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Historical & Contemporary Burial Customs in Ireland

Thesis · March 2014

DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.1.4408.6168

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Historical & Contemporary Burial
Customs in Ireland

Katie Kearns

BA (Hons) in Heritage Studies

Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology
2014
 Historical & Contemporary Burial
Customs in Ireland

Katie Kearns

This dissertation was submitted in fulfilment of

requirements for the Bachelor of Arts (Hons) Degree in
Heritage Studies,
Department of Heritage & Tourism,
College of Tourism & Arts,
Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology

Supervisor of research: Dr. Suzanne O’ Shea

2014

I hereby declare that this dissertation is my own work

------------------------------------------------------------
 List of Chapters

1. Introduction: page 1.
2. Methodology/Aims & Objectives: page 4.
3. Literature/Source Review: page 8.
4. A Brief History of Burials in Ireland: page 17.
5. The Role of Religion and Folklore in Burial Custom: page 21.
6. Contemporary Attitudes to Burial: page 28.
7. Conclusion: page 35.

iii
List of Appendices: A chronology of interviews completed for this dissertation.

1. Richard Conneely, funeral director, Galway city.

2. Ciarán Burke, funeral director, Clonbur, county Galway.
3. Faisal Mohammad A. Algarni, 3rd level student, county Galway.

iv
Introduction

1
Burial practices in Ireland, like many other cultural habits, were (and to a degree) still
are deeply rooted in the collective minds of the people. They form part of the
framework that illustrates the belief-system held by the Irish people, concerning life
and, as this essay will focus on, death. How these practices have changed over the
centuries, particularly in the last century, can illuminate a wider understanding of the
changing face of Irish society at present. An urbanised, multi-cultural Ireland as
opposed to the rural, agriculturally dependant communities that are in decline.
The methodology of funeral and burial practice in Ireland can also indicate the
mindset of the people, or ‘folk’, concerning how they coped with death, if they feared
it and the ways in which mourning was practiced. These customs can also reflect on
wider societal aspects such as the class divide, the role of organised religion and the
prominence/survival of the oral tradition in certain areas.
The class divide can also mean the religious/political divide. Thus, those of the
Protestant faith in Ireland (during the last few centuries) usually were upper class
while those of the Catholic faith were, in general, poorer. The class divide even
extends to death, as there are graveyards for different religious faiths and Ireland is no
exception. This was even enacted into law; for instance the Quakers and French
Protestants had their own cemeteries that were independent of the District Burial
Boards set up as part of the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878 (Vanston, 1913, p. 214).
There are also mixed burial grounds, such as Bohermore in co. Galway, which has
two mortuary chapels and separate Catholic and Protestant sections. Notable people
who are interred there include distinguished folklorist Lady Augusta Gregory and
Lord Haw Haw.
The prominence of customs and specific ‘folk beliefs’ were usually practiced far more
by the lower ‘peasant’ class; which is ironic considering the Catholic church’s
condemnation of wakes, keening and
‘the singing of lewd songs and the playing of obscene games by silly fellows’
(Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 146).
The role of religion and the social/cultural/political divide are all linked and thus, also
due to external influences, led to changes in the manner in which the people of this
country bury their dead.
The customs passed down from generation to generation over many centuries meant
that they were not only meaningful but a powerful symbol of respect and fear for the
dead. The decline in the usage and belief of these unique and objectively unorthodox
2
customs shows not only the slow disappearance of folklore but also of a way of life.
However, other European countries show evidence of similar rituals at wakes and
funerals; thus fitting Ireland into the broader framework of European identity (Ó
Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 160).
Contrasting the burial methods of different faiths can identify how people of different
religions interact with death, against the modern backdrop; a cross section of Irish
society. Graveyard rules and regulations can also display the divide that existed
between the two main classes in Ireland and the altering of these laws to
accommodate different denominations (Vanston, 1913, p. 214) and their respective
burial customs is evidence of the increasingly multi-cultural nature of Irish society.
This dissertation will give a brief history of burial practice in Ireland, as the old
traditional ways must be understood in order to study the contemporary.
The author chose this area of study because she feels it is an important part of the oral
culture that exists within Ireland. Burial rituals/customs were (and to some extent still
are) one of the many aspects of the life of rural Irish people. Handed down from one
generation to the next, customs were never written in stone nor recorded in books,
thus why it is a key priority to make sure they are preserved for posterity. Customs
can tell quite a bit about a culture and Ireland is no different; thus why it is not only a
fascinating topic but also one of great importance. It is widely accepted that these
traditions are vanishing from everyday life and all the more reason why they should
be adequately preserved.
These customs are closely linked with the folklore of Ireland, which encapsulates
‘pagan’ beliefs, superstition and also, ironically, that of religion. This fusion of
different beliefs combines to make Irish folk tradition one of the best surviving and
unique examples left of what once was a wider European tradition, of which little or
no evidence survives (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p.165).
The future for these unique Irish burial customs and indeed that of Irish folklore is,
without reservation, uncertain.

