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680 american ethnologist

Gottlieb, for example, manages to circumvent history and identity. David Hurst Thomas re-
this difficulty in herchapter by using two fictive
views this struggle, principally between Native
authors, one a grandmother and the other a Americans and nonnative authors in this broad
male diviner. Their contrasting voices suggest ranging, timely, and important book. Thomas,
the tensions among belief, norm, and practice an archaeologist and curator at the American
that a single perspective cannot convey. Museum of Natural History, takes a clear and
forthright position in support of collaboration
A related difficulty is how to distinguish con-
between Native Americans and non-Native
scious efforts at socialization from a more dif-
fuse socially constructed set of child rearing scholars. In practice, such collaboration is dif-
practices within which children learn about ficult to achieve when human remains, mate-
their social world and construct their own per-rial culture, concepts of race and identity, po-
spectives. A cultural recipe approach cannot litical power, and the writing of history are at
easily make this distinction and tends to make issue.
all such practices appear normative; and, of All these elements collide in the story of the
course, the speaker cannot tell readers what Kennewick Man, a nearly complete 9,000 year
goes without saying. old skeleton found in Washington state in
Of the seven guides, three (by Gottlieb, De-1996. Certain skull traits suggested to the initial
laney, and Johnson) are based on the authors' investigator that this individual did not resem-
fieldwork; these carry slightly more convictionble any contemporary Native American popu-
than the others. All manuals provide refer- lation but instead looked Caucasoid. Major
ences for every nugget of wisdom—from chili- popular media highlighted this story using pre-
laced enemas to witchcraft precautions— sentist and essentialized ideas of race. In the
showing that, however fictional the manuals United States, the Native American Graves
may be, nothing has been made up. But, in Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA)
chapters based on published sources, the was still in its first decade of implementation.
authors must inevitably take greater risks withThis legislation, explained in historical context
problems of back-translation since the originalin Skull Wars, requires that Native Americans
source of the data (in speech, action, or report)
be involved when considering the treatment of
cannot always be known. Without an authen- their ancestors' remains and ritual objects, re-
tic native voice, readers cannot really be suredressing centuries when such control had been
who is claiming what. lost. The debate sparked by Kennewick led to a
Such technical worries, however, should challenge to NAGPRA because of the use of ra-
not obscure the genuine merits and pleasures cial characteristics to compare individuals
of this book. As a package of readable ethnog- separated by 9,000 years; conflicting and
raphies of birthing practices and a concise in-changing concepts of race, tribe, and identity;
troduction to the variety of children's worlds,and recent archaeological finds suggesting a
the collection could hardly be bettered. A complex early history of human settlement in
World of Babies should prove ideal for intro- the Americas.
ductory courses in anthropology and, more Skull Wars is essential reading for under-
generally, in the study of childhood. This bookstanding why this debate has received so much
is also a contribution to the debate about media attention and become a lightening rod
modes of ethnographic writing. in the factionalized world of American four
fields anthropology. The book is divided into
five sections, following a brief foreword by
Skull Wars: Kennewick Man, Archaeology, Vine DeLoria, Jr. In the first and shortest sec-
and the Battle for Native American Identity. tion, Thomas begins with the colonial period
David Hurst Thomas. New York: Basic Books, and early European appropriation (through
2000. xiii + 326 pp., endnotes, bibliography, naming) of Native American identities as well
index. as the lingering erroneous perception held by
colonial era Americans that Native Americans
JEFFREY L. HANTMAN
would disappear imminently. In the second
University of Virginia
section, Thomas revisits the birth of anthropol-
Kennewick Man is only one of the latest and ogy in the United States, reviewing the major
most publicized incidents in five centuries of figures in the field—Lewis Henry Morgan,
struggle over writing about Native American Frank Hamilton Cushing, Franz Boas, Ales
book reviews 681

Hrdlicka, Robert Lowie and Alfred Kroe- conundrum in terms of compromise in author-
ber—all of whom studied Native Americans, ity in writing history and control of material
In the third section, Thomas switches focus to culture. Thomas discusses a challenge to as-
the debate over the earliest settlement of the pects of scientific method by advocating a per-
Americas and the current challenge to the Ber- spective in which ancestors are not objects,
ing Land Bridge model of Native American ori- American legal definitions of property are re-
gjns. Here, as in his conclusions, Thomas considered, time is marked differently, and
makes clear that while he feels discomfort with oral history is considered along with history
some efforts labeled as science, this does not drawn from written documents and material
preclude him from valuing a scientific, inter- culture. The author shows how this challenge
disciplinary approach to anthropology: "Right has cycled through debate in North American
now, almost everything relating to the First anthropology and is not unique to the present.
Americans seems to be up for grabs . . . an un- In Skull Wars, Thomas argues that in this his-
mistakenly positive sign that archaeological torical moment American archaeologists must
scientists are doing their job—maintaining find a balance that respects the voice, values,
critical attitudes and avoiding the pitfalls of and historical questions of the people about
orthodoxy" (p. 174). whom they write. The writing of Native Ameri-
In section 4, Thomas provides a background can histories through archaeology can only go
to the NAGPRA legislation along with a brief forward with such an approach and will be
overview of the changing position, legal and greatly enriched by adopting this perspective,
otherwise, of Native Americans in relation to
American society in general and to anthropol-
ogy specifically. In the final section, entitled Carnival and Culture: Sex, Symbol, and Status
"BridgingtheChasm/'Thomasoffersa hopeful in Spain. DavidD. Cilmore. New Haven: Yale
view of an archaeology in which Native University Press, 1998. ix + 244 pp., photo-
Americans are not objects or informants, but graphs, notes, bibliography, index,
authors and collaborators via current case
studies. Most topics touched on in Skull Wars Carnival Song and Society: Gossip, Sexuality,
and
have been discussed by others in detail else- Creativity in Andalusia. Jerome R. Mintz.
where, and Thomas amply references this lit- Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1997. ix + 267 pp.,
erature. Thomas intends here to provide a maps, index,
scholarly review accessible to anthropologists KRISTIN NORCET
and nonanthropologists that puts some current McGJ,j U n j v e r s i t y
controversies in a historical context. He has
done this with much success. Some may see In these recent books, two longtime ethnog-
his work as an unrelenting critique of U.S. an- raphers of Spain serve up rich portraits of the
thropology as a colonizing discipline, but one celebration of carnival in southern Andalusia,
cannot deny the problematic perspectives and a region known for its great beauty, exuberant
specific incidents that created such a disjunc- popular cultural traditions, and a population
ture between anthropologists and Native deeply riven by class struggle and grinding
Americans. Thomas's detailed critique of the poverty. Every February for the three or four
discipline's history is mitigated by his chal- days leading up to Lent, people in villages and
lenge to any simple dichotomization of the de- towns throughout this bastion of Mediterra-
bate into Native American versus anthropolo- nean folk culture explode in licentious revelry,
gist. Here Thomas pays attention to differences dressing in masquerade or transvestite cos-
of opinion—as well as evolving opinions— tume, filling streets and local bars, and engag-
within and between the many sides of the dis- ing in ribald antics and lewd behavior that
cussion. scorn customary social taboos. The highlight
Skull Wars provides a historical case study of Andalusian carnival festivities, and the main
of an issue in anthropological ethics that is of focus of these two ethnographies, is the cos-
global concern and spans all fields of anthro- tumed wandering musical band that serenades
pology. Thomas presents the current and un- crowds with spicy picaresque songs or coplas.
usually public controversy in American archae- The authors explore this rich reservoir of oral
ology in a manner that may lead some readers culture to provide a deeper understanding of
to view collaborative research as presenting a Andalusian life.

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