Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Checkoway, Six Strategies
Checkoway, Six Strategies
(1995:Jan.) p.2
community change
Introduction
Which of the following strategies has the most potential to empower your
community? It is mass mobilization, social action, citizen participation,
public advocacy, popular education, or local services development?'
This question is increasing in importance in industrial and developing
countries. In industrial countries, political and economic changes have
shifted previously public responsibilities to local areas and challenged com
munities to develop their capacity. In developing countries, government and
non-government organizations have adopted community-oriented policies,
but resources are needed for implementation at local levels. There is oppor
tunity and need to consider choice among strategies of community change.
This question is arising in North and South America, Europe and Asia,
Africa and other areas. Community practitioners operate in public and
private voluntary settings; in functional fields such as housing, health and
human services; and in issues of class, race, and gender in urban and rural
areas. They vary from one area to another - from the banks of the Ganges
and the forests of the Amazon to the neighborhoods of Detroit - but
together they share the belief that the community is a unit of solution
(Durning, 1989).
My purpose here is to distinguish six strategies of community change.
This distinction is overdue and not trivial. Little of the growing discussion
of community change draws this distinction or carefully discriminates among
alternative approaches. Yet these are separable movements, each with its
own empirical basis and practice pattern.
1. An earlier version of this paper was presented as the Twelfth Annual Arnulf Pins Memorial
Lecture at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Among those who have commented on earlier
drafts of this paper are L. David Brown, Mark Chesler, Gary Craig, John Forrester, John Gaventa,
Barbara Israel, Howie Litwin, Paul Niebanck, Beth Reed, Sari Reukin, Ruud vanderVeen, and
David Werner.
2. The original article by Rothman (1968) has appeared in repnnted or revised form in success1ve
editions of Cox et a/ (1970. 1974. 1979, 1987) and elsewhere. Readers will recognize my
indebtedness to Rothman. especially in the word1ng of tre concluding sect1on.
Strategies of
change
With this as an introduction, I now will distinguish six strategies of
community change. These are not the only strategies, but they are among
the important ones. Which strategy has the most potential to empower your
community?
Mass Mobilization
Mass mobilization aims to create change by amassing individuals around
issues. It assumes that visible public actions can generate power and compel
concessions from targets. It often operates in response to conditions but
not as an independent force, or as a way to win on issues but not as a form
of permanent organization.
Mobilization may appear as a temporary movement in which participants
act in unconventional ways to create change before losing momentum or
facing reprisals. Strategy may include forms of protest through public pro
cessions and demonstrations; active noncooperation through boycotts,
strikes, and acts of civil disobedience; and nonviolent intervention through
sit-ins, occupations, and other challenges to authority. Gene Sharp (1973)
describes more than 200 methods of mobilization used by people in past
and present societies.
Mobilization is a traditional form of community change. In Jerusalem,
Jesus Christ used personal powers to arouse audiences and become known
in the community. He recruited a cadre of disciples, built a following among
the poor and powerless, and engendered controversy which forced his mar
tyrdom and sparked a global movement which continues today (Haley,
1986). In India, Mohandus Ghandi agitated through propaganda and mass
meetings, let boycotts and marches, showed self-sacrifice through hunger
fasting, and employed nonviolent direct action in preparation for takeover
(Bondurant, 1988). In the United States, Martin Luther King, Jr. involved
people in local demonstrations to create a crisis and force issues for national
legislation. He used eloquent biblical language, led bus boycotts and
marches, held sit-ins and sojourns in jail in order to integrate facilities and
produce legislation (Garrow, 1986; Morris, 1984 ). From jail, he wrote:
"Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a
tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced
to confront the issue. It seeks to so dramatize the issue that it can no longer
be ignored."
Mobilization also is an everyday activity which affects personal and
political lives. In a barriada outside Guayaquil, Ecuador, women labor
under primitive conditions and struggle for infrastructure improvements.
They lack electricity, running water, sewerage and roads. They live on plots
connected by catwalks so perilous that many crawl on hands and feet before
venturing out, then wading through mud to acquire provisions in the city.
