AFF - Implicit Bias Training - NDCA

National Association for Urban Debate Leagues
IMPLICT BIAS TRAINING AFFIRMATIVE

Key Terms Glossary..................................................2 Recognition is important.....................................35
Implicit Bias Training 1AC.......................................3 States Alone Fail.................................................36
Inherency...............................................................3 AT: Elections DA....................................................37
Plan.......................................................................5 Trump Looses Anyways......................................37
Solvency................................................................6 No Link...............................................................38
Advantage 1 is Terrorism....................................10 Bipartisan Module...............................................39
Advantage 2 is Overpolicing...............................12 Republicans Module............................................41
2AC Add-on Advantage..........................................15 AT: Federalism.......................................................42
ADD on Advantage - Gun Violence....................15 No Uniquenes......................................................42
Inherency EXT........................................................17 No Link...............................................................43
Implcit Bias is a big problem right now..............17 Cooperative Federalism.......................................44
Solvency EXT.........................................................18 No Impact............................................................45
Conditioning Funding – Solves...........................18 AT: Movements DA................................................46
Implicit Bias Training Works..............................19 Movements Turn.................................................46
Plan is constitutional...........................................19 TURN..................................................................47
States Say Yes.....................................................20 AT: Capitalism........................................................48
Advantage Terrorism...............................................21 Permutation.........................................................48
Plan Solves Terrorism.........................................21
AT: Global Terrorism..........................................22
Terrorism Impact – Preventable Deaths..............23
Terrorism Impact – Extinction............................25
Advantage Over-Policing........................................26
Impact Ext...........................................................26
Advantage Gun Violence........................................27
Implicit bias is directly related............................27
Poor relations lead to gun violence......................28
Vigiliantism causes gun violence........................29
Impact Extension.................................................31
AT: Case arguments................................................32
AT: Cop Burn Out...............................................32
AT: Job Turn.......................................................33
AT: States CP..........................................................34
Federal Government is key..................................34
Saudi Arabia Novice File 1 of 51

KEY TERMS GLOSSARY
Bias – refers to individuals not giving an equal chance to ideas or groups because of a certain belief that is in
conflict with the group or idea
Implicit Bias – refers to an attitude that we unknowingly have towards people or groups of people (often
includes stereotypes)
Implicit Bias Training (IBT) – for the purpose of this affirmative it is a form of training that police must
undergo that helps police recognize their implicit biases and learn how to over come them or work
through them especially when they are working.
Vigilantism – refers to when people take enforcing the law into their own hands – they become justice
themselves.
Community Police Relations – refers to the level of trust and cooperation between local law
enforcements and the community that they serve.
Conditioning Funding – only giving money/funding out when a certain criterion has been met or a
certain action has been performed – in this case the implementation of IBT.
Uniform – remaining the same
Cultural Competence – the ability to understand and interact positively with people from multiple
cultures.
Federal Overreach – refers to when the federal government is trying to exercise a power that has been
left to the people or the states.
Bipartisan– an agreement between two separate parties that usually disagree on issues.
Cooperative Federalism – a form of federalism where federal, state and local governments all work
together to solve issues that face them all.
Implicit Bias Training Novice File 2 of 51

IMPLICIT BIAS TRAINING 1AC
INHERENCY
IMPLICIT BIASES IN OFFICERS IS ON THE RISE DURING THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC.

CINEAS 4/22 (Fabiola Cineas is a writer for the Vox and a senior editor at the Philadelphia Magazine. Vox: Senators are demanding a
solution to police stopping black men for wearing – and not wearing – masks. April 22nd, 2020.)
https://www.vox.com/2020/4/22/21230999/black-men-wearing-masks-police-bias-harris-booker-senate
On Friday, a group of six US senators, including Kamala Harris and Cory Booker, sent a letter to the Department of Justice and the Federal
Bureau of Investigation demanding immediate anti-bias training for law enforcement officials amid the coronavirus
pandemic. The senators wrote with urgency, spurred by recent reports from black men who say they were
racially profiled for wearing protective face masks, a measure the CDC recommends to prevent Covid-19. In a video that went
viral earlier this month, an officer in Miami stepped out of his squad car to arrest a black man with a face mask
moving items near a van filled with equipment. It took the unmasked officer just over 60 seconds to put the man in
handcuffs and detain him. It’s now known that the man, Armen Henderson, was a doctor who has volunteered to test homeless people for Covid-19.
In Wood River, Illinois, last month, two black men wearing surgical masks recorded themselves being trailed by a
cop, who was occasionally gripping his gun, in a Walmart store. One of the men said that when the officer
approached them, he wrongly told them that there was a national and state order banning the wearing of face masks.
The local police department has opened an investigation into the incident and told the Washington Post that the officer followed the men
because he believed they were “acting suspiciously.” In the video, the men expressed dismay: “We’re being
asked to leave for being safe.” Not wearing a protective face covering has gotten a black man into trouble, too. A video out of
Philadelphia earlier this month shows a black man being forcibly removed from a public bus by at least four
officers just a day after the city’s transportation authority required that all riders wear face coverings while
on public buses, trolleys, and trains. The video, which shows the police first swarm the man then yank him from the bus, is especially jarring
during an already tense public atmosphere. Following the incident, the transit authority announced that face coverings were no longer mandatory. “These
alarming reports highlight the fact that racial biases — implicit or otherwise — don’t cease and in some
ways are heightened during a national crisis,” Sen. Booker told Vox in an email. “The truth is, black men in this
country are unfortunately all too familiar with racial profiling by law enforcement. It is especially important during
these difficult times that these harsh truths continue to be exposed and revealed so that we can continue to work to
eradicate bias in policing.” Booker says he and his colleagues wrote the letter because “we can’t afford the dire consequences of not addressing this
issue.” The police targeting of black men is a longstanding American tradition, one that has naturally incited
antagonism and black distrust of law enforcement. This relationship, molded by decades of unequal
treatment — as seen through traffic stops, wrongful arrests, officer-involved shootings, surveillance, stop-
and-frisk, incarceration, and much more — could prove even deadlier for black people at a time of
widespread societal fragility.

THESE BIASES ARE DEEP SEEDED AND SPILL OVER TO COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS.
CINEAS 4/22 (Fabiola Cineas is a writer for the Vox and a senior editor at the Philadelphia Magazine. Vox: Senators are demanding a
solution to police stopping black men for wearing – and not wearing – masks. April 22nd, 2020.)
https://www.vox.com/2020/4/22/21230999/black-men-wearing-masks-police-bias-harris-booker-senate
“There’s a very long and disturbing history in many locations where police are seen as an intimidating
presence rather than a support to black communities,” Marc Mauer, the executive director of the criminal justice research and
advocacy nonprofit The Sentencing Project, tells Vox. “It is counterproductive for public safety because these communities
are less likely to have trust and confidence in police and less likely to report crime.” According to Mauer, the distrust
exists because of policies rooted in discriminatory policing, like stop-and-frisk, in which officers stop and
interrogate people on the basis of “reasonable suspicion.” According to data from the American Civil Liberties Union of New York, in
2011 — the peak of stop-and-frisk in New York City (more than 685,000 stops were recorded) — black and Latinx people made up 87
percent of those stopped by police and 88 percent of those stopped overall were deemed innocent of
suspected crimes. Two years later, a federal judge would rule that the policy was “indirect racial profiling.” Stop-
and-frisk is just one of many reasons why black people have come to distrust law enforcement. In a pandemic, fears
of being profiled and stopped may force them to forgo key safeguards like wearing a facemask or calling on police
for help. Plus, wearing a face mask may lead to more stress that comes with being a perpetual victim of racism. In turn, stress exacerbates the aforesaid
Covid-19 risk factors; then comes death. “Before the pandemic, there was always this issue of implicit bias with police
officers and quite frankly with everyone — criminal defense attorneys, prosecutors, and judges — in the
criminal system,” says trial attorney Kobie Flowers. According to Flowers, who took on police brutality cases as a former civil rights prosecutor at the
DOJ and now sues police departments for wrongful conviction cases, implicit bias is only going to be amplified by the pandemic. “Implicit bias is a
shortcut our brains take to make decisions when we have to make thousands of decisions. But if you’re
unaware of how your brain is operating, you can make bad decisions,” Flowers told Vox, adding that the pandemic, with
everyone already on edge, is a recipe for a lot of bad decisions. In the case of traffic stops, Flowers points to a Stanford University
study of data from 2015 that found that blacks are more likely to be pulled over and searched for illegal substances
than white Americans. This is because of implicit bias, Flowers says, not because black drivers are more likely to
be carrying illegal substances. “Now add people wearing masks . My experience, rooted in empirical evidence,
suggests that bad decisions by law enforcement due to implicit and even explicit bias will only get worse
[during the pandemic].

PLAN
Thus, we present the plan: The United States Federal Government should condition federal grants to police
academies and state departments based upon implicit bias training.

SOLVENCY
CONDITIONING FUNDING IS EFFECTIVE – BUT IT NEEDS TO BE UNIFORM.

JAWANDO AND PARSONS 2014 ( Michele L. Jawando is the the vice president for Legal Progress at the Center for American
Progress and Chelsea Parsons is the Vice President of Gun Prevention at American Progress and a former New York City criminal justice
coordinator. Center for American Progress: 4 Ideas that Could Begin to Reform the Criminal Justice System and Improve Police-Community
Relations. December 18th, 2014.)
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/courts/reports/2014/12/18/103578/4-ideas-that-could-begin-to-reform-the-criminal-justice-system-and-improve-
police-community-relations/
For instance, despite reporting very little explicit bias, approximately two-thirds of the nation’s health clinicians were found to harbor a statistically significant
Additionally, unconscious views about race help explain the disproportionate
implicit bias against blacks and Latinos.
arrest and incarceration of African Americans for drug offenses. Research shows that although whites engage
in drug offenses at rates higher than blacks do, blacks are almost four times more likely to be arrested for
these offenses compared to whites. The data also reveal that black men were sent to prison on drug charges at
11.8 times the rate of white men, and black women are sent to prison on drug charges at 4.8 times the rate of
white women. Likewise, the realm of housing shows a striking racially based implicit bias when African Americans look to rent or buy housing. When
renting, blacks were told about the availability of 11.4 percent fewer units as compared to whites and shown 4.2 percent fewer units. When it came to home
buying, blacks were also told about 17 percent fewer homes than whites and shown 17.7 percent fewer homes. According
to David R. Williams, a
Harvard sociologist, the “frightening point” is that because implicit bias is “an automatic and unconscious
process, people who engage in this unthinking discrimination are not aware of the fact that they do it. ” A
2012 study found that officers were quicker to shoot an armed black person and slower to refrain from shooting an
unarmed black person than they were with members of any other racial group. Similar results were found in a study
of the Denver, Colorado, police department. When asked to press a button labeled “shoot” or “don’t shoot,”
Denver police officers were “uniformly faster to shoot an armed black target, relative to an armed white
target, and uniformly faster to press the ‘Don’t shoot’ button for an unarmed white target, relative to an
unarmed black target.” If these are indeed unconscious reactions, what can actually be done about implicit bias, especially
in policing? There are promising policies available that may mitigate the effects of bias. A key element is
training. Training recommendations do not reduce bias; rather, they raise consciousness about them .
Research has suggested that by making one aware of unconscious biases, these malleable biases may be reduced.
The federal government should require training on implicit bias in police academies and ongoing state and
local departmental training as a condition of federal grants . Law-enforcement recruits should be challenged to
identify key police decisions and scenarios that are at greatest risk of manifesting bias—such as traffic stops,
consent searches, reasonable suspicion to frisk, and other procedures—and then reflect on the potential impact of
implicit bias on their perceptions and behaviors in those scenarios . Furthermore, seasoned officers should be similarly challenged at
in-service and other training venues.

THE ACTION MUST COME FROM THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

COTTER AND KASAI 5/6 (Robert Cotter is the Social Policy and Political Fellow for Third Way and Nathan Kasai is former
Senate Judiciary Committee Member and Senior Policy Council For the Thirdway. Thirdway: We Still Need Federal Action for Community-
Based Policing Reform. May 6th, 2020 https://www.thirdway.org/report/we-still-need-federal-action-for-community-based-policing-reform
State and local action must play a significant role in policing reform, as we saw in the California example, but
federal action is also crucial to
building a strong foundation of trust and accountability in law enforcement across the country. It is the job of
the federal government to step in when strained relationships and abuse threaten the welfare and civil rights
of Americans, no matter what state or community they live in. During the Civil Rights era, the federal
government intervened to make sure federal law was adhered to in all communities . Enforcement mechanisms in
the Civil and Voting Rights acts set a federal floor of civil rights protections —ensuring that the application of civil rights
was not dependent on zip code. In the same regard, this nationwide problem now requires a nationwide response. The federal
government has been investing in policing efforts for quite some time, helping to shape enforcement operations through data collection, grant funding, judicial
action, and other means of influence. Continued
Congressional action is essential to restore and increase trust in police.
All of us are less safe when bonds of trust are broken between our communities and police. What follows are
reforms that promote better agency practices, increase officer support and training, and improve accountability and
transparency in community-police relations.

WITH FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SUPPORT IBT TRAINING DRASTICALLY IMPROVES POLICE-

COMMUNITY RELATIONS.
WHITFIELD 2019 (Marvin Whitfield is the CEO of Big Brothers Big Sisters and former phD student of Walden University. Walden
Dissertations and Doctoral Studies: Influence of Implicit-Bias Training on the Cultural Competency of Police Officers. August 2019.)
https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=8374&context=dissertations
Skills. An overwhelming number 22 of the participants acknowledged that the training increased their ability to
reduce escalation between police officers and diverse community members . Participants described cultural understanding and
the building of trust as two primary skill sets. For example, one participant reported, "The escalation of an event can sometimes be
attributed to misunderstanding. Understanding the culture of a community can make the police aware of the
underlying stresses so that they can help without offending or escalating the situation." On the other hand, one participant
reported an appreciation of the role of fear over skills and reported that "tear of police by the black community can help a white officer handle the situation."
Most of the participants reported that implicit bias training improved their scene assessment skills by building of
trust, awareness, and understanding. For example, one participant reported, "Officers have the ability to understand
different cultures while assessing a scene . Another participant reported, "First, training helps you understand the
consequences of not acting professionally and without bias. Secondly, learning about different cultures helps
officers understand the background of those they are dealing with, such as their fears and ways of their old
country." Some participants stated that implicit bias training assisted them in managing their biases and improving
their ability to interact with community members. A notable number of the participants reported that the
training made them better prepared to interact with diverse communities . Areas of enhanced skills were identified as
perceptions, empathy, decision-making, understanding, communications, interaction, and personal growth. One participant reported, "I think it
[implicit bias training] has helped because I've been able to try to better communicate with different cultural
members." Another participant shared a similar perspective: "Yes, it has helped in understanding their culture,
lifestyles... makes for better relations in that community... communication is key." On the other hand, a few participants reported
that the training did not improve their skills. For example, one participant reported, "No. I treated everyone exactly the same before this BS training and
continue to do so now. A very large percentage of the people we deal with hate the police. So what? I don't have an obligation to change their entrenched
biases toward us, and, frankly, I don't care. “ “I treat everyone with respect and dignity and have never had a bad paper in my file due to being an asshole or
being reactive to their disrespect or violence toward me." Overall,
participants reported that the influence of implicit-bias
training plays an important role in developing the skills of police officers in terms of their ability to use
cultural awareness and knowledge to recognize and freely discuss cultural issues and differences . The cultural
competency theoretical framework for public administration and public service delivery consists of three primary components that measure an individual’s
the majority of the study participants acknowledged that
cultural competency: awareness, knowledge, and skills. Overall,
implicit bias training increased their awareness of its existence, expanded their understanding of other
cultures, and improved their ability to manage their personal biases.

