenience sample, despite its size. Respondents recruited via newsletters and banners on a
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self-selection biases are, of course, still a problem. Other limitations concern the measures
this study employed. We only established the frequency of attending offline sexual venues
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that are not exclusively sexual, i.e. gay bars, gay clubs, and gay parties. It is possible that
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some hidden MSM avoid all of these offline gay venues but instead visit places that have an
exclusively sexual focus and are characterized by a higher level of anonymity, such as public
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bathrooms or cruising areas in parks. Furthermore, we measured the form of hiding same-sex
sexual desire (choosing heterosexual as a self-label; not telling any of one’s friends or
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colleagues; not telling a female partner) but not the actual reason for hiding. Finally, some of
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the dependent measures are only approximations to the construct they are supposed to
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represent. This is especially the case with respect to the intensity with which respondents
used gay CDS and with respect to the frequency of meeting chat partners offline. Both items
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were actually measured in terms of their recency rather than their intensity or frequency.
Despite these limitations, however, it is still plausible that our results provide a valid
impression of how MSM in Germany and Austria use gay CDS. By contacting users of
PlanetRomeo.com, the de-facto monopolist of gay CDS at the time, we were able to contact
the vast majority of MSM who actively use gay CDS. Therefore, we conclude that specifying
sub-types of hidden MSM does indeed help to develop a more profound understanding of the
differential opportunities that online spaces offer for both hidden and open MSM. In
particular, evaluating the extent to which CDS are used as a means for exploring non-
heterosexual identity or expressing same-sex sexual desire, on the one hand, and for building
long-term romantic or non-sexual relationships, on the other, represents a useful tool for
We conclude that hidden MSM, as we define them, are quite successful in managing
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the conflict between seeking sex with men and remaining heterosexual in the perception of
friends, family, colleagues, and sometimes female partners, or even themselves. While we
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were able to measure different forms of hiding same-sex sexual interest, the particular
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reasons for hiding need further investigation by both means of quantitative (ideally:
longitudinal) and qualitative research. How do CDS use and online sexual activities interact
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with perceived stigma (Herek, 2009)? How do they interact with self-acknowledgement (or
not) of same-sex sexual desire? Does using CDS, due to the opportunity they afford of
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managing multiple identities, potentially even result in a prolonged process of coming out
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among exclusively gay men? The answers to these questions would help us better understand
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the societal impact of CDS and also contribute to constructing an integrated theoretical
However, we also apply this term to men who are sexually attracted to men and who interact
with other MSM in ways that include at least some sexual aspect (e.g., talking about sex
between men) although they have not yet engaged in same-sex sexual behavior.
ii
The EMIS survey contained three respective questions: Identity (Which of the
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following options best describes how you think of yourself? with the response options Gay or
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homosexual, Bisexual, Straight or heterosexual, Any other term and I don’t usually use a
term), sexual orientation (Who are you sexually attracted to? with a five-point scale ranging
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from Only to men to Only to women) and male sex partners (When did you last have any kind
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of sex with a man (please include any sexual contact, not just anal intercourse)? with an
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eight-point scale ranging from within the last 24 hours to never). In order to remain their
sample, a participant had to “provide evidence for homosexual desire, identity, or sex with
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men” (The EMIS Network, 2013, p. 28). “Respondents that were male but were sexually
attracted to women only and thought of themselves as straight or heterosexual and never had
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sex with men” were excluded from the sample (The EMIS Network, 2013, p. 28).
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iii
Data gained from the 2008 European Values Survey, which included the question
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“On this list are various groups of people. Could you please sort out any that you would not
like to have as neighbours?” with “homosexuals” being one of 15 options. Data can be
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Due to problems with language mapping, Switzerland had to be left out, despite the number
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Figure 1: Forms of hiding same-sex sexual desire
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Table 1: Dependent variables: descriptive statistics and zero-order correlations with three types of hidden MSM
Zero-order correlations with
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Choosing Not Not
the label disclosing disclosing
heterosexual same-sex same-sex
(β) sexual sexual
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attraction to attraction to
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Prevalence family, a female
(at least sometimes/has already Mean friends, etc. partner
happened) (SD) (β) (β)
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Visiting offline subcultural venues1 (scale) 2.0 (0.8) -.11** -.30** -.21**
gay/LGBT parties 62 % 1.9 (0.9) -.10** -.27** -.20**
gay/LGBT clubs 59 % 1.9 (0.9) -.09** -.22** -.15**
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gay/LGBT bars and cafés 67 % 2.1 (1.1) -.10** -.28** -.20**
Using gay CDS as an online subcultural N/A (74% last visit 2.2 (1.8) .02* .03** .03**
environment2
Visibility of one’s face on profile pictures3
ed today)
N/A (73 % clearly
visible)
2.5 (0.8) -.17** -.39** -.29**
pt
Duration before meeting a chat partner offline4 N/A (60% no more than 2.3 (1.0) -.02+ n.s. -.03**
6 days)
ce
masturbating without orgasm while chatting 45 % 1.7 (0.9) .07** .10** .09**
masturbating until orgasm after chatting 51 % 1.9 (1.0) .07** .10** .08**
masturbating without orgasm after chatting 24 % 1.3 (0.6) .03** .07** .04**
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Arranging offline sexual encounters with chat 89 % 6.1 (2.1) .02+ n.s. n.s.
partners6
Nonsexual uses7 (scale) 3.0 (0.8) -.13** -.21** -19**
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chatting with friends 93 % 3.2 (0.9) -.12** -.21** -.18**
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talking about things other than sex 87 % 2.8 (1.0) -.09** -.15** -.15**
1 2
Note: frequency (1 never to 5 several times a week); recency (1 last visit was less than 2 hours ago to 11 last visit was more than 6 month ago);
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3
degree of visibility (1 not visible at all, 2 visible but not recognizable, 3 clearly recognizable); 4Time spent chatting before date (1 one day or less
to 4 more than four weeks); 5freuquency (1 never to 4 very often); 6recency (1 I have never done that to 8 The last time was today, yesterday, or the
day before yesterday); 7frequency (1 never to 4 very often); +p < .100; *p < .050; **p < .010
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ed
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Table 2: Predicting online and offline behavior through three types of hidden MSM
(beta values for the final models)
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Cautiousness of using gay Uses of
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Gay subculture chat and dating sites gay chat and dating sites
Arranging
Using chat and Duration offline
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Visiting dating sites as Visibility of before Masturbatin sexual
one’s face on
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offline an online meeting a g encounters
subcultural subcultural profile chat partner during/after with chat Non-sexual
venues1 environment2 pictures3 offline4 chatting5 partners6 uses7
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R² (adjusted) .10** .01** .18** .00 .04** .02** .07**
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Age (β) n.s. .09** -.06** --- -.13** -.10** -.06**
Choosing the label -.03** --- -.07** --- .03** --- -.07**
heterosexual (β)
Not disclosing same-sex -.25** --- -.31** --- .09** --- -.15**
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partner (β)
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Note: 1frequency (1 never to 5 several times a week); 2recency (1 last visit was less than 2 hours ago to 11 last visit was more than 6 month ago);
3
degree of visibility (1 not visible at all, 2 visible but not recognizable, 3 clearly recognizable); 4Time spent chatting before date (1 one day or less
to 4 more than four weeks); 5frequency (never to 4 very often); 6recency (1 I have never done that to 8 The last time was today, yesterday, or the day
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before yesterday); 7frequency (1 never to 4 very often); beta values are reported for the final regression model with all predictors
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+
p < .100; *p < .050; **p < .010
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ed
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