While waiting in lines to petition politicians for infrastructure, women meet
Checkoway, Barry, Six Strategies of Community Change, Community Development Journal, 30:1
(1995:Jan.) p.2
other women in small groups. They share experiences and strengthen con
fidence to question their situation. The protest teaches them about them
selves and contributes to their political development (Moser, 1987).
Mobilization can benefit people who perceive few other options for parti
cipation. For example, Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward ( 1979)
argue that poor people's movements sometimes succeed when they force a
crisis and compel concessions from established institutions. They examine
efforts to mobilize welfare recipients in ways which expand the welfare rolls
and produce limited reforms; and to register disenfranchised people to vote
in elections through services in soup kitchens, surplus food lines, waiting
rooms, unemployment offices, housing projects, health clinics, neighborhood
centers, and places where they live or congregate. They argue that mobiliza
tion is the "best way" for the poor to get some of what they need.
Mobilization also can provoke reactions that lessen its momentum and
worsen the situation it aims to change. Some opponents yield to demands
and concede reforms that reintegrate the disaffected and alter conditions
that nourish mobilization. Others repress mobilization by control of com
munications, psychological pressures, even arrests and imprisonment.
However, these reactions are a normal stage of mobilization, and some
practitioners provoke them as part of their strategy (Zald and McCarthy,
1979).
Scholars debate the precipitating phases and major mechanisms of mobil
ization. Traditional studies assign importance to the "hearts and minds of
the people" in which widespread grievances and group consciousness spark
social movements which select charismatic leaders who mobilize a following
(Obershall, 1973). Other studies emphasize external institutional resources
which create career opportunities and support networks for professionals
who identify issues and build momentum among people who lack awareness
of grievances (McCarthy and Zald, 1973). Yet others argue that mobiliza
tion depends on indigenous resources, social activities tied to organizations,
and effective strategies and tactics (Gamson, 1975; Morris, 1984; Tilly,
1978). Whatever its origins, mobilization is widespread in its uses, particu
larly among people who are alienated from other forms of participation.
Does mobilization empower? There are studies of individuals whose lives
were transformed by their involvement in nonviolent demonstrations and
community campaigns (Linton and Witham, 1982), and whose organiza
tions were formed when they mobilized around issues (Evans, 1980). There
also are studies of individuals whose voices were silenced and spirits were
broken by counterforce of powerholders, whose organizations were
repressed by retaliating regimes, and whose communities were crushed in
the name of public order. Mass mobilization has potential to empower, to
be sure, but does it fit your situation?
Social Action
Social action aims to create change by building powerful organizations
at the community level. It assumes that organizing can win improvements
SIX STRATEGIES OF COMMUNITY CHANGE 7
in people's lives; make people more aware of their own power; and alter
the relations of power in the community (Booth, 1977).
Social action recognizes that organization is instrumental to power. In
pluralist theory, it is assumed that each interest is free to organize a group
and influence decisions in the community. In practice, however, some eco
nomic or political interests have disproportionate resources and ongoing
organizations, whereas others have few resources and operate in isolation
from one another. For them, organization serves to stimulate collective
action and generate power in the community.
Social action strategy can combine various elements in the process of
organizing a community campaign. Organizers may form small groups to
win victories on initial issues before enlarging groups to win victories on
more major issues. Strategy may include "goals" toward which action is
directed, "issues" which appeal to particular "constituencies" who are affec
ted, "targets" that can correct the problem, and "tactics" that move people
into action on the issues (Booth, 1977; Staples, 1990). They may organize
people to testify in public hearings, take rats from poor neighborhoods into
rich residential areas, or pour polluted water from factories on the carpets
of corporate headquarters.
In the United States, social action is increasing on issues from bank
redlining and hospital access to basics in the classroom and tougher treat
ment of criminals. For example, tenants organize and threaten a rent strike.
Consumers pressure public officials to inspect sanitary violations in a food
store. Older people confront the mayor to order the transit authority to
lower fares before an election. Boyte ( 1980) describes "how twenty million
average Americans have organized around issues of local concern." Pines
( 1982) describes "the traditional movement that is sweeping grassroots
America."