THESE RELATIONS ARE FURTHER INCREASED THROUGH IBTS CULTURAL COMPETENCE

SKILL.
Knowledge. Overwhelmingly, participants reported that they obtained additional knowledge about cultural
competency as a result of their implicit bias training. They reported that implicit bias training was a positive
influence in the areas of de-escalation, insight, interaction, and personal growth. For example, one participant
reported that implicit bias training helps increase empathy: "It helps in understanding their [members of other
cultures and subcultures] way of life and struggles . Officers understanding this can help defuse a situation before it turns violent."
Another participant reported, "I can better understand the diversity of the community. " Several participants reported
no increase in knowledge as a result of implicit bias training. The response of one participant in particular reflected especially strong negative feelings about
the value of implicit bias training: "[It does not help] one iota. It's an excuse for our PC dimwit brass to make themselves look progressive and concerned about
race relations. It's a hustle. The people training us are profiting from saying the obvious to a room full of uninteresting and annoyed cops." A
significant
number of participants stated that the training increased their knowledge of diverse cultures by reducing
mistrust, fear, and negative perceptions. For example, one participant reported, "It [implicit bias training] has
made me aware that members of the community harbor their own biases towards police officers when they do not
understand what is happening. Mistrust, fear, and negative perceptions in my experience have come from people
who lack the knowledge or understanding of the facts that occurred in their cases. Also, more recent media events
involving police officers have been very negative, causing people to not trust officers." Several participants
indicated that implicit bias training can be used to build trust and improve relations. A few participants reported that
officers should possess knowledge about implicit bias even before they begin implicit bias training. Overall, the majority of participants
reported that the influence of implicit-bias training plays a moderate role in increasing police officers'
knowledge about diversity, differing world views, and divergent perspectives.

ADVANTAGE 1 IS TERRORISM
STRONG COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS MAKE INDIVIDUALS MORE LIKELY TO SHARE

INFORMATION WITH COPS.
SUMPTER 2018 (Cameron Sumpter is the senior analyst at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Centre of Excellence for
National Security. The Interpreter: The Value of Neighbourhood Policing in Countering Violent Extremism goes Beyond the Collection of
Intelligence. January 11th, 2018)// https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/why-neighbourhood-policing-critical-counter-terrorism
Relationships built over time between police officers and the communities they serve are essential for
countering the so-called homegrown terrorism many nations now face. Neighbourhood residents who believe
local police officers have their best interests at heart are more likely to share information that may prevent
violence. In this way, law enforcement ideally becomes a collective problem solving activity, whereby consistent
community engagement leads to reciprocal trust and enhanced public safety.
THIS INFORMATION PLACES LOCAL POLICE IN A UNIQUE POSITION TO DETER TERRORISM

AND TARGETED VIOLENCE.
STRAUB 3/3 (Frank Straub is the director of the Center for Mass Violence Response Studies at the National Police Foundation. Notes
from the Field: The importance of Community Policing in Preventing Terrorism. March 3rd, 2020)
https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/notes-field-importance-community-policing-preventing-terrorism
Law enforcement officers who are connected to the communities they serve have the ability to identify
individuals who may embrace an extremist ideology, radicalize, and pose a threat of violence against
individuals or facilities. Much has been said over the years about community policing and how the trusting relationships developed
and maintained at the community level have proven successful in preventing crime. I believe these relationships
have also proven incredibly successful in identifying individuals and groups that pose a threat of targeted
violence to our communities. As a collective group, law enforcement needs to recognize the importance of

community relationships if we are going to identify individuals who pose a threat to our national security.
Developing and maintaining trusting relationships are the foundation of community policing and are
essential to preventing crime, terrorism, and targeted violence . Law enforcement agencies need to identify
challenges, issues, and concerns that emerge at the neighborhood level by gathering real-time data. Armed with this
information, law enforcement leaders must engage community members to develop and implement policies
and strategies to prevent crime, terrorism, and targeted violence. For example, CMVRS partnered with the Boston Police
Department, the North American Family Institute, and United Somali Youth to implement a Youth and Police Initiative Plus (YPIP) program. The goals of
YPIP were to build trust between youth and police officers while fostering community resilience to radicalization among Somali youth in the Boston area.
From April 2018 through June 2019, more than 80 youth and 45 police officers participated in the program, which brought youth and law enforcement together
to learn more about one another. During our sessions, groups discussed stereotypes, why police officers act in certain ways in specific situations, how officers
could better respond, and effective communication strategies. The youth shared information about the Somali community, the Muslim religion, and the
challenges faced by youth in Boston. By the end of the program, both groups expressed praise for its structure, the dialogue that it created, the trust that was
built, and the cultural understanding that was shared among the participants and their families. YPIP demonstrates what I mean by developing trusting
relationships.
A community-based counterterrorism program should be based on human relations — seeing people as
people, not identifying them as police officers or by their religious or cultural beliefs. If we can establish trust
with each other and among ourselves, we have the opportunity to circumvent extremist recruiting, identify
people who are withdrawn from their community, and find pathways to provide them with services and
support.
TERRORISM LEADS TO EXTINCTION
SID – AHMED 04 (Mohammed Sid Ahmed, political analyst for the ―Al-Ahram‖ newspaper, ―Extinction!‖, 9/1/04,
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2004/705/op5.htm)
A nuclear attack by terrorists will be much more critical than Hiroshima and Nagazaki, even if -- and this is far
from certain -- the weapons used are less harmful than those used then, Japan, at the time , with no knowledge of nuclear
technology, had no choice but to capitulate. Today, the technology is a secret for nobody. So far, except for the two bombs dropped on Japan, nuclear
weapons have been used only to threaten. Now we are at a stage where they can be detonated . This completely changes the
rules of the game. We have reached a point where anticipatory measures can determine the course of events. Allegations of a terrorist connection can be used
to justify anticipatory measures, including the invasion of a sovereign state like Iraq. As it turned out, these allegations, as well as the allegation that Saddam
was harbouring WMD, proved to be unfounded.
What would be the consequences of a nuclear attack by terrorists? Even if
it fails, it would further exacerbate the negative features of the new and frightening world in which we are
now living. Societies would close in on themselves, police measures would be stepped up at the expense of
human rights, tensions between civilisations and religions would rise and ethnic conflicts would proliferate.
It would also speed up the arms race and develop the awareness that a different type of world order is imperative if humankind is to survive.
But the still more critical scenario is if the attack succeeds. This could lead to a third world war, from which no one
will emerge victorious. Unlike a conventional war which ends when one side triumphs over another, this war will be without winners and losers.
When nuclear pollution infects the whole planet, we will all be losers.

ADVANTAGE 2 IS OVERPOLICING
POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS ARE DIRECTLY LINKED TO OVER-POLICING—PREFER

DATA AND EXPERTS
WEITZER ET. AL 08 (Ronald Weitzer Steven A. Tuch George Washington University, Washington, DC Wesley G. Skogan
Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois [Police–Community Relations in a Majority-Black City Journal of Research in Crime and
Delinquency Volume 45 Number 4 November 2008 398-428 © 2008 Sage Publications 10.1177/0022427808322617 http://jrc.sagepub.com
hosted at http://online.sagepub.com
Explaining Citizen Perceptions of the Police Individual Demographic Characteristics Research

on the factors that shape citizens’ attitudes
toward the police usually begins with personal characteristics. The most important of these measures reflect
fundamental cleavages in American society and so distinguish between those groups that generally have a stake in
the established order and those that do not. Empirically and politically, race is the most important fault line along which
Americans divide over policing, and three decades of research have documented racial and ethnic differences in
assessments of the police and in patterns of police–citizen interactions . Blacks and Hispanics are more likely than Whites to believe
that the police frequently engage in misconduct, and when compared to Whites, minority groups tend to view instances of officer misconduct as being more
serious and disturbing (Weitzer 2002), partly because the victims are disproportionately minority group members. Age is another consistent predictor of
police perception. Compared to older-age groups, young people have greater contact with police officers, report more personal experience with mistreatment
by officers, and hold more critical views of the police (Hurst, Frank, and Browning 2000; Leiber, Nalla, and Farnworth 1998). Gender is often insignificant by
itself, but when examined in combination with age and race, it gains explanatory power. In the few studies that examine interactions of age, race, and gender,
young Black men stand out. They are significantly more likely than older Black males, young White males, and young Black females to view the police
negatively and to report having had bad encounters with officers (Weitzer and Tuch 2002, 2006). A parallel pattern has been found for young Hispanic males,
at least on some policing issues (Skogan 2005; Weitzer and Tuch 2006). The
role of social class is less clear. In some studies, class has
no effect on attitudes toward the police; in other studies, it is significant for Blacks or Hispanics but not for Whites;
and in those studies where it is a predictor, the results are mixed. Regarding the last point, some studies have found that middle-class
Blacks are more satisfied with the police than disadvantaged Blacks are, whereas other studies have found the opposite (e.g., Alpert and Dunham 1988; Hagan
and Albonetti 1982; Smith, Graham, and Adams 1991; Weitzer and Tuch 1999, 2002; Wortley, Hagan, and Macmillan 1997). One explanation for these

discrepant findings is issue specificity: A
policing issue may have differential salience among members of various social
classes. To gain clarity on the conditions under which social class shapes police–citizen relations, it is important to
include this variable in explanatory models. Neighborhood Crime, Disorder, and Policing Recent research suggests that in addition to
demographic factors, neighborhood context is important in explaining police–citizen relations. Neighborhoods differ in the amount and
quality of policing that they receive (Klinger 1997; Smith 1986), and these differing police practices likely shape, at least to
some extent, residents’ perceptions of the police. The opportunity structure is an important variable: Opportunities for police
misconduct are far greater in communities with high rates of crime and social disorder than they are elsewhere. The
sheer number of officers patrolling these neighborhoods is typically greater than that in quieter areas, whose
residents rarely see the police, thus increasing the frequency of police–citizen contacts and the potential for
acrimonious encounters. Some high-crime neighborhoods experience saturation patrolling, but even the more routine police practices in high-crime
and disorderly areas may amplify friction between officers and residents—with a cumulative adverse effect on residents’ opinions of the police. In addition, the
street crime typical of some of these communities offers far more opportunities for police corruption and other abuses of power—namely, robbing drug
dealers, planting evidence, and otherwise mistreating residents (Mollen Commission 1994). That
police typify certain neighborhoods as
being troublesome leads officers to stereotype residents as uncooperative, hostile, or crime prone— thereby
resulting in their tendency to approach residents with greater suspicion, to behave more aggressively, and to act
more punitively than they do in other kinds of neighborhoods (Smith 1986). Studies based on police records and field observations
indicate that police officers’ verbal and phys- ical abuse, unjustified street stops, and corruption are more prevalent in disadvantaged and high-crime areas
(Fagan and Davies 2000; Kane 2002; Mastrofski et al. 2002; Smith 1986; Terrill and Reisig 2003). In
addition to greater opportunities for
police officers’ mistreatment of people in such communities, the residents typically lack the capacity to constrain
such behavior and hold officers accountable. The same conditions that foster crime in a neighborhood may also loosen some of the bounds
con- trolling police conduct. In other words, neighborhood disorganization may be associated not only with residents’
incapacity to organize against crime and disorder—a key tenet of social disorganization theory—but also with their
powerlessness in the face of abusive police practices (Kane 2002; Kubrin and Weitzer 2003). In socially disorganized neighborhoods,
residents lack the capacity to mobilize against police mistreatment, whereas residents of more affluent communities have connections to local elites who can be
mobilized to hold officers accountable (Weitzer 1999, 2000a).
THE IMPACT IS POLICING—POOR COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS LEAD TO