Some social action develops "from protest to program." In Baltimore
residents organized to stop an expressway from encroaching on a residential
area. They formed a coalition of block clubs and civic associations. They
later created a community development corporation, commercial revitaliza
tion program, income-producing businesses, and new social services. They
established neighborhood family services, youth counseling programs, baby
sitting cooperatives, health education workshops, information and referral
directories, a community provider council, and a natural helper network
(Naparstek, 1982).
Some analysts associate social action with Saul Alinsky, who spent several
years building grassroots organizations and using conflict to confront local
authorities. According to Alinsky, "The first step toward a solution is the
development of a people's organization" through escalating conflict and
"rubbing raw the sores of discontent." Alinsky was an influential practi
tioner with a lasting legacy, but it would be mistaken to associate social
action with him alone or to ignore his critics and limitations today ( Horwitt,
1989; Reitzes and Reitzes, 1980).
8 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL VOL. 30 NO. 1 1995
Citizen Participation
This strategy aims to involve citizens in policy planning and program
implementation of government agencies. It assumes that people should take
SIX STRATEGIES OF COMMUNITY CHANGE 9
part in their government, and that agencies should involve them in the
public matters that affect them.
Participation can promise benefits for agencies and citizens. For agencies,
it can collect and provide information, identify attitudes and opinions,
generate new ideas, and build constituency support. It also can involve
traditional nonparticipants, open up the political process, and develop com
munity organization. For citizens and citizen organizations, it can offer
opportunities to gain representation, exercise political rights and influence
policy decisions. Done with skill and commitment, participation can create
change (Checkoway, 1981 ).
In response to the rising demands from citizens, government agencies
have adopted official participation programs. In the United States, these
took the form of public hearings in agency administrative proceedings in
the 1940s, local advisory committees in the urban renewal programs of the
1950s, "maximum feasible participation" of the poor in the community
action and antipoverty programs of the 1960s, "broad representation" of
groups in human service programs of the 1970s, and the proliferation of
methods in most major domestic programs today. City governments also
have put into place a wide range of participation methods, ranging from
field offices and neighborhood city halls to multiservice centers and outreach
programs. Methods to improve communications between agencies and cit
izens have been especially numerous.
In practice, however, the record of participation appears uneven.
Exceptional agencies pursue participation with fervor. In Israel, for example,
the International Committee for the Evaluation of Project Renewal con
cluded that Project Renewal involved residents in local steering committees
in ways which strengthened self-confidence and leadership development in
the neighborhoods. It strengthened community organization by encouraging
formation of black committees and neighborhood councils. It produced
visible improvements in the physical and social infrastructure, housing and
cultural services (Hoffman, 1986).
In Tanzania under Julius Nyerere, government agencies promoted parti
cipation through the establishment of communal villages of Ujamaa. They
viewed the school as a force for participation, conducted community cam
paigns for literacy and health, and held small group discussions focused on
politics and economics. Community participation involved residents in plan
ning and implementation of improvements in infrastructure: roads, water
supplies, schools, health centers, and cattle dips. All came within the capacity
of community groups (Collier, 1986). Exceptional efforts to promote parti
cipation are documented in such areas as food and nutrition in West Africa,
water management in Sri Lanka, irrigation in the Philippines, sanitation
planning in Karachi, housing construction in Mexico, and employment
training in Jamaica (Garcia Zamor, 1985; Turner, 1988).
However, some government agencies use participation for administrative
ends without significant transfer of power. These agencies use participation
10 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL VOL. 30 NO. 1 1995
Public Advocacy
Public advocacy is the process of representing group interests in legislative,
administrative, or other established institutional arenas. It assumes that any
group should have representation regardless of its wealth and power. It
assumes that some groups have substantial resources for representation, but
that others would benefit from advocacy.
Legislative advocates communicate with legislators about proposals that
affect the community. They may formulate strategy to shape legislative
goals, and lobby legislators to see things their way. They may derive influence
from information on the issues, personal persuasion from direct contacts,
political skill in negotiation and compromise, and constituency support in
the external environment. Advocates are not organizers, but they may build
coalitions to support their position (Berry, 1977; Dluhy and Kravitz, 1990).