DISPROPORTIONATE APPLICATION OF FORCE.
WEIR 16 [Policing in black & white Police departments are eager for ways to reduce racial disparities—and psychological research is
beginning to find answers, Kirsten Weir, December 2016, Vol 47, No. 11, Print version: page 36,
https://www.apa.org/monitor/2016/12/cover-policing]
"Do you believe police are implicitly biased against black people?" When NBC newsman Lester Holt asked Hillary Clinton this question in the first
presidential debate, it was a sure sign the science of implicit bias had jumped from the psychology journals into the public consciousness—and that racial bias
in law enforcement has entered the national dialogue. There's
evidence of racial disparities at many levels of law enforcement,
from traffic stops to drug-related arrests to use of force . But the roots of those disparities aren't always clear. Experts point to systemic
problems as well as the implicit (largely unconscious) biases mentioned in the debate. To be sure, those biases aren't unique to police. But in matters of
criminal justice, implicit bias can have life-altering implications. Social media has turned a spotlight on cases of racial discrimination. As the list of
black citizens killed by nonblack officers grows, tensions between black communities and police are running
high . "It's a nuanced problem but people continue to take a polarized view," says Jack Glaser, PhD, a social psychologist at the University of California,
Berkeley. "It's not productive to demonize police." Glaser says police departments are eager for solutions that will reduce racial disparities. "Police chiefs
know what the stakes are," he says. Policymakers, too, are keen to take action. In October, for instance, the New Jersey attorney general issued a directive
requiring mandatory classes in racial bias for police officers in the state. Psychologists, meanwhile, have the skills to understand discrimination and point to
evidence-based solutions. "This is an area that's worth a lot of investment in research, and important for psychologists to think about," Glaser says. Evidence of
inequality With more than 15,000 law enforcement agencies across the country operating at the federal, state and local levels, there is no "typical" police
department. Still, evidence for racial disparities is growing. Most of those data focus on the treatment of black civilians by white officers. In an analysis
of national police-shootings data from 2011–14, for example, Cody T. Ross, a doctoral student in anthropology at the University of
California, Davis, concluded there is "evidence of a significant bias in the killing of unarmed black Americans relative to

unarmed white Americans." The probability of being black, unarmed and shot by police is about 3.5 times the
probability of being white, unarmed and shot by police, he found (PLOS One, 2015). Other studies conflict with that finding. Harvard
University economist Roland G. Fryer Jr., PhD, examined more than 1,000 shootings in 10 major police departments and found no racial differences in officer-
involved shootings. Fryer did, however, find that black
civilians are more likely to experience other types of force, including
being handcuffed without arrest, pepper-sprayed or pushed to the ground by an officer (National Bureau of Economic
Research, 2016). Those disparities don't seem to arise from the fact that black Americans are more likely to commit crimes. Supporting this point is research by
Phillip Atiba Goff, PhD, a social psychologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, co-founder of the Center for Policing Equity. Goff, Glaser and
colleagues reviewed data from 12 police departments and found that black residents were more often subjected to police force than white residents, even after
adjusting for whether the person had been arrested for violent crimes (Center for Policing Equity, 2016). Other data show that black people are also
more likely to be stopped by police. Stanford University social psychologist Jennifer Eberhardt, PhD, and colleagues analyzed data from the
police department in Oakland, California, and found that while black residents make up 28 percent of the Oakland population,
they accounted for 60 percent of police stops. What's more, black men were four times more likely than white men
to be searched during a traffic stop, even though officers were no more likely to recover contraband when searching
black suspects (Stanford SPARQ, 2016). And in Falcon Heights, Minnesota, where cafeteria worker Philando Castile was fatally shot by a nonblack
officer in July after being pulled over for a broken taillight, statistics released by the local St. Anthony Police Department showed that about 7 percent of
residents in the area are black, but they account for 47 percent of arrests. The police officer's dilemma Many
factors can account for the
differences in treatment at the hands of police. In some jurisdictions, explicit prejudice still occurs, says John Dovidio,
PhD, a social psychologist at Yale University who studies both implicit and explicit prejudice. Many police departments and officers take a
paramilitary approach to law and order, and sometimes adopt an "us-versus- them" attitude toward black
communities, he says. "There can be a lot of dehumanization that occurs in the conversations people have, and that's
explicit."
RECENT ACTIONS BY THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION MAKE POLICING AND

DISPROPORTIONATE APPLICATION OF FORCE MORE LIKELY
JONES 18 (Alexi Jones is a Policy Analyst and a graduate of Wesleyan University, where she worked as a tutor through Wesleyan's
Center for Prison Education. In Boston, she continued working as a tutor in a women's prison through the Petey Greene Program. [Police
stops are still marred by racial discrimination, new data shows. So why does Trump continue to endorse stop-and-frisk?, Prison Policy
Initiative, October 12, 2018, https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2018/10/12/policing/]
President Trump is again encouraging Chicago police to use stop-and-frisk – a policy that allows police officers to stop citizens for
virtually any reason – even as new government data reminds us why such policies can be disastrous for people of color .
Just days after Trump endorsed stop-and-frisk in Chicago, the Bureau of Justice Statistics released its new report on interactions between police and the public,
using survey data from 2015. The report reminds us that police stops and use of force are already racially discriminatory, with
predictable consequences for public trust of the police . The report reveals: Black residents were more likely to be
stopped by police than white or Hispanic residents, both in traffic stops and street stops. Black and Hispanic
residents were also more likely to have multiple contacts with police than white residents, especially in the contexts
of traffic and street stops. More than 1 in 6 Black residents who were pulled over in a traffic stop or stopped on the
street had similar interactions with police multiple times over the course of the year. When police initiated an
interaction, they were twice as likely to threaten or use force against Black and Hispanic residents than white
residents. These racial disparities in policing have predictable effects on public trust of the police: There were
marked racial differences in perceptions of police behavior and legitimacy of police stops. Less than half of Black and
Hispanic residents stopped on the street by police thought the stop was legitimate, while two-thirds of white residents did. And 60% of Black residents who
experienced the threat or use of force perceived the force as excessive, compared to 43% of white residents who experienced force. White residents were more
likely than Black, Hispanic, and residents of other races to initiate contact with police – for example to report a crime, a non-crime emergency, or to seek help
for another reason. 46% of white residents who had contact with police initiated the contact, compared to less 37% of Black residents. The
report’s
findings related to the use of force are particularly relevant to the national conversation about policing. The scale of
police use of force alone is overwhelming. Nearly 1 million U.S. residents age 16 or older experienced the threat or use of force by police in
2015. And the people experiencing threats or use of force by police were disproportionately Black and Hispanic. Police threatened or used force
against nearly 1 million people, who were disproportionately Black or Hispanic. Previous local studies suggest that
stop-and-frisk is particularly discriminatory. In 2010, near the peak of the city’s use of stop-and-frisk, Black residents in New York City were
8 times more likely to be stopped by the police than white residents and 11 times more likely to be frisked. And in 2011, New York City police reported using
force in 23% of stops of Black and Latino residents, but in only 16% of stops of white residents. Given these past and current policing disparities, it is not
surprising that Black and Hispanic communities are less trusting of police. As the BJS report shows, Black and
Hispanic people are less likely view the use of force as legitimate and less likely to seek help from police compared
to white people. This is in line with Pew’s 2016 finding that only about a third of Black Americans believe that police treat racial and ethnic groups
equally and that police in their community used the appropriate amount of force, compared to three-quarters of white Americans. These disparities
undermine the legitimacy of law enforcement and create a two-tiered policing system; moreover, they compromise
public safety. If residents do not trust the police, they are less likely to report crimes and cooperate with police
investigations. So despite what Trump says, stop-and-frisk remains as bad a policy as ever. Police should be looking to address these disparities, not
implementing a policy that exacerbates them.
2AC ADD-ON ADVANTAGE
ADD ON ADVANTAGE - GUN VIOLENCE
STRAINED COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS LEADS TO AN INCREASE IN VIGILANTES.

LOPEZ 2018 ( German Lopez is a writer for Vox with a focus on criminal justice and public health. He is also a former writer for
CityBeat a local newspaper. Vox: Police have to repair community trust to effectively do their jobs. Novemeber 14th, 2018)
https://www.vox.com/identities/2016/8/13/17938262/police-shootings-brutality-black-on-black-crime
David Kennedy, a criminologist at John Jay College, explained:

“This is what folks who rail against the focus on police violence —
and pull up against that, community violence — get wrong. What those folks simply don’t understand is that when
communities don’t trust the police and are afraid of the police, then they will not and cannot work with police
and within the law around issues in their own community. And then those issues within the community
become issues the community needs to deal with on their own — and that leads to violence.” There’s research to
back this up. A 2016 study, from sociologists Matthew Desmond of Harvard, Andrew Papachristos of Yale, and David Kirk of Oxford, looked at
911 calls in Milwaukee after incidents of police brutality hit the news. They found that after the 2004 police beating
of Frank Jude, 17 percent fewer 911 calls were made in the following year compared with the number of calls that
would have been made had the Jude beating never happened. More than half of the effect came from fewer calls in
black neighborhoods. And the effect persisted for more than a year, even after the officers involved in the beating were punished.
Researchers found similar impacts on local 911 calls after other high-profile incidents of police violence. But crime still happened in these neighborhoods.
As 911 calls dropped, researchers also found a rise in homicides. They noted that “the spring and summer that followed Jude’s
story were the deadliest in the seven years observed in our study.” That
suggests that people were simply dealing with crime
themselves. And although the researchers couldn’t definitively prove it, that might mean civilians took to their own — sometimes
violent — means to protect themselves when they couldn’t trust police to stop crime and violence. “An important
implication of this finding is that publicized cases of police violence not only threaten the legitimacy and
reputation of law enforcement,” the researchers wrote, but “they also — by driving down 911 calls — thwart the
suppression of law breaking, obstruct the application of justice, and ultimately make cities as a whole, and
the black community in particular, less safe.” So police abuses don’t just damage community trust and
disproportionately hurt minority groups. They hurt police’s ability to keep the public safe, too.
GUN VIOLENCE INDEPENDENTLY KILLS THOUSANDS AND ITS IMPACTS EXTEND FAR
BEYOND THAT.
EVERYTOWN 2019 ( Everytown for Gun Safety is an organization that is centered around reducing gun violence both in the courts
and in public opinion. Everytown for Gun Safety: A Nation of Survivors: The Toll of Gun Violence in America. February 1st, 2019.)
https://everytownresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Survivor-Research-Report-013119B.pdf
America’s gun death rate is tragic and unique – 10 times higher than other high-income countries.1 In other words, by
early February more Americans are killed with guns than are killed in our peer countries in an entire calendar year.
Every year, over 36,000 Americans are killed in acts of gun violence 3 and approximately 100,000 more are
shot and injured.4 With death and injury tolls this high, America is undeniably a nation of gun violence survivors.
But the impact of gun violence extends far beyond those killed or injured. 58% of American adults or
someone they care for have experienced gun violence in their lifetime. Gun violence in any form – whether a
person witnessed an act of gun violence, was threatened or wounded with a gun, or had someone they know or care
for wounded or killed – can leave a lasting impact on individuals. Forms of gun violence can include, but are not limited to: gun
suicides, gun homicides, domestic violence involving a gun, and unintentional shootings. Defined this way, a recent national poll estimated that
58 percent of American adults responded that they or someone they care for have experienced gun violence in their
lifetime.5 Yet, as a country we do not talk enough about the lifelong impact of these many forms of gun violence.
In addition to the emotional toll, gun violence can also be financially devastating, affecting both individuals
and communities. While survivors bear direct costs such as healthcare and lost income, gun violence also hurts
local economies by lowering property values, slowing new business creation, and reducing available jobs, 6 thereby
creating the very economic and social conditions that are associated with higher violence. 7,8
INHERENCY EXT
IMPLCIT BIAS IS A BIG PROBLEM RIGHT NOW
IMPLICIT BIAS PLAGUES TASK FORCE NOW

BULEN AND SNOWMAN 2017 (Dennis W. Bulen is a PhD at Wright State University. Sharon Showman is also at Write State
University. California Peace Officers Association: The Journal of California Law Enforcement: Implicit Bias and them Police. Volume 51.
No.1 2017) https://cpoa.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/2017-Journal-Volume-51-Issue-No-1.pdf

How does the presence of this type of implicit bias in a police officer influence their actions in a use of force scenario? Researchers Lois James, Lorie Fridell,
and Frank Straub studied how an officers’ implicit bias can influence their actions. According to their research ,
the manifestations of implicit
bias can run the gamut from initiating a contact with someone based upon their race to deploying deadly
force based upon a perceived threat (James, Fridell, & Straub, 2016). The use of deadly force is the ultimate deprivation of
civil liberties legally entrusted to the police . It is to be used only in the direst of circumstances when the threat of great bodily injury or death to
an innocent person is imminent and the use of deadly force is the only reasonable means to stop this threat (“Graham v. Connor”, 1989). The populace
being policed must trust their police to wield this extraordinary power judiciously and appropriately. The study of
bias and deadly force becomes important when police officers are making decisions based on a perception of
danger. This can occur when a suspect, although not possessing a deadly weapon (or not having yet displayed
the deadly weapon) acts in a manner which an officer interprets as threatening . During such an incident, an
officer must rapidly evaluate their environment as well as the suspect’s actions and arrive at a decision. Is it
possible unconscious beliefs can influence this decision ? In 2016, The Washington Post began to look in earnest at
police officer involved shootings. Their first in depth reporting was for data obtained for the calendar year 2015, in which they reported
there were 990 fatal shootings involving the police (Kindy, Fisher, Tate, & Jenkins, 2015). Researchers and Criminal Justice
Professors Justin Nix, Bradley Campbell, and Geoffrey Alpert studied the data uncovered by the Washington Post and reported that
in most of these situations where a suspect was fatally shot by the police, the suspect was armed with a deadly
weapon. Less than 10 % of fatal shootings involved “unarmed” civilians. A more detailed analysis of these
shootings revealed 15% of African-Americans shot by the police were unarmed compared with 6% of
Caucasian individuals. These researchers also looked specifically at those suspects actively engaged in “firing a gun at police, attacking police with
something other than a gun, or pointing/ brandishing a gun at police”. They found that 71% of African-American’s shot by police fell into this category as
compared to 80% of Caucasian citizens (Nix, Campbell, & Alpert). The researchers admit that further analysis is required before conclusions can be drawn.
However, there is some suggestion of the presence of bias in these situations. Others draw from similar data to reach similar
conclusions. In their book In Context: Understanding Police Killings of Unarmed Civilians, police use of force experts Nick Selby, Ben Singleton, and Ed
Flosi reviewed 153 deaths during 2015, in which an unarmed person was killed by a police officer in the performance of their official duties. Their
belief
is a bias towards race would manifest more in the killings of unarmed individuals as compared to those who
were armed. In their research, the authors could not determine if race was a factor in whether an unarmed individual was shot. They acknowledged this
question “must be answered using a much wider array of contextual data” (2016).
SOLVENCY EXT
CONDITIONING FUNDING – SOLVES
MONETARY INCENTIVES SOLVE – DEPARTMENTS RESPOND POSITIVELY TO CONDITIONAL

FUNDING.

COTTER AND KASAI 5/6 (Robert Cotter is the Social Policy and Political Fellow for Third Way and Nathan Kasai is former
Senate Judiciary Committee Member and Senior Policy Council for the Thirdway. Thirdway: We Still Need Federal Action for Community-
Based Policing Reform. May 6th, 2020)
Reward departments that implement implicit bias and racial equity training. Most members of law enforcement
sign-up, knowing the difficulties of the job, because they want to serve and protect their communities. We need to
give them the tools to do so effectively. The science on implicit bias has long-since settled. In direct regard to law
enforcement, implicit bias has been shown to have significant influence in the outcomes of police-community
interactions.24 To counteract this reality, we need to reward departments that take steps to meet these challenges
directly. The Department of Justice has found that implicit bias can be gradually unlearned , and behavior
improved, through effective bias and racial equity training.25 The federal government should play a role in
bringing this critical training to every department in the country.
IMPLICIT BIAS TRAINING WORKS
IMPLICIT BIAS IS MALLEABLE– TRAINING CAN BE EFFECTIVE STUDIES PROVE.

JAMES 2018 (Lois James is an assistant professor at the Washing State University with an emphasis of study in deadly force in law
enforcement. Police Quarterly: The Stability of Implicit Racial Bias in Police Officers. Volume 21. Page 30-52.)
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1098611117732974
At the onset of this article, it was asked whether implicit racial bias is stable (‘‘trait’’ like) or variable (‘‘state’’ like). The answer to this question has important
implications for police training. First, if implicit bias is stable, will training efforts to educate officers on the science of bias actually cause them to modify their
behavior? Thecurrent findings suggest that implicit racial bias is not stable, thus may well be susceptible to
change. These results echo findings of Dasgupta (2013), Blair (2002), and others who have found that implicit
attitudes are not acquired in childhood and set in stone from that point forward. This has positive implications for
police training designed to reduce implicit bias. Although law enforcement implicit bias training has yet to be empirically evaluated, a
recent meta-analysis of the effectiveness of different procedures to change implicit bias synthesized evidence from 426 nonpolicing studies (Forscher et al.,
2016). They confirmed that implicit bias is malleable and that most procedures produce some changes, a very
encouraging overall result. They also stated that procedures that ‘‘associate sets of concepts, invoke goals or
motivations, or tax people’s mental resources produced the largest changes [italics added] in implicit bias,
whereas procedures that induced threat, affirmation, or specific moods/emotions produced the smallest changes’’
(p. 3). Perhaps not surprisingly, most interventions had a larger impact on implicit measures than on explicit
or behavioral measures. Thus, the challenge is for implicit bias training to generate sustainable behavior change. A subsequent recommendation is
that implicit bias training programs designed for police officers incorporate these insights and try to include a behavioral component to make the training
relevant for officers. That most officers in the present study associated Black Americans and weapons are further indication that effective implicit bias training
for police officers is desperately required
PLAN IS CONSTITUTIONAL
PLAN IS CONSTITUTIONAL - CONDITIONING FUNDING IS SUCCESSFUL.

SIMMONS 2011 (Kami Chavis Simmons is the professor of Law and Director of the Criminal Justice Program at Wake Forest
University School of Law. Cooperative Federalism and Police Reform: Using Congressional Spending Power to Promote Police
Accountability. 2011 https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1f4f/fa38c77d7710d5f6859fa70cabcb22a48a1c.pdf
Part II proposes a simple, yet powerful tool to encourage states to develop and implement some of the measures
that the federal government has already deemed useful in eliminating patterns and practices of unconstitutional
violations in the nation’s local law enforcement agencies. Pursuant to its authority under the Spending Clause of the
Constitution, this Article proposes that Congress should condition the receipt of federal funds for local law
enforcement agencies upon whether the state has adopted regulations aimed at ensuring police
accountability. Specifically, this Part advocates that Congress should condition federal money delivered to states
under the Community Oriented Policing Services (“COPS”) pro gram upon the state’s adoption of measures to
eliminate constitutional violations by members of local police departments. Historically, the federal government has
given billions of dollars to states to support their law enforcement initiatives, which include hiring and training
police officers. This funding, however, is not tied to conditions that ensure police accountability. The possibility
of losing even a fraction of federal money would adversely impact local police departments, and thus would be
a powerful incentive for states to implement and enforce measures to address police accountability.

STATES SAY YES
STATES HAVE TO AGREE TO THE TERMS OF FUNDING – OR RISK LAW SUIT.

Similarly, critics may argue that there is a possibility that states will either enact lukewarm measures to address the
issues related to police misconduct, or worse, will willingly forgo the 5% in funding and simply fail to enact
measures to increase police accountability. Thus, the argument is that not only will these entities lack police
accountability measures that the federal government deems adequate, but the reduced funding will mean that they
have fewer resources available to combat crime and police misconduct. One response to this argument is that, in
essence, all the states have failed to take their own initiative in developing adequate measures. These
jurisdictions would still be subject to other tools available to the federal government, particularly its authority under
§ 14141 to sue for injunctive relief. Indeed, the failure to enact these policies might facilitate the DOJ’s ability to
identify police departments that might become subject to § 14141, and the DOJ could strategically direct its
resources to providing technical assistance, or if need be, file suit against these jurisdictions if a pattern or practice
of unconstitutional violations emerged.256 The practices of these departments would automatically receive
scrutiny because DOJ officials would be aware that they have failed to enact the minimum standards.

ADVANTAGE TERRORISM
PLAN SOLVES TERRORISM
PLAN INSTILL COMMUNITY TRUST - SOLVES TERRORISM

WALDORF 2018 (Waldorf University is a libera arts university in Forest City, Iowa. CorrectionsOne. “Why local law enforcement is a
corner stone of homeland security: Building strong relations with the community allows local police to develop sources of information that
can be vital to preventing acts of terror”. July 9th, 2018) https://www.correctionsone.com/products/online-training/articles/why-local-law-
enforcement-is-a-cornerstone-of-homeland-security-g1MKw2lLZviIrSnk/
Ultimately, the concept of community policing is effective in preventing terrorism, as well as street and property
crime. Building strong relationships with the community allows local police to develop sources of information
that can be vital to preventing acts of terror, something that is all but impossible for federal intelligence
agencies. Community policing also engages the public in homeland security, helping to ensure that accurate
information is shared, and that citizens are equipped with the tools and knowledge they need to help keep their
communities secure. In the end, local police truly are a cornerstone of homeland security.

AT: GLOBAL TERRORISM
TERRORISM STARTS LOCALLY AND CAN EVOLVE INTO GLOBAL TERRORISM– DHS
AGREES.
WALDORF 2018 (Waldorf University is a libera arts university in Forest City, Iowa. CorrectionsOne. “Why local law enforcement is a
corner stone of homeland security: Building strong relations with the community allows local police to develop sources of information that
can be vital to preventing acts of terror”. July 9th, 2018) https://www.correctionsone.com/products/online-training/articles/why-local-law-
enforcement-is-a-cornerstone-of-homeland-security-g1MKw2lLZviIrSnk/
“Why local law enforcement is a corner stone of homeland security: Building strong relations with the community allows local
police to develop sources of information that can be vital to preventing acts of terror”. Since September 11,
2001, law enforcement has worked closely with federal agencies to more effectively coordinate strategies to
prevent and respond to terrorism. However, despite the involvement of federal agencies, the Department of Homeland Security
has always contended that homeland security begins with hometown security . In other words, the safety and
security of our nation relies in large part on the men and women serving their communities all across the
country, and their knowledge and insight into what’s happening on their streets. This focus on local law
enforcement stems from the fact that when individuals or groups plan or execute acts of terror and violent
extremism, regardless of their ideologies, the crimes are, in the vast majority of cases, local crimes . Terrorists
generally aim to impact a specific local area, whether an outdoor market or demonstration in a small city or
a major sporting event in a large urban center. The crimes of planning and carrying out of acts of terror
take place on a local level, meaning that local law enforcement is on the front line of protecting their
communities. It’s simply impractical — even impossible — for federal agents to monitor everything taking place in every community in America, and
therefore it’s vital to have local police on the streets serving as the eyes and ears for DHS — and building the
relationships that can help keep our homeland safe.

TERRORISM IMPACT – PREVENTABLE DEATHS
DOMESTIC TERRORISM IS ONE OF THE BIGGEST PROBLEMS FACING AMERICA – KILLS

THOUSANDS ANNUALLY.
NAKASHIMA 2019 (Ellen Nakashima is one of Washington Post’s national security reporter. The Washington Post: National
Security. “DHS: Domestic Terrorism, particularly white-supremacist violence, as big a threat as ISIS, al-Qaeda. September 20th, 2019.)
https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/domestic-terror--particularly-white-supremacist-violence--as-big-a-threat-as-isis-al-
qaeda-dhs-says/2019/09/20/dff8aa4e-dbad-11e9-bfb1-849887369476_story.html
Domestic terrorism and mass attacks are as great a threat to the United States today as foreign terrorism , the
Department of Homeland Security said in a new strategy report unveiled Friday. The strategy recognizes that foreign terrorist groups
continue to plot against the United States but notes there has been a disturbing rise in attacks motivated by domestic
terrorist ideologies — and that white supremacy is one of the most potent drivers. “In our modern age, the continuation
of racially based violent extremism, particularly violent white supremacy, is an abhorrent affront to the nation, ”
acting homeland security secretary Kevin McAleenan said in a speech Friday in Washington, saying the trend “has no place in the United States of America,
and it never will.” The
report’s framework builds on a 2018 White House national counterterrorism strategy, describing
the evolving threat and fleshing out DHS’s role in preventing terrorism and “targeted violence” — attacks that lack
a clear political or ideological motivation. What’s changed since 9/11 is the diversity of terrorist threats —
from al-Qaeda and the Islamic State to ethnically motivated and anti-authority violent extremism, dangers
on the digital landscape, and more sophisticated and easily available weapons such as drones. The strategy
document places the growing threat of white supremacy in a transnational context. It notes that, similar to how the Islamic State inspired and connected with
potential recruits online, violent white supremacists link with like-minded individuals on the Internet. Conspiracy theories about the “ethnic replacement” of
whites as the majority ethnicity in Western countries are prominent on social media platforms such as Gab, 8chan and EndChan, it said.

HUNDREDS OF DOMESTIC TERRORIST CASES A YEAR – LEAD TO THOUSANDS OF

PREVENTABLE DEATHS.
LAPAN 2019 (Tovin Lapan is a freelance writer based in California who has written for The Atlantic and Fortune . Fortune: Domestic
Terrorism is Likely to Grow Experts Warn. August 14th, 2019.) https://fortune.com/2019/08/14/domestic-terrorism-mass-shootings/
Gilroy. El Paso. Dayton. Three mass shootings in eight days are all being investigated as acts of domestic
terrorism—coercive violence fueled by extremist ideologies of a political, religious, social, racial, or
environmental nature. These jarring, tragic events have cast new attention on the rise of extremist behavior in the
United States. Researchers and law enforcement officials say the issue has been neglected, allowed to fester and proliferate. Stoked by divisive rhetoric on
cable news, social media, and online message boards, domestic terrorism is an expanding national security threat, and while white supremacist violence has
been the most prevalent, extremism is growing in all corners and ideologies. As far back as 2009 analysts at the Department of
Homeland Security warned of the rising threat of domestic terrorism, particularly from white supremicist
factions. At the time, the report got caught in the political spin cycle, dismissed as partisan fare that demonized conservative views, and the team that
produced it was reassigned. Today, agents investigating foreign terrorism still wield far more resources and legal power than those pursuing threats at home.
“On the left and the right there is denial about the extent that this is happening,” said David Neiwert, a reporter who has covered
white nationalists for decades and the author of Alt-America: Rise of the Radical Right in the Age of Trump. “It’s such an ugly thing, nobody
wants to acknowledge these things are going on in America.” Hate, extremist violence spread In 1995, 168 people were
killed in the bombing of the Oklahoma federal building, and Google was still three years from existence. Today, domestic
terrorists are proliferating online, according to law enforcement officials, coordinating, planning, and drawing
inspiration from one another through digital postings and manifestos. Anders Breivik, the Norwegian who killed 77
people in a 2012 mass shooting and bomb attack, influenced the man who attacked two mosques on March 15,
2019, in Christchurch, New Zealand, Neiwert said. He, in turn, appears to have influenced the El Paso shooter. Several of the manifestos,
including that of the New Zealand shooter entitled “The Great Replacement,” drew on theories promoted by French writer Renaud Camus, who claims
European elites wish to replace white Europeans with immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. As violent crime rates nudged slightly downward
from 2010 to 2017, FBI-reported
hate crimes climbed more than 8%, according to an analysis by the Center for the Study of Hate and
Extremism led by director Brian Levin. In May, the
head of the FBI’s counterterrorism division said the bureau was
investigating 850 domestic terrorism cases, 40% driven by racist motivations. FBI Director Christopher Wray
said at a July House hearing white supremacy presents a "persistent" and "pervasive" threat to the United States. The
El Paso shooter, who drove 10 hours across Texas to a Walmart where he shot and killed 22 people, has been connected to a manifesto dripping with racism
and hatred posted to 8chan, the online community popular with radical right extremists. The unsigned document, titled “The Inconvenient Truth,” bluntly
states: “This attack is a response to the Hispanic invasion of Texas.” The gunman who opened fire at a synagogue in Poway, Calif., in April posted an anti-
Semitic rant on 8chan before killing one and wounding three others. The man accused of killing 11 people at a Pittsburgh synagogue in October 2018 derided
immigrants, Jews and other groups online. “After
an event like El Paso takes place the talk on sites like the Daily Stormer, Gab,
8chan etc. is downright celebratory,” Neiwert said. “They have this competition going where they are scoring each
event, and basically your body count is how you score points. They are gamifying mass killing.” The Poway
shooter was “mocked for having a low body count,” Neiwert added.

TERRORISM IMPACT – EXTINCTION
TERRORISM LEADS TO EXTINCTION
SPEICE ‘6 (PATRICK F. JR., JD CANDIDATE @ COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MARY “NEGLIGENCE AND
NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION: ELIMINATING THE CURRENT LIABILITY BARRIER TO BILATERAL U.S.-
RUSSIAN NONPROLIFERATION ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS,” FEBRUARY 47 WM AND MARY L. REV. 1427]
Accordingly, there is a significant and ever-present risk that terrorists could acquire a nuclear device or fissile material from Russia as a result of
the confluence of Russian economic decline and the end of stringent Soviet-era nuclear security measures. 39 Terrorist groups could acquire a nuclear weapon
by a number of methods, including "steal[ing] one intact from the stockpile of a country possessing such weapons, or ... [being] sold or given
one by [*1438] such a country, or [buying or stealing] one from another subnational group that had obtained it in one of these ways." 40
Equally threatening, however, is the risk that terrorists will steal or purchase fissile material and construct a nuclear device on
their own. Very little material is necessary to construct a highly destructive nuclear weapon. 41 Although nuclear devices are extraordinarily
complex, the technical barriers to constructing a workable weapon are not significant. 42 Moreover, the sheer number of methods
that could be used to deliver a nuclear device into the United States makes it incredibly likely that terrorists could
successfully employ a nuclear weapon once it was built. 43 Accordingly, supply-side controls that are aimed at preventing terrorists from
acquiring nuclear material in the first place are the most effective means of countering the risk of nuclear terrorism. 44 Moreover, the end of the Cold War
eliminated the rationale for maintaining a large military-industrial complex in Russia, and the nuclear cities were closed. 45 This resulted in at least 35,000
nuclear scientists becoming unemployed in an economy that was collapsing. 46 Although the economy has stabilized somewhat, there [*1439] are still at least
20,000 former scientists who are unemployed or underpaid and who are too young to retire, 47 raising the chilling prospect that these scientists will be
tempted to sell their nuclear knowledge, or steal nuclear material to sell, to states or terrorist organizations with nuclear ambitions. 48
The potential consequences of the unchecked spread of nuclear knowledge and material to terrorist groups that seek to cause mass destruction in the United
States are truly horrifying. A terrorist attack with a nuclear weapon would be devastating in terms of immediate human and
economic losses. 49 Moreover, there would be immense political pressure in the United States to discover the perpetrators and
retaliate with nuclear weapons, massively increasing the number of casualties and potentially triggering a full-scale nuclear conflict .
50 In addition to the threat posed by terrorists, leakage of nuclear knowledge and material from Russia will reduce the barriers that states with nuclear
ambitions face and may trigger widespread proliferation of nuclear weapons. 51 This proliferation will increase the risk of nuclear attacks against
the United States [*1440] or its allies by hostile states, 52 as well as increase the likelihood that regional conflicts will draw in the United States and escalate to
the use of nuclear weapons.