Administrative advocates hold agencies accountable for compliance with
regulations. They comment on proposed rules and participate in agency
SIX STRATEGIES OF COMMUNITY CHANGE 11
proceedings. They file complaints on behalf of community clients and "blow
the whistle" on particular practices. Also, legal advocates plead the interests
of groups in the legal system. Lawyers may advocate actions that affect a
whole class of people, such as those dependent on welfare or facing discrim
ination in housing, and use legal techniques to compel agencies to carry out
the letter of the law. Legal actions rely on lawyers rather than on residents,
but they can create change.
Some advocates form advocacy groups to address issues. These groups
generally promote personal contacts with public officials, conduct investigat
ive research and release findings to the media. They use local groups to
show grassroots support, and build coalitions with other groups to expand
resources beyond reach of any one group acting alone. For example, the
Children's Defense Fund works "to provide a strong and effective voice for
children who cannot vote, lobby, or speak for themselves." They monitor
government policies, present an annual legislative agenda, and litigate in
the courts. They gather data and disseminate information on key issues
affecting children, maintain a network of local advocates, and develop
cooperative projects nationwide (Hughes, 1989).
Advocacy planners represent the interest of less powerful groups in the
planning system. They advocate for these groups in urban planning agencies,
in subarea planning projects, and in conflicts between local and comprehens
ive planning. In Cleveland, for example, advocacy planners tried to increase
access to transportation for the "transit dependent." They advocated for
new services and reduced costs for the elderly despite opposition from public
officials and business groups (Krumholz and Forester, 1990).
There are cases of advocacy in which traditionally excluded people advoc
ate for themselves. In Wisconsin, for example, disabled citizens testified in
transportation hearings, campaigned for home care, and petitioned city
council to install curb cuts for wheelchair users (Checkoway and Norsman,
1986). They met personally with public officials, conducted telephone and
letter-writing campaigns, and placed representatives on key boards and
committees. They helped severely multiple handicapped persons to educate
officials about needs, and helped persons with cerebral palsy to approach
transit authorities to increase access to services. A disabled person lobbied
legislators and said, "I've learned to express myself ... I used to let people
walk all over me and now I won't let them." A rural resident in a wheelchair
said, "I learned skills to become more independent, but also to work with
others. I think it's good for people with disabilities to start carrying respons
ibilities and taking leadership ourselves."
Advocates tend to be highly experienced, deeply committed, and anxious
for change. Critics charge that some advocates neither share the socially
descriptive characteristics of their client community, nor consult with or
account to the people they presumably represent, nor involve them in
identifying the issues and advocating for themselves. They charge that some
12 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL VOL. 30 NO.1 1995
Popular Education
Popular education aims to create change by raising critical consciousness
of common concerns. It assumes that people are able to participate but
temporarily unwilling to do so because they may lack consciousness, compet
ence, or confidence. It is a form of praxis in which people reflect critically
on objective reality and act on that reflection to "transform the world."
Popular education can take the form of small-group consciousness-raising.
In the squatters settlements of Brazil, Freire ( 1970) brought together small
groups of people for "education for critical consciousness." They describe
the themes that dominate their daily lives, convey these as problems to be
examined by the group, select several problems for dialogue and reflection
on their root causes, and formulate plans to address the problems. The aim
is to alter consciousness from conforming to reforming to transforming
society.
Popular education can take the form of a community campaign. In the
western mountains of Mexico, David Werner ( 1987, and Werner and Bower,
1982) describes health workers who bring villagers together to discuss the
causes of illness through a problem-posing dialogue that moves from the
individual to the community. They begin with the illness of a single person
and list its biological, physical, and social causes, including the economic
and political causes such as money and power. They often recognize that
social factors are more numerous than biological and physical ones, draw
a "chain of causes" illustrating the links in the chain, and select causes for
dialogue and reflection for action. The process of discovering the root causes
is reflected in the following dialogue between a health worker and a child
in the village:
"The child has a septic foot."
"But why?"
"Because she stepped on a thorn."
"But why?"
"Because she was barefoot."
SIX STRATEGIES OF COMMUNITY CHANGE 13
"But why?"
"Because she was not wearing shoes."
"But why not?