ADVANTAGE OVER-POLICING
IMPACT EXT
SPATIAL UNDERSTANDINGS OF POLICING ARE NECESSARY—ALL OF THEIR “IMPLICIT

BIAS TRAINING FAILS” EVIDENCE DOESN’T APPLY. IT’S ABOUT FAMILIARITY AND
POSITIVE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLICE AND COMMUNITY
CRAWFORD AND GLASER 11—Charles Crawford, Western Michigan University | WMU · Department of Sociology, Ph.D.
Criminology; Jack Glaser, University of California, Berkeley | UCB · Richard and Rhoda Goldman School of Public Policy PhD [Drivers of
Racial Disproportions in Police Stops and Searches For UK-US Roundtable on Racial Disparities in Police-initiated Stops in the UK and US.
John Jay College of Criminal Justice)
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Charles_Crawford/publication/280611092_Drivers_of_Racial_Disproportions_in_Police_Stops_and_Se
arches/links/55be628408ae9289a099d70b/Drivers-of-Racial-Disproportions-in-Police-Stops-and-Searches.pdf]
Meehan and Ponder (2002) offer an interesting examination of race and place for racial profiling research. The authors examined an anonymous suburban
police department and the traffic stops within two border communities, one predominately White, the other predominately Black. A major goal of the research
As Black
was to understand how race and place interact as drivers move between racially segregated areas as well as the border paths between them.
motorist moved from border sectors to Whiter areas, the odds of being stopped or becoming the subject of an MDT
query increased dramatically. More specifically, Black motorists who traveled into wealthy white neighborhoods
had query and stop rates three times greater than their numbers on the roadways. By contrast White motorists (even in high crime
poor White areas) had the same chance of being the subject of a query throughout the entire city. In addition, the authors found the hit rates for these increased
queries and stops were less than 10% overall for Black motorists and less than 9% for White motorists, and in places where the queries where the highest for
Black motorists (e.g. in Whiter neighborhoods) the hit rates were the lowest. Overall the authors conclude that racial profiling has an important
ecological distribution as officers justify greater surveillance of Blacks in White areas (Meehan and Ponder, 2002).
Another example of how research on racial profiling can use spatial awareness as a framework comes from a 2009 report by Ridgeway et al. on behalf of the
Rand Corporation report on police-community relations in Cincinnati. As a part of the report, the researchers examined the issue of racial profiling by creating
an internal benchmark that examined each officer’s stop and compared them to officers patrolling in the same areas at the same time. Essentially, the officers
were exposed to the same citizens and spaces. The researchers found the racial distributions of the stops were not equal, as there appeared to be a small number
of officers who stopped a much larger portion of Black motorists than other officers. Furthermore, the racial differences were also spatially
conditioned, as B lack motorists were more likely to be stopped , and have the duration of the stop exceed ten
minutes depending on the neighborhood . High discretion search rates of Black and White motorists were nearly
identical as well as the hit rates for low discretion searches. However, Black motorists did have a slightly higher hit rate than Whites on
high discretion searchers. As the authors note, the burden of increased stopping fell on Black motorists as: “Cincinnati’s black residents were more likely to be
stopped under conditions, either because of neighborhood or time of day, that elevated the chance of a search” (Ridgeway et al., 2009, p. 59). Quite simply,

without examining the localized, geographically, and time sensitive data on racial profiling, the nuances of race and
place discovered by Meehan and Ponder (2002), and Ridgeway et al. (2009) would be lost. Again, for the exploration of the complex topic of racial
profiling—space matters, or to paraphrase Rodney Stark (1987), there must be something about places. Conclusion The investigation into racial profiling will
most likely continue to mature and develop as researchers uncover new and sophisticated methods of exploring this complex topic. The attempts to explain
racial profiling from the individual level of the officer hold merit and may assist with certain aspects of the problem such as how the location or neighborhood
is perceived. However, the space in which these actions take place cannot be ignored. Racial
profiling is a product of racial segregation and
perceptions of race in society. While these beliefs may reside in the individual officer who may in turn use their
position of authority to act on their preconceived notions of who is dangerous and most likely to be involved in
crime, to truly understand the practice and assess possible solutions we must move past the individual motivations
and solutions of instituting sensitivity, and cultural awareness training for officers . These activities have their place, yet they do
not address the larger structural issues reflected in the space in which the officers work, which in turn may condition their actions
ADVANTAGE GUN VIOLENCE
IMPLICIT BIAS IS DIRECTLY RELATED
IMPLICIT BIAS INDEPENDENTLY INCREASES THE LIKELY HOOD OF UNJUSTIFIED

SHOOTINGS.
TRUST AND JUSTICE N.D (Trust and Justice is a Project to increase trust between communities and the criminal justice system
and is funded and in collaboration with the U.S Department of Justice. National Initiative for Building Community Trust and Justice: Implicit
BIas.)
Implicit bias describes the automatic association people make between groups of people and stereotypes about
those groups. Under certain conditions, those automatic associations can influence behavior—making people
respond in biased ways even when they are not explicitly prejudiced. More than thirty years of research in neurology and social
and cognitive psychology has shown that people hold implicit biases even in the absence of heartfelt bigotry, simply by paying attention to the social world
around them. Implicit racial bias has given rise to a phenomenon known as “racism without racists,” which can cause institutions or individuals to act on racial
prejudices, even in spite of good intentions and nondiscriminatory policies or standards. In the context of criminal justice and community
safety, implicit bias has been shown to have significant influence in the outcomes of interactions between
police and citizens. While conscious, “traditional” racism has declined significantly in recent decades, research
suggests that “implicit attitudes may be better at predicting and/or influencing behavior than self-reported explicit
attitudes.” Discussions of implicit bias in policing tend to focus on implicit racial biases; however, implicit bias can be expressed in relation to non-racial
factors, including gender, age, religion, or sexual orientation. As with all types of bias, implicit bias can distort one’s perception and
subsequent treatment either in favor of or against a given person or group. In policing, this has resulted in
widespread practices that focus undeserved suspicion on some groups and presume other groups innocent.
Reducing the influence of implicit bias is vitally important to strengthening relationships between police and
minority communities. For example, studies suggest that implicit bias contributes to “shooter bias,”—the
tendency for police to shoot unarmed black suspects more often than white ones—as well as the frequency of
police stops for members of minority groups. Other expressions of implicit bias, such as public defenders’
prioritization of cases involving white defendants, can have major impact on communities . This latter point is particularly
significant in light of recent findings about the importance of procedural justice in fostering cooperation between citizens and the criminal justice system and
cultivating law-abiding communities. Despite
these challenges, the work of Phillip Atiba Goff, President of the Center for Policing
Equity, has shown that it is possible to address and reduce implicit bias through training and policy
interventions with law enforcement agencies. Research suggests that biased associations can be gradually
unlearned and replaced with nonbiased ones. Perhaps even more encouragingly, one can reduce the influence of
implicit bias simply by changing the context in which an interaction takes place. Consequently, through policy
and training, it is possible to mend the harm that racial stereotypes do to our minds and our public safety.
POOR RELATIONS LEAD TO GUN VIOLENCE
LACK OF COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS FACILITATE GUN VIOLENCE

CLAYTON 1/21 (Andrew Clayton is a reporter for the Guardian’s project on Guns and Lies in America. The Guardian: Distrust of
Police if Major Driver of US Gun Violence, Report Warns. January 21st, 2020.) https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jan/21/police-
gun-violence-trust-report
The lack of trust between law enforcement and the communities they serve is a major driver of gun violence
in cities across the United States, a new report by the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence warns. In many American
communities, acts of police brutality, over-enforcement targeting small infractions and high numbers of unsolved
shootings and homicides have eroded trust, making residents less likely to place their trust in law enforcement
and more likely to seek vigilante justice, the researchers note. “Everybody has largely missed the fact that if people
can’t count on help from the state and its agents, they’re going to take care of themselves,” says David Kennedy, the director
of the National Network for Safe Communities, a violence reduction research center, whose work is referenced throughout the report. “Sometimes
taking care of yourself looks like day-to-day gun violence.” The report also spotlights examples of trends in
cities like Camden, New Jersey, and Oakland, California, where community-led efforts have led to a
significant decrease in gun violence rates. “Communities have the answers and can address and treat gun
violence. But law enforcement gets the lion’s share of any city budget in the country,” says Fernando Rejón, the director of the
Urban Peace Institute, a not-for-profit organization that trains violence interventionists. “For a [violence reduction] strategy to work, law
enforcement needs to be able to do their work, intervene and provide alternatives, but there also has to be
community investment.”
VIGILANTISM SPRING DIRECTLY FROM LACK OF FAITH IN POLICE.

GIFFORDS LAW CENTER 2020. ( Gifford’s Law Center is an organization founded by gun violence survivors and is partnered
with Congresswoman Gabrielle Gifford’s Americans for Responsible Solutions. In Pursuit of Peace: Building Police-Community Trust to
Break the Cycle of Violence. January 2020.) https://lawcenter.giffords.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Giffords-Law-Center-In-Pursuit-of-
Peace.pdf
Decades ago, leading sociologists demonstrated that the retributive “code of the street,” involving cycles of
violent vigilante justice, is actually an “adaptation to a profound lack of faith in the police and the judicial

system—and in others who would champion one’s personal security.”153 They observed that this code “emerges where the
influence of the police ends and personal responsibility for one’s safety is felt to begin,”154 and that “when the law is perceived to be unavailable—for
example, when CYCLE OF DISTRUST & VIOLENCE Over-enforcement calling the police is not a viable option to remedy
one’s problems—individuals may instead resolve their grievances by their own means, which may include
violence.”155 When people don’t view calling law enforcement as a reliable tool for resolving disputes or holding
others accountable for wrongdoing, they can fall into a “paradox,” where some individuals who believe in the
substance of the law and oppose violence are nonetheless propelled toward violence as a form of self-reliance or
vigilante justice.156 Victims of violence are especially likely to fall into this paradox: Researchers evaluating variations in homicide
trends across different Chicago neighborhoods found that violent victimization had a “dramatic” negative effect on
people’s views about law enforcement and its role in the community.157 People who have been shot are especially
unlikely to trust the police to keep them safe, particularly since, as discussed below, police departments usually fail
to arrest the people who pulled the trigger. Victims of violence are then much more likely to be involved in
cycles of retaliatory violence as both shooters and repeat victims . This is why so many urban hospitals and
trauma centers see a “revolving door” of gunshot injury : Studies have long shown that in many of these hospitals, over 40% of patients
treated for violent injuries such as gunshot wounds return to the emergency department with new violent injuries within five years,158 and as many as 20% are
killed within that short time frame.159 In
other communities, these victims and their loved ones may be more likely to press
law enforcement agencies to arrest their assailant, file a civil lawsuit, or move away from distressing circumstances.
But when the formal justice system is seen as absent , abusive, or ineffective, a small number of individuals are
compelled toward violent vigilantism instead.
VIGILIANTISM CAUSES GUN VIOLENCE
GUN VIOLENCE OCCURS AS A DIRECT RESULT OF VIGILANTISM.

GIFFORDS LAW CENTER 2020. (Gifford’s Law Center is an organization founded by gun violence survivors and is partnered
Peace.pdf
To ensure public safety and protect people from shootings and murder, law enforcement agencies need active
cooperation from the communities they are meant to serve . The research, and the recent experience of many of our nation’s cities, show
that when police departments lose this trust, a dangerous, downward spiral of disengagement ultimately leads
to spikes in violence and vigilantism that threaten the safety of residents and officers alike . This downward
spiral occurs when community members’ distrust of law enforcement deepens, witness cooperation and
engagement with officers diminish, policing becomes less informed and less effective, more shootings and
murders go unsolved and unpunished, and more people seek vigilante justice in the streets . Fear and gun carrying
spread like a contagion and make everyone in the community, including the police, toxically stressed and quicker to pull the trigger. And both the community
and law enforcement become more cynical about the other’s motives and worth. All of this creates a continually destabilizing feedback
loop of distrust, disengagement, and fear that can leave whole communities scarred by the violence of a desperate
few.6 And so, to meaningfully address our gun violence crisis, we must understand how cycles of distrust and cycles of violence work. We must
understand that a deep, generational lack of faith in law enforcement has kept many Americans from actively
engaging with their police force—or even calling 911. We must understand that one of the most dangerous things a
police force can do, for both its officers and citizens, is to lose the trust and partnership of the community it serves.
And we must understand that building earned and durable trust between communities and law enforcement is
critical to stopping shootings and saving lives. Our aim in this report is to explain why, as a gun violence prevention organization, we
believe we must be engaged as allies in efforts to build community trust and refocus law enforcement efforts around just, effective, and proactive responses to
community violence.

VIGILANTISM SPRING DIRECTLY FROM LACK OF FAITH IN POLICE.

GIFFORDS LAW CENTER 2020. (Gifford’s Law Center is an organization founded by gun violence survivors and is partnered
Peace.pdf
Decades ago, leading sociologists demonstrated that the retributive “code of the street,” involving cycles of
violent vigilante justice, is actually an “adaptation to a profound lack of faith in the police and the judicial
system—and in others who would champion one’s personal security.”153 They observed that this code “emerges where the
influence of the police ends and personal responsibility for one’s safety is felt to begin,”154 and that “when the law is perceived to be unavailable—for
example, when CYCLE OF DISTRUST & VIOLENCE Over-enforcement calling the police is not a viable option to remedy
one’s problems—individuals may instead resolve their grievances by their own means, which may include
violence.”155 When people don’t view calling law enforcement as a reliable tool for resolving disputes or holding
others accountable for wrongdoing, they can fall into a “paradox,” where some individuals who believe in the
substance of the law and oppose violence are nonetheless propelled toward violence as a form of self-reliance or
vigilante justice.156 Victims of violence are especially likely to fall into this paradox: Researchers evaluating variations in homicide
trends across different Chicago neighborhoods found that violent victimization had a “dramatic” negative effect on
people’s views about law enforcement and its role in the community.157 People who have been shot are especially
unlikely to trust the police to keep them safe, particularly since, as discussed below, police departments usually fail
to arrest the people who pulled the trigger. Victims of violence are then much more likely to be involved in
cycles of retaliatory violence as both shooters and repeat victims . This is why so many urban hospitals and
trauma centers see a “revolving door” of gunshot injury : Studies have long shown that in many of these hospitals, over 40% of patients
treated for violent injuries such as gunshot wounds return to the emergency department with new violent injuries within five years,158 and as many as 20% are
killed within that short time frame.159 In
other communities, these victims and their loved ones may be more likely to press
law enforcement agencies to arrest their assailant, file a civil lawsuit, or move away from distressing circumstances.
But when the formal justice system is seen as absent , abusive, or ineffective, a small number of individuals are
compelled toward violent vigilantism instead.
IMPACT EXTENSION
VIGILANTISM FACILITIES VIOLENCE AGAINST MINORITIES

SLAUGHTER-JOHNSON 2018 (Ebony Slaughter-Johnson is a Princeton graduate and a freelance writer for U.S News, World
Report, Equal Voice News, and Inside Sources. Institute for Police Studies: ‘Stand Your Ground’ Laws Encourage Dangerous Vigilantism.
September 5th, 2018.) https://ips-dc.org/stand-your-ground-laws-encourage-dangerous-vigilantism/
It’s bad enough that a few white Americans are bringing in the law over mundane and ordinary behavior. But more
dangerously, others are appointing themselves officers of the law. In Clearwater, Florida, a man named Michael Drejka
deputized himself to handle a traffic infraction he believed to have been committed by Markeis McGlockton, a black man. For the alleged crime of
parking in a handicapped spot, Drejka fatally shot McGlockton in the chest in front of his young children and
girlfriend. Pinellas County law enforcement argued that Florida’s “stand your ground” law rendered his actions self-defense and, therefore, legally
permissible. Drejka, it turned out, had a history of punishing perceived traffic violations with threats of violence — and, at least on one occasion, of hurling
racial insults. Only after weeks of outrage did prosecutors charge him with manslaughter. There’s a direct line between what happened to those people who had
the police called on them and Markeis McGlockton. Beyond the obvious racist underpinnings of these incidents lurks something
far more sinister: the rise of racially motivated vigilantism. Instead of allowing the police to perform their
jobs, some white Americans have taken the responsibility of investigating crimes and pursuing criminals
upon themselves. Take the example of the white man in North Carolina, who demanded to see the pool passes of a black mother and her son in a video
that went viral. It was as if he’d been personally charged with safeguarding the private pool there. “Concerned citizens” like these aren’t
even stopping actual crimes. Instead, they’re attempting to prosecute completely imagined crimes — acts
made criminal merely by the presence of a black person.

AT: CASE ARGUMENTS
AT: COP BURN OUT
OFFICERS LIKE IBT TRAINING - AGREE IT WORKS

Spencer et al. (2016) suggested that the racial perceptual divide has been prevalent as a result of vastly different
cultural backgrounds in the United States. These 87 authors described divergent perspectives about race and culture among police officers.
They suggested that the perspectives of police officers have been associated with and shaped by varying perceptions of risk. These researchers further
suggested that by incorporating an understanding of implicit bias into their policies, procedures, and training,
police departments would have greater success managing biased behaviors within their workforc e. The
findings in this study revealed that although participants seemed cautious in their responses , many officers , more
than expected, acknowledged the positive influence of implicit bias training in terms of their understanding of
the communities in which they serve, their communication with diverse members of these communities, and
the process of relationship building in these communities. Participants reported that the training provided valuable insight about

cultural differences and perceptions. Additionally, participants stated that the training provided the necessary tools to
communicate and interact with diverse cultures positively and effectively. This study advances the work of Schlosser et al.
(2015), who explored the value of a pilot educational training program at the “Northwestern Police Academy” (a pseudonym). After exploring the value of
implicit-bias training, and after implementing a modification to a previously implemented implicit-bias training program, these researchers reported no
significant/observable change in perceptions. The
results of this study indicated that implicit-bias training provided
participants with the ability to recognize their biases and modify their behavior before these biases
negatively impacted their decision-making. For example, the results indicated that 22 out 32 participants reported
that implicit-bias training enabled them to be more effective as officers. T hese participants reported that implicit
bias training made them better prepared to manage their biases while interacting with diverse communities.
AT: JOB TURN
IBT AIDS IN THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS – SPECIFICALLY CORRELATED TO

SHOOTINGS.
Decision-making. The majority of participants acknowledged their ability to recognize their biases and modify
their behavior before these biases negatively impact their decision-making process . For example, one participant
reported "I try to keep my bias in check. Follow the law as it applies to everyone. Behavior adjustment can make more effective." Another participant
reported "you have to modify according to the situation. Every situation is different. One way might be effective at one scene, but maybe
not a different scene. You have to adapt to situation, will make you a better police officer for you and the
community you serve." One participant described how the training adjusted their decision-making as it relates to
the use of deadly force and reported "The inherent fear we Officers have of young black youth leads us to be quick
to draw our weapons. But now I draw my taser before I draw my firearm." Very few participants who completed implicit bias
training reported no benefit in this area, and even fewer stated they have no biases. Primarily, the perception of officers regarding the

practical value of implicit-bias training suggest that it enhances their decision-making process while
engaging with members of the diverse communities they serve. Overall, the study participants acknowledged
that implicit-bias training has practical value . Participants described how by recognizing and managing their
biases, they could communicate and interact more effectively with members of diverse communities. Additionally,
participants reported that as a result of implicit-bias training, they were able to manage assumptions during
their decision-making process.
AT: STATES CP
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IS KEY
RECOGNITION OF IMPLICIT BIAS IS A KEY.

DAVIDSON 2016 (Joe Davidson is is a writer of the Washington post Column Federal Insider. He was also a former Washington
corresponded with the Wall Street Journal and editor for Join Center for Political and Economic Studies. The Washington Post: Implicit Bias
Training Seeks to Counter Hidden Prejudice in Law Enforcement. August 16th, 2016.)
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2016/08/16/implicit-bias-training-seeks-to-counter-hidden-prejudice-in-law-
enforcement/

While the training will be geared to different elements in the department, all of it will begin with the science behind
implicit bias, Yates said by telephone. “As you might expect, people can naturally start out a little defensive when
they come into this kind of training.” Yates, who has taken some training, said it’s important for employees to
understand that implicit bias is distinct from explicit bias “and that it is something we all carry around
unconsciously in one form or another.” After the science, the training includes scenarios where implicit bias might
kick in and strategies to counter it. Strategies can include providing factual information to counter stereotypes . The
Justice Department’s finding that contraband is found much more often among white folks, yet black people are stopped and searched at a higher rate is an
example. That information, perhaps, could have an impact on those who assume higher arrest rates mean black people are more criminally inclined. Studies
have shown that black people are treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than white people for similar
offenses at every step of the process. “What the science also shows is that the most important aspect of
countering implicit bias is being aware that you have it to begin with,” Yates said. “Most people don’t really
recognize that they are carrying around the bias, particularly people who believe themselves to be fair-
thinking, non-prejudiced folks.” I wonder if that fits Hans von Spakovsky, a senior legal fellow at the conservative Heritage Foundation and a
former Justice Department lawyer. He thinks the department is going “to spend a lot of taxpayer money on training for a nonexistent problem.” Despite science
to the contrary, von Spakovsky said, unconvincingly, “these claims are based on very dubious, questionable studies…the bias I saw there when I worked in the
(DOJ’s) Civil Rights Division was toward whites.” Perhaps he should talk with Lenese Herbert, a Howard University law professor. Implicit
bias
training “represents cutting-edge research,” she said, “that may be enlisted to eradicate the internationally
embarrassing and domestically destabilizing scourge of officers killing unarmed Black people in extraordinarily
disproportionate numbers and in the face of shockingly nonviolent resistance.
RECOGNITION IS IMPORTANT
ONLY A NATIONAL PLATFORM CAN ENSURE ACTION.

CLAYTON 1/21 (Andrew Clayton is a reporter for the Guardian’s project on Guns and Lies in America. The Guardian: Distrust of
Police if Major Driver of US Gun Violence, Report Warns. January 21st, 2020.) https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jan/21/police-
gun-violence-trust-report
More than half of homicides of black Americans don’t lead to an arrest, the report notes, and nearly three-
quarters of all unsolved murders in these cities have involved a victim who was black . “We hear about disproportionate
impact and it’s important to speak clearly about how that’s a racial injustice,” says Ari Freilich, a lead author of the report and policy director at Giffords.

“That number would be unheard of in every high-income country in the world.” Most homicides are perpetrated by a very small percentage of the population,
often known to law enforcement. Street groups involved in violence constitute on average less than 0.6% of a city’s population, with an even smaller
yet in communities across the country, including some of those
percentage of that group actually perpetrating violent crimes. And
hardest hit by gun violence, researchers documented a concerning combination of distrust in law enforcement,
underreporting of crimes, declines in witness cooperation and engagement with officers, less informed policing,
unsolved murders and spikes in violence. Instead of acknowledging this complicated phenomenon, many
departments uphold myths of cities described as “murder capitals”, where residents are accused of being
complacent about gun violence and unwilling to help police hold shooters accountable . “So much of what isn’t
working about traditional policing is built on myths and leads to policies that treat whole communities as part of the
problem rather than victims, witnesses and the solution to violence,” says Freilich. “Law enforcement are inheritors of a
history of racism and violence,” Freilich adds. “And police are frequently tasked with implementing and enforcing racist laws.” “When you are
thinking of an entire community as violent you flood neighborhoods with all kinds of enforcement,” says Jesse Jannetta, a senior policy fellow at the Urban
Institute. “Rather,
if you can identify a small number who are at an elevated risk of shooting and being shot it opens
up a number of intervention possibilities.” Violence prevention The report also puts local knowledge and experiences
on a national stage, highlighting examples of cities with successful collaborations between communities and
law enforcement, as well as police departments that have made progress in confronting the history of racial
violence that looms over departments. “We know a bunch of issues are real, it’s our kids that are dying,” says Reygan
Cunningham, a senior partner with the California Partnership for Safe Communities, a not-for-profit that seeks to build collaborations between law
enforcement and violence reduction groups. “But people don’t hold official power. Putting this on a national platform forces
officials to wrestle with this.” In Oakland, California, gun homicides dropped 44% between 2007 and 2018, a
Guardian analysis found. The drop coincided with a rise in clearance rates for homicides, and with
the growth of collaborations between
local faith leaders and grassroots organizers who have pushed the police departments to adopt progressive policing
practices. “Law enforcement became more effective,” the Giffords report says of Oakland. “Homicide solve rates rose from
29% in 2011 to over 70% six years later, suggesting that community trust and partnership were improving, too.”
Even though Oakland has made massive strides, gun violence remains a stubborn issue throughout the city. In 2019 Oakland saw 74 murders in 2019,
significantly fewer than years before but a small uptick from the 67 homicides in 2018. While
the role of law enforcement officials in
violence prevention remains polarizing in some communities, many say that law enforcement participation is
essential if the downward trend will be sustained. “ Police action and inaction are a really big part of the
problem. Still I don’t think we’ll make the progress we want if police aren’t a part of our agenda,” says Vaughn
Crandall, the co-director of the California Partnership for Safe Communities
STATES ALONE FAIL
STATES ALONE FAIL – ONLY FEDERAL GOVERNMENT INVOLVEMENT CAN SOLVE.


Fears and criticism of federal overreaching in the enforcement of criminal laws and the development of substantive criminal law also extend to federal
intervention into local police practices. Thus,
where issues of constitutional significance are implicated, such as police
misconduct that rises to a pattern or practice of constitutional violations, the federal government exercises its
authority to remedy the situation. It is clear that minor individual instances of police misconduct do not warrant federal intervention into local
internal police rules.145 Yet, it is equally apparent that repeated failures of local entities to respond to systemic
shortcomings justify federal intervention .146 As Jonathan Jacobi asserts, “It is in the vast middle ground, where individual
police officers abuse their positions and commit serious crimes that the tension between local desire to maintain
hegemony in oversight of law enforcement and federal interest in bringing to justice bad cops is most
pronounced.”147 Similarly, where a local police department has a demonstrated pattern or practice of
unconstitutional violations, it is appropriate for the federal government to ascertain the nature of those
violations and ensure that the department adheres to minimum standards . The continued reluctance of states
to adequately address these issues involving police misconduct signals that the federal government should expand
its role in ensuring that the individual rights of citizens are protected.
AT: ELECTIONS DA
TRUMP LOOSES ANYWAYS

TRUMP IS LOSING THE ELECTION NOW – LOSS OF SUPPORT WITH COVID SOLIDIFIES THIS.
KAMARCH 5/8 (Elaine Kamarck is the founding direction for the Center for Effective Public Management and a Senior Fellow of
Governance Studies. Brookings. “In the Republican Party establishment, Trump finds tepid support. May 8th, 2020.
https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2020/05/08/in-the-republican-party-establishment-trump-finds-tepid-support/
For the past three years the Republican Party leadership have stood by the president through thick and thin. Previous
harsh critics and opponents in the race for the Republican nomination like Senator Lindsey Graham and Senator Ted Cruz fell in line, declining to say anything
negative about the president even while, at times, taking action in the Senate to limit presidential prerogatives in foreign policy. And after the House voted to
impeach the president on a party-line vote, the Republican Senate voted to acquit him, losing only one Republican Senator. But the president’s
handling of the coronavirus pandemic may have brought about the first faint cracks in the Republican
wall of support for Trump. For instance, Republican governors are not moving in lock step with President Trump’s desires to reopen the country
quickly. The two Republican Governors of Democratic states, Governor Charlie Baker (MA) and Governor Larry
Hogan (MD) have been openly critical of many of Trump’s moves. But other Republican Governors have been
following their own judgment and mostly giving lip service to Trump. As of today, among the states with Republican
governors, nine have reopened (although three of them never fully shut down), ten have reopened with restrictions and eight are still mostly closed down. In
the Congress there are signs that, as Trump’s re-election prospects dim , members of Congress are worried—
especially in the Senate where Democrats need to pick up only a few seats to end Mitch McConnell’s reign as
majority leader. At the end of April, a 57-page leaked memo from the National Republican Senatorial Committee advised Senate candidates,
when asked about coronavirus: “Don’t defend Trump, other than the China Travel Ban — attack China.”. The Trump campaign moved quickly to attack the
memo and the authors backed off. Nonetheless, the
Senate’s most vulnerable Senators are walking a thin line between
staying loyal to Trump and criticizing him. For instance, Senator Susan Collins told Politico: “His initial step to ban travel to China was
appropriate and yet he got criticized for it. It turned out to be correct….On the other hand, when he veers into giving medical advice or promoting various
treatments, he creates problems and should stay out of that.” In the House of Representatives, prospects for a Republican takeover were never very good and
now some Republicans fear their numbers could get worse. The
few moderate Republicans that survived the 2018 Democratic
victories are worried about their re-election prospects and trying to emphasize their bipartisan credentials.
One former member of Congress, Carlos Curbelo, who lost his Florida seat in 2018, said what other moderate Republicans couldn’t say; he told The New York
Times, “The president continues to be reckless in the context of the Covid-19 crisis… You could see a similar dynamic where a lot of Republicans in
competitive districts will just break with him in an effort to protect their own candidacies.” This
week a group of Republicans calling
themselves “The Lincoln Project” went public with their first ads against Trump. There were no surprises in
the group’s membership; it is composed of Republican operatives tied to staunch opponents of Trump such
as former Governor John Kasich of Ohio and both former presidents Bush . Perhaps the most interesting of them is George
Conway, a lawyer and husband of Kelly Anne Conway, a senior aide to President Trump and one of his most ferocious defenders . For months
Conway has been trying to warn America that Trump is mentally unfit for office, first in a lengthy piece in
the Atlantic and most recently in a brutally critical op-ed in the Washington Post.
NO LINK