"Because they broke and her father was too poor to buy new ones."
"But why is her father so poor?"
"Because her father is a farmworker."
"But why does that make him poor?"
"Because he is paid very little as a farmworker and must give half his
harvest to the landowner."
"But why?" etc. 3
The health workers also conduct school programs where older children
learn about health and share knowledge with siblings and families at home.
They involve villagers in sociodramas on preventive measures against alco
hol abuse and land exploitation by the rich landholders. There are people
whose lives are transformed by this process, including a disabled boy who
came to the village, received treatment and education, mobilized farmwork
ers against the land system, and started a cooperative corn bank to improve
community health. They view education as a way to promote health and
create change.
Popular education can take the form of participatory research by the
people. Gaventa (1980) describes a case in the mountains of Appalachia in
which community groups formed a task force and conducted research on
landownership. They designed the research, collected the data, and con
cluded that landownership was highly concentrated among absentee owners
and outside corporations. They made media presentations on their research,
exposed the power structure affecting the community, and formulated altern
ative strategies for action.
Communities can create schools for change. For example, Highlander
Folk School was established among the oppressed mountain people of
Tennessee. According to Horton, the basic philosophy was that people know
the solutions to their own problems and that the "teacher's job is to get
them talking about those problems, to raise and sharpen questions, and to
trust people to come up with the answers." The idea is that the answers lie
in the experience and imagination of people as communities rather than as
individuals. Potential leaders from local communities dealing with the same
problems are identified, brought to Highlander, and taught how to analyze
their situation in a group context. Then the leaders are taught how to go
back and take other community people through the same process in accord
ance with "training of trainers" principles (Glen, 1988; Horton 1989, 1990).
Popular education also derives from direct participation in the commun
ity. Krauss ( 1983) describes people who confronted toxic waste dangers and
related their personal discontents and public issues; who protested against
highway plans and made connections of state and private power; and who
3. This dialog draws on Werner (1987) and Werner and Bower (1982).
14 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL VOL. 30 NO. 1 1995
Toward a synthesis?
Which of these strategies has the most potential to empower your com
munity? Let me conclude with these comments:
First, it is useful to distinguish among these strategies of community
change. This distinction recognizes that these are separable movements,
each with its own empirical basis and pattern of practice. Mass mobilization
is not citizen participation, for example, and these movements are likely to
remain distinct in the future. Mobilizers who conduct demonstrations and
confront powerholders are different from agency authorities who staff com
mittees and conduct public hearings to build support for implementation.
Both seek change but differ in their orientation. In the formation of fields
like community change, it may be more useful to develop what is unique
to each rather than to attempt a grand embracing conception.
Second, this distinction recognizes that there is no single strategy which
embraces all approaches to practice. There is a tendency for some practi
tioners to become proficient in a particular strategy and then to apply this
orientation regardless of the situation. It would be as mistaken to become
captive to a single strategy as it would be to ignore the options that are
available.
Third, this distinction recognizes that there are several strategies from
which to choose. There is a tendency for some communities to become
accustomed to a particular strategy and then to depend on this orientation
regardless of the circumstance. Strategies that are learned tend to be used.
However, knowledge of several strategies can widen the choice and promote
a process that strengthens the community.
Fourth, these are separable strategies, but in reality they often overlap
with mixing and phasing of approaches in the same practice situation. This
an agency official may propose a citizen participation program that includes
social action to build support for the agency, just as a local service provider
may encourage clients to influence legislators for community-oriented policy.
Several studies suggest that successful practice requires the ability to dia
gnose a situation and apply a variety of approaches to the organizational
or community context, but that these skills are not plentiful in the field.
The key is to fit strategy to the situation.
Which of the strategies has the most potential to empower your commun-
SIX STRATEGIES OF COMMUNITY CHANGE 17
ity? In the final analysis, the answer to this question is in you. In one
tradition of education, the teacher talks and provides information, and the
students sit quietly and listen. In another tradition, the animator asks
questions, the participants learn from one another, and both build mutual
support for community change (Hope and Timme!, 1984). You know the
question and you know the answer. The only answer to this question is the
one you will provide. Why don't you answer the question?
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