TRUMP HAS ALWAYS FAILED TO ADDRESS IMPLICIT BIAS - PLAN ISN’T ENOUGH TO
REVERSE VOTERS.
IFILL 12/19 (Sherrilyn Ifill is the director-counsel and president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
Legal Defense and Educational Fund. CNN: Opinion. “We must hold police departments to account, even if the Trump administration fails to
do so. December 20th, 2019.) https://www.cnn.com/2019/12/20/opinions/policing-reform-trump-administration-ifill/index.html
Of all the ways the Trump administration has tried to roll back Obama-era initiatives, abandoning efforts to
address police brutality, bias and misconduct may be one of the most devastating. After protests broke out across the
country following the police killings of Eric Garner in New York and Michael Brown in Missouri in 2014, the Department of Justice (DOJ) under former
President Barack Obama began to ramp up its efforts to combat unconstitutional policing. Obama's DOJ increased the number of investigations and lawsuits
charging local police departments with systemic misconduct using its authority under the Law Enforcement Misconduct statute.The Obama administration also
created a bipartisan Task Force on 21st Century Policing that issued a powerful report identifying clear and achievable goals for policing reform, which
included building trust with communities, increasing accountability measures for misconduct and re-imagining the recruitment and training of officers to
confront issues of racial bias and discrimination. Despite these changes at the federal level, local community activism against police brutality and misconduct
remains robust and undiminished. Residents from Tulsa to North Charleston are demanding accountability and change, and are slowly moving the needle on
reform. In cities including Baltimore and Chicago, consent decrees requiring police departments to adopt reforms are underway, and residents are working hard
to ensure their implementation. The nonprofit Communities United for Police Reform, along with other civil rights organizations, launched an initiative last
year to call for the repeal of New York state's law 50-a, which bars the public from accessing police officers' disciplinary and complaint records. Campaign
Zero, a police reform campaign, has created a multi-factor scorecard that rates levels of police violence, accountability, and approaches to policing in the 100
largest police departments in California. And activists have continued marching and organizing against police violence in communities around the country. But
it would be folly to abandon the demand that the Department of Justice do its part to address police brutality and other policing conduct that does not conform
with the constitutional protections of the 4th and 14th Amendments. The DOJ still exercises enormous influence over law enforcement practices in this
country. Much of that influence is driven by money, since the DOJ provides hundreds of millions of grant dollars every year to local police departments
through a number of programs. In the fiscal year 2019, the department's COPS Office alone awarded approximately $106 million to support community
policing initiatives. DOJ grant money influences the priorities and practices of law enforcement agencies and officers across the country. And many
departments receiving these funds have a track record of misconduct and systemic discrimination. Originally designed to help address local resistance to
desegregation after Brown v. Board of Education, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination in programs that receive federal funding.
Crucially, Title VI requires each federal agency that provides federal financial assistance to state, local or private institutions to ensure that funding recipients
do not engage in discriminatory practices. And, if funding recipients fail to adhere to the law, they should, under the law, risk losing these funds. Until now,
there has been no mechanism that allows communities to track this grant money and correlate it with departments with a record of unconstitutional policing.
This week, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF)'s Thurgood Marshall Institute released the National Police Funding Database that does
just that. It provides access to data on federal grants awarded to over 150 law enforcement agencies across the nation, along with relevant demographic data,
and, where available, police misconduct complaints, consent decrees and settlements. Users of the database can research federal grants received by their local
police departments and identify the payouts that some of the largest police departments make each year to settle misconduct claims. This database comes
online just as President Trump prepares to promote his newly created Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice. According to the
executive order establishing this commission, it is intended to "prevent, reduce, and control crime, increase respect for the law, and assist victims," including
through establishing best practices for policing. When
President Donald Trump entered the White House, however, his first
appointed attorney general, Jeff Sessions, signaled that this would all change under his leadership . Sessions made clear his
disapproval of consent decrees — legal agreements between the Justice Department and local governments that can be used to bind police departments to adopt reforms .
Sessions also ended the DOJ's Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Office's comprehensive
collaborative assessments -- voluntary, reform-oriented evaluations of police practices performed at the request of police departments. And, while Sessions' DOJ
would continue to prosecute individual officers for violations of federal civil rights laws, it would limit its investigation of police departments for engaging in "patterns and practices"
Trump also underscored this new approach to unconstitutional
of unconstitutional policing and use of consent decrees. President
policing by pardoning former sheriff Joe Arpaio, who was convicted of criminal contempt for violating a court
order to stop targeting suspected immigrants in a racial profiling case In fact, in a recent speech to law enforcement,
Trump's current attorney general, William Barr, said Americans "have to start showing, more than they do, the
respect and support that law enforcement deserves," before going on to add, " if communities don't give that
support and respect, they might find themselves without the police protection they need ." The nation's chief
law enforcement officer sent a clear message to African American communities and essentially told them to
stop demanding that officers police their communities within the bounds of the US Constitution , or give up
the expectation that officers will protect them from crime. This stunning statement further illustrates this
administration's continued and intentional regression when it comes to providing oversight of the nation's
police departments -- and demonstrates why it is particularly pressing that the public step up efforts to ensure that law enforcement is transparent and
accountable.

BIPARTISAN MODULE
POLICE TRAINING IS BIPARTISAN – NOT A KEY PLATFORM

BAKST 2017 (Brian Bakst is politics reporter for MPR News. Ðiversity, crisis training for cops get bipartisan push at capitol. February
16th, 2017) https://www.mprnews.org/story/2017/02/16/police-diversity-crisis-training-bipartisan-bill
Diversity crisis training for cops get bipartisan push at Capitol. The fatal shootings of Jamar Clark and Philando
Castile by Minnesota police officers sparked weeks of protest and loud calls for change. There was concern that
officers lacked adequate training to ratchet down tense situations. And there was grumbling that police
forces didn't reflect the communities they patrolled. The Legislature is now poised to respond. As part of Gov. Mark Dayton's budget,
there is a $10 million recommendation to provide for more-regular courses in crisis response and other money to diversify departments. "For the first
time, law enforcement has come forward and said we want you to mandate these kinds of training," said Rep. Debra
Hilstrom, DFL- Brooklyn Center. "Now we'll have this mandate of crisis response, conflict management and
cultural diversity training." Bloomington Police Chief Jeff Potts said police leaders see it as an opportunity. "Quite frankly, I think from the training
we're going to see from a use-of-force standpoint all over Minnesota with these additions, you're going to see use of force re-engineered to include these
specific learning objectives," he said. The learning objectives are being developed by the Peace Officers Standards and Training Board. They would include
crisis intervention drills and tips for dealing with people exhibiting mental illness. Some DFL lawmakers say community groups outside of law enforcement
deserve to have a say in crafting the objectives. And they want lessons about implicit bias to be among them. Clarence Castile reflected last month on the fatal
shooting of his nephew Philando Castile by a St. Anthony police officer during a traffic stop last summer. "When this thing that happened to my nephew, the
first thing I thought is, 'This guy wasn't trained well. He didn't know how to handle himself,'" Castile said. "He just overreacted in the situation because he
wasn't trained properly." The officer faces criminal charges in the case. Democratic Sen. Dan Schoen is a cosponsor of a training bill. He's also a Cottage
Grove police officer. He said effective training involves role playing and periodic refresher courses. "If
you're an officer, you want this stuff.
You want the opportunity to hone your skills and to do a better job," Schoen said. "There is nothing more devastating
to an officer than having to take another person's life, even if it is to save your own." One of the issues for departments has
always been affording the extra training. State reimbursements to local governments have covered $300 per officer. That would be bumped up to $1,000. Potts
said the money could be used to foster ethnic diversity in departments or something else. "There's no set definition for it," he said. "It kind of depends on where
you're from right now in Minnesota. Nontraditional in a smaller city in Minnesota could mean somebody who is working in a different career field." Rep.
Ray Dehn, DFL-Minneapolis, wants to see a more-concerted outreach effort to boost racial diversity in
departments. "To actually get out into communities, to talk to individuals, to try to present maybe a different way of thinking about being a police officer
than often times what we see on the news at 10 o'clock at night," Dehn said. House Public Safety Finance Committee Chairman Tony
Cornish, a Vernon Center Republican, has signed onto the effort, and that should lift the initiative's chances. B ut he is
also trying to keep expectations in check. "Keep in mind that even though we're increasing the amount per officer this still won't go to the amount that the
cities and local governments, sheriffs and local governments spend across the state," he said. Separately, there are proposed grants in play to recruit and train
officer candidates with non-traditional backgrounds.

BIPARTISAN ISSUES AREN’T ENOUGH TO SWING ELECTIONS – MIDTERMS PROVE.

MANCHESTER 2018 (Julia Manchester is a report for the Hill who covers national politics and appears on TheHill TV. The Hill.
“Bipartisan issues don’t offer enough political tractions, pollster says. 11/20/2018) https://thehill.com/hilltv/what-americas-thinking/417678-
dem-gop-candidates-wont-pay-attention-to-issues-both-sides
Bipartisan issues don’t offer enough political tractions, pollster says. 11/20/2018. HarrisX CEO Dritan Nesho said in an interview that
aired Tuesday on "What America's Thinking" that Democrats and Republicans will likely pay less attention to issues like
infrastructure because they do not give candidates enough political traction. "The Democrats will try to triangulate Trump on
immigration, and Trump will try to triangulate the Democrats on health care," Nesho told Hill.TV's Joe Concha on Monday. "Health care was the leading issue
for voters who voted this time around in the midterms, and then immigration was number two," he continued. "The
Democrats and Trump will try
to fight for the independent vote, for the swing vote. The challenge is that the playbook is always picking policies
win your base and carry over independents so that you can get reelected," he said. Nesho said that Democrats and
Republicans will likely not use issues that both sides agree on because they don't believe that fires up voters.
"Unfortunately, a policy like infrastructure that everyone is in agreement on doesn't get picked because it doesn't
really give you much political traction," he said. "That's really what's challenging, and complex, and perhaps even sad
about the nature of politics." Nesho's comments come as President Trump's prepares to work with a Democratic-
controlled House and a Republican-majority Senate. While both sides have spoken about the need for
bipartisanship, Republicans and Democrats still have employed the use of heated rhetoric in the aftermath of the
midterms.

REPUBLICANS MODULE
REPUBLICANS HATE THE PLAN - TRUMP LOSES KEY VOTERS AND LOSES THE ELECTION
ANYWAYS.
RUBIN 2015 (Jennifer Rubin is an opinion writer for the Washington Post. The Washington Post: Republicans are pro-police and pro-
defense. January 5th, 2015) https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/right-turn/wp/2015/01/05/republicans-are-pro-police-and-pro-defense/
When it comes to police, Republicans are four-square on the side of law and order. Among Republicans, 74
percent are very or somewhat confident police are held accountable for misconduct, as opposed to 54 percent
of all registered voters. Among Republicans, 64 percent believe African Americans and whites receive equal
justice, 77 percent are very or somewhat confident the police treat African Americans and whites equally, 76
percent believe they are adequately trained to avoid excessive force, and by a 50-to-35 percent margin over
Democrats, they even agree with the grand jury decision not to charge the police officer in the killing of Eric
Garner. Seventy-seven percent of Republicans think the Garner and Michael Brown cases were isolated incidents. I
suspect if Republicans were asked if they had a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Al Sharpton, the unfavorable count would be over 90 percent. Whether one
agrees with these views or not, it is obvious that a presidential candidate asserting that the Afghanistan war was a mistake or that there is a widespread racial
problem in policing is going to run into a buzz saw with Republican voters. These views are reflective of Democrats and, to some extent, the electorate as a
whole, but in castigating the U.S. for getting involved in wars against jihadists and siding with police critics, a libertarian-ish pol like Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.)
is going to find little support for his views. Whether these issues are significant enough to dissuade primary voters from supporting a candidate who champions
these views remains to be seen. For now, however, the candidates who favor a robust foreign policy and who defend law enforcement are likely to find greater
receptivity for their views. Herein lies the problem with the notion that a libertarian like Paul can win by collecting college-age and other anti-war, anti-police
voters. Getting these people to register Republican and show up in caucuses and primaries for a pro-life, anti-Obamacare budget hawk was always going to be
an uphill climb. But what the latest Post-ABC poll suggests is that taking libertarian stances on war and domestic law enforcement
will not sit well with the existing GOP electorate . Alienating the GOP base without getting non-Republicans to
sign onto one’s cause is not a recipe for success.

AT: FEDERALISM
NO UNIQUENES
NO OVERREACH OF POWER – COPS STATUE TRANSFERRED AUTHORITY TO FEDERAL

GOVERNMENT.
COLE 2016 (Jared P. Cole is a legislative attorney and writer for the Congressional Research Service. “Federal Power over Local Law
Enforcement Reform: Legal Issues. July 7th, 2016) https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44104.pdf
As a baseline, the
Constitution constrains the behavior of local law enforcement and judicial officers by
protecting individual rights in a number of ways. Most provisions of the Bill of Rights are considered by the
Supreme Court to be “incorporated” in the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and are thus
applicable to the states.12 For example the following provisions are all applicable to state and local governments:  the Fourth Amendment’s
protection against unreasonable searches and seizures;13  the Fifth Amendment’s protection from being forced to produce evidence against oneself;14  the
Sixth Amendment’s requirements that criminal trials be conducted before an impartial jury and that defendants have an opportunity to confront witnesses
against them and be afforded assistance of counsel if the potential sentence includes imprisonment;15 and  the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition of excessive
bail and cruel and unusual punishment.16 Otherwise, many of the rules and regulations governing local enforcement and judicial officers derive from state and
local laws. While
the U.S. Constitution imposes a “floor” of minimum constitutional rights, state constitutions and
laws can impose greater procedural restrictions on police than are required under the U.S. Constitution .17 However,
the federal government does play a role in regulating local police behavior in several areas. First, the federal
government operates various spending and grant programs that provide money to local governments and
police forces and condition receipt of those funds on compliance with certain requirements.18 For example,
the Community Oriented Policing Statute ( COPS) provides the Attorney General with authority to distribute
grants to state and local governments to hire officers for community oriented policing and to purchase
equipment and provide training .19 Similarly, the Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant (JAG) program awards funds to state and
local governments to assist in combating crime.20 This funding is distributed according to a formula based on a state’s incidence of violent crime and total
population.21 The funding can be used for a number of purposes, including law enforcement, prosecution and court programs, and prevention and education
programs.22 Law enforcement agencies that receive funding under the JAG program are barred from discriminating on the basis of race, religion, and sex in
employment practices or in connection with any program or activity funded in part or in whole by these funds. Aggrieved persons may pursue private rights of
action to enforce these provisions after exhausting administrative remedies and the Attorney General may bring a civil action in federal court if a state or local
government receiving funds engages in a pattern or practice of violations of these provisions.23 Under
both the JAG and COPS programs,
the federal government can enforce these requirements by revoking funding when the relevant conditions
are not satisfied. 24 and may bring criminal charges against agents of state or local governments involved in
bribery if the relevant government entity receives more than $10,000 of federal funds.25 Further, the Death in
Custody Reporting Act, signed into law in December 2014, conditions certain federal grants on states reporting to
the Attorney General concerning deaths of individuals in police custody.26

NO LINK
NO TRADE OFF OF POWER – COOPERATIVE FEDERALISM IS EFFECTIVE FOR COMMUNITY

POLICING.
Expanding the federal government’s role does not mean, however, that states and the federal government
cannot work cooperatively to resolve important issues related to police accountability. Cooperative-federalism
regimes operate in numerous contexts outside of the criminal justice system and may achieve the appropriate
balance of federal and local involvement with respect to reforming local police departments.148 To address this
dilemma, I argue that federal funds issued to states pursuant to the COPS program should be conditioned upon the
enactment and implementation of police accountability measures aimed at institutional reform. A provision such as
the one proposed in the next section would allow the federal government to articulate minimum standards related to
police accountability that states would have an incentive to adopt. Such an amendment, however, as discussed
below, would leave to the states and localities the power to determine how best to achieve these minimum
standards, thus, encouraging local experimentation and avoiding rigid uniform standards.

COOPERATIVE FEDERALISM
COOPERATIVE FEDERALISM SOLVES BEST WITH POLICE REFORM – PRESIDENTS TASK

FORM PROVES.
NCSL 2018 (The National Conference of State Legislators is a collaboration of state legislators that interact with lawmakers to improve
the legislative process.. Law Enforcement Overview. June 19th, 2018.) https://www.ncsl.org/research/civil-and-criminal-justice/law-
enforcement.aspx
“Community policing” is an approach to law enforcement that uses community partnerships and problem-solving
techniques to proactively address public safety concerns, according to the U.S. Department of Justice. Community
policing proponents assert that by building strong relationships, communities and police are better able to respond to and communicate
during crisis situations. Rather than a specific set of policies, community-policing is a philosophy that may look different in every locality based on the needs
of the police and the people in each jurisdiction. Recent evaluations of community policing practices have occurred at the
state and federal level. President Barrack Obama created a Task Force on 21st Century Policing to identify and
recommend best practices for “fostering strong, collaborative relationships between local law enforcement and
the communities they protect.” The Task Force released its final report in May 2015. In April 2016, Washington (HB 2908) (2016)
became the most recent state to initiate a formal review of policing practices. The legislature created the joint
legislative task force on the use of deadly force in community policing. The task force is charged with reviewing
laws, practices, and training programs regarding deadly force and making recommendations to reduce the
number of violent interactions between law enforcement officers and members of the public by December
2016.

NO IMPACT
CONDITIONAL FUNDING SOLVES ANY POTENTIAL IMPACTS OF FEDERAL OVERREACH.

Given the local nature of policing, it is realistic to expect some level of local opposition to federal oversight
regarding this issue. Although policing is an inherently political issue, opposition to increased oversight and
accountability of police may not be as vehement or widespread within state legislatures. For example, some states
already have statutes in place to ensure that individual officers who commit certain acts unbecoming of a
peace officer are not allowed to practice. Many states, including states with local police departments subject to
DOJ’s pattern or practice authority, have taken some measures to regulate the activities of police officers by
enacting decertification statutes, and Puro and Goldman previously have identified this revocation process as an opportunity for cooperative
federalism. 245 This decertification is analogous to license revocation that occurs in other professions. For example, when a police officer is alleged to have
violated a state statute or regulation, he may come before a Peace Officers’ Standards and Training Commission. 246 If the allegations are sustained, then the
certifying agency may revoke the officer’s certificate.247 If the officer’s certificate is revoked, then he may no longer serve as a law enforcement officer in that
state.248 As of 1997, one study showed that thirty states had broad revocation authority, nine had limited revocation, and eleven states had no revocation
authority.249 The result of the cooperative federalism regime proposed here might be to encourage more states to adopt similar measures .
Additionally,
linking federal money to increased police accountability may encourage states that already have revocation
statutes to revisit their effectiveness and make them more stringent if neede d. A far more likely source of difficulty in
implementation may come from police unions that often resist police reforms. Experts have long noted that many police unions may create institutional
barriers to the revocation and decertification provisions and issues related to personnel matters implicated by the suggested regulations.250 However, the
incentives surrounding federal money may work to relax some of these barriers. Perhaps these unions will be
encouraged to seek more creative ways to protect their members while allowing minimal oversight.

AT: MOVEMENTS DA
MOVEMENTS TURN
THEY HAVE IT BACKWARDS – PIECEMEAL REFORM STRENGTHENS POLICY.

WALKER 2019 (Samuel Walker is a Professor of Criminal Justice at the University of Nebraska and also a writer for the crime report.
The Crime Report: Ignore the Headlines: Police Reform is Moving Ahead. November 27th, 2019)
https://thecrimereport.org/2019/11/27/ignore-the-headlines-police-reform-is-moving-ahead/
California last year enacted an extraordinary police accountability law defining as public records police
investigative files in three areas of police misconduct: where an officer has been found to have been involved in the
death or serious injury of a person, to have engaged in the sexual assault of a person while in duty, or to have been
untruthful in a police proceeding. The law, which took effect January 1 this year, cracks open the long-secret world of police misconduct,
including the notorious practice of police “testilying,” in which officers lie in official reports or when testifying at trial. News media in the state have been busy
since January filing public records requests for files covered by the new law. The
California law is only one manifestation of a burst of
police reform nationally since the tragic events in Ferguson, Mo., in August 2014, involving new state laws, new
local ordinances, important initiatives by two major state attorneys general, and reforms by progressive-minded
police chiefs. You wouldn’t know this if you only follow the national news media, which focus mainly on outrageous fatal shootings and beatings by
police officers. Stories on police reform also cited the Trump administration’s cancellation of the Justice Department’s “pattern or practice program,” which
had obtained judicially-enforced consent decrees mandating sweeping police reforms in troubled police departments. In
fact, as I have argued
elsewhere, police reform is “not dead yet.” State legislatures have been extremely active on police reform . A
national survey by the Vera Institute found that in 2015 and 2016 34 states and the District of Columbia passed a total of 79 laws enhancing police
accountability. These laws reformed police use of force policies, limited racial profiling, mandated body-worn
cameras, protected the right of citizens to record police officers at work, mandated data collection on traffic
stops and arrests, and provided for independent investigations of police fatal shooting incidents. Where did this
burst of legislation come from? The tragic events in Ferguson, Cleveland, Baltimore, and other cities had a profound impact
on public understanding of the seriousness of police misconduct and the need for reform.[1] The 2015 President’s
Task Force on 21st Century Policing added a powerful voice on the need for the police to legitimacy and to
practice procedural justice in encounters with citizens. The result has been a national upsurge in advocacy
and lobbying by countless people across the country.

TURN
TURN – POLICE REFORM MOVEMENTS FUEL POLICY – HISTORY PROVES

CLIFFNOTES N.D (CliffNotes is a teacher run academic service that provides students study guides from fact based information and
textbooks. Cliff Notes: Progressive Police Reform: Progressive Police Reform.) https://www.cliffsnotes.com/study-guides/criminal-
justice/development-of-the-american-police/progressive-police-reform
At the end of the 19th century, progressives attempted to reform the police. Progressivism was a social
movement advocating progress, change, improvement, and reform as opposed to maintaining things as they were .
Reacting to the demands of an urban‐industrial society in the early 1900s, Progressives advanced the ideas of regulating corporations, eliminating corruption
from municipal government, abolishing child labor, and extending the right to vote to women. Under
the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt
(who later served as the 26th president from 1901 to 1909), a small group of eastern civilian reformers entered municipal
government, made important contributions to police administration, and moved on to careers in other fields. As
president of the New York City Board of Police Commissioners (1895–1897), Roosevelt advocated reforms designed
to reduce the power of political machines over the police.

AT: CAPITALISM
PERMUTATION
THEY HAVE IT BACKWARDS – PIECEMEAL REFORM STRENGTHENS POLICY.

WALKER 2019 (Samuel Walker is a Professor of Criminal Justice at the University of Nebraska and also a writer for the crime report.
The Crime Report: Ignore the Headlines: Police Reform is Moving Ahead. November 27th, 2019)
https://thecrimereport.org/2019/11/27/ignore-the-headlines-police-reform-is-moving-ahead/
California last year enacted an extraordinary police accountability law defining as public records police
investigative files in three areas of police misconduct: where an officer has been found to have been involved in the
death or serious injury of a person, to have engaged in the sexual assault of a person while in duty, or to have been
untruthful in a police proceeding. The law, which took effect January 1 this year, cracks open the long-secret world of police misconduct,
including the notorious practice of police “testilying,” in which officers lie in official reports or when testifying at trial. News media in the state have been busy
since January filing public records requests for files covered by the new law. The
California law is only one manifestation of a burst of
police reform nationally since the tragic events in Ferguson, Mo., in August 2014, involving new state laws, new
local ordinances, important initiatives by two major state attorneys general, and reforms by progressive-minded
police chiefs. You wouldn’t know this if you only follow the national news media, which focus mainly on outrageous fatal shootings and beatings by
police officers. Stories on police reform also cited the Trump administration’s cancellation of the Justice Department’s “pattern or practice program,” which
had obtained judicially-enforced consent decrees mandating sweeping police reforms in troubled police departments. In
fact, as I have argued
elsewhere, police reform is “not dead yet.” State legislatures have been extremely active on police reform . A
national survey by the Vera Institute found that in 2015 and 2016 34 states and the District of Columbia passed a total of 79 laws enhancing police
accountability. These laws reformed police use of force policies, limited racial profiling, mandated body-worn
cameras, protected the right of citizens to record police officers at work, mandated data collection on traffic
stops and arrests, and provided for independent investigations of police fatal shooting incidents. Where did this
burst of legislation come from? The tragic events in Ferguson, Cleveland, Baltimore, and other cities had a profound impact
on public understanding of the seriousness of police misconduct and the need for reform.[1] The 2015 President’s
Task Force on 21st Century Policing added a powerful voice on the need for the police to legitimacy and to
practice procedural justice in encounters with citizens. The result has been a national upsurge in advocacy
and lobbying by countless people across the country.


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National Association for Urban Debate Leagues

IMPLICT BIAS TRAINING AFFIRMATIVE

Saudi Arabia Novice File 1 of 51

KEY TERMS GLOSSARY

Uniform – remaining the same

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 2 of 51

IMPLICIT BIAS TRAINING 1AC

IMPLICIT BIASES IN OFFICERS IS ON THE RISE DURING THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 3 of 51

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 4 of 51

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 5 of 51

CONDITIONING FUNDING IS EFFECTIVE – BUT IT NEEDS TO BE UNIFORM.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 6 of 51

THE ACTION MUST COME FROM THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 7 of 51

WITH FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SUPPORT IBT TRAINING DRASTICALLY IMPROVES POLICE-

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 8 of 51

THESE RELATIONS ARE FURTHER INCREASED THROUGH IBTS CULTURAL COMPETENCE

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 9 of 51

STRONG COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS MAKE INDIVIDUALS MORE LIKELY TO SHARE

THIS INFORMATION PLACES LOCAL POLICE IN A UNIQUE POSITION TO DETER TERRORISM

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 10 of 51

TERRORISM LEADS TO EXTINCTION

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 11 of 51

POLICE-COMMUNITY RELATIONS ARE DIRECTLY LINKED TO OVER-POLICING—PREFER

Explaining Citizen Perceptions of the Police Individual Demographic Characteristics Research

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 12 of 51

THE IMPACT IS POLICING—POOR COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS LEAD TO

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 13 of 51

RECENT ACTIONS BY THE TRUMP ADMINISTRATION MAKE POLICING AND

2AC ADD-ON ADVANTAGE

ADD ON ADVANTAGE - GUN VIOLENCE

STRAINED COMMUNITY POLICE RELATIONS LEADS TO AN INCREASE IN VIGILANTES.

David Kennedy, a criminologist at John Jay College, explained:

IMPLCIT BIAS IS A BIG PROBLEM RIGHT NOW

IMPLICIT BIAS PLAGUES TASK FORCE NOW

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 17 of 51

CONDITIONING FUNDING – SOLVES

MONETARY INCENTIVES SOLVE – DEPARTMENTS RESPOND POSITIVELY TO CONDITIONAL

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 18 of 51

IMPLICIT BIAS TRAINING WORKS

IMPLICIT BIAS IS MALLEABLE– TRAINING CAN BE EFFECTIVE STUDIES PROVE.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 19 of 51

PLAN IS CONSTITUTIONAL - CONDITIONING FUNDING IS SUCCESSFUL.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 20 of 51

STATES HAVE TO AGREE TO THE TERMS OF FUNDING – OR RISK LAW SUIT.

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 21 of 51

PLAN SOLVES TERRORISM

PLAN INSTILL COMMUNITY TRUST - SOLVES TERRORISM

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 22 of 51

AT: GLOBAL TERRORISM

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 23 of 51

TERRORISM IMPACT – PREVENTABLE DEATHS

DOMESTIC TERRORISM IS ONE OF THE BIGGEST PROBLEMS FACING AMERICA – KILLS

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 24 of 51

HUNDREDS OF DOMESTIC TERRORIST CASES A YEAR – LEAD TO THOUSANDS OF

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 25 of 51

TERRORISM IMPACT – EXTINCTION

TERRORISM LEADS TO EXTINCTION

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 26 of 51

SPATIAL UNDERSTANDINGS OF POLICING ARE NECESSARY—ALL OF THEIR “IMPLICIT

Implicit Bias Training Novice File 27 of 51

ADVANTAGE GUN VIOLENCE

IMPLICIT BIAS IS DIRECTLY RELATED