3
Methodology/Aims & Objectives

4
Methodology:
The research herein made use of both primary and secondary sources, located
primarily in the area of Galway city.
Questionnaires, surveys and informal interviews were conducted to better understand
the topic at hand. These comprised the primary sources that will be used to undertake
this research.
Firstly, two funeral directors based in county Galway were given a questionnaire with
a set amount of questions. This was an informal affair, thus allowing the funeral
directors to talk freely about their experiences & sharing additional useful
information. The director of Coneely’s funeral home (Richard Coneely) in Flood St.,
Galway city was interviewed as this is a long-established business and also it is family
run. Thus the director was able to recall his experiences in the business over many
years that may aid in the research. This is also true for Burkes Funeral home in
Clonbur, county Galway. This is a family run business and the director, Ciarán Burke,
has been working in the business for many years. These two funeral homes acted as a
good contrast to one another as Coneely’s is situated in Galway city centre and
Burkes is in the rural village of Clonbur in county Galway.
The survey, which was sent out to 3rd level students in Galway-Mayo Institute of
Technology as well as friends/family/acquaintances of the author, consisted of three
simple but effective questions, which are thought-provoking yet not intended to pry.
People surveyed had the option to expand on their answers if they so wished and
others can choose not to do so. This survey was given with the intention of
comparing/contrasting the participants & their answers in terms of age and religious
persuasion. The ages of people surveyed was broken into four parts; 18-25 year olds,
25-50 year olds, 40-60 year olds and people above 60. The survey can be viewed here,
via the website SurveyMonkey:
https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/7FP2Z9X
Thirdly, a young man from Saudi Arabia was informally interviewed concerning these
aspects and thus they will be compared and contrasted with the other interviewees &
survey participants, who are of Irish origin. This particular interviewee was a valuable
primary resource as interviewing him highlighted the contrasting philosophies that
different cultures have in terms of death and burial and also it was evidence of the
multi-cultural aspect of modern Ireland.
5
Written primary material for this topic was sparse and there was a lack of relevant
material; thus the only written primary source used was Vanston’s Public Health
Manual 1878, which gave some detail on burial law in Ireland at that time. This aided
in the overall understanding of graveyard law, its importance and how these laws have
changed over time to accommodate people of different faiths.
In terms of secondary sources, written material and pre-existing research was in
abundance and aided greatly in the study of this topic. The books used were belonging
to different disciplines such as archaeology, history and folklore. These three different
academic disciplines displayed the topic of burial in Ireland from different
perspectives; thus enriching the overall understanding of the subject. The relevant
chapters of these books tied together the material collected and formed a structured
discussion. Also contained in these sources, notably the folklore books were first-
hand interviews performed by the authors which would otherwise be unobtainable.
These acted as a compass for the author to conduct her interviews. The books were
obtained from the library at Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology, Galway County
Library and from personal collection.
Other secondary sources included websites, online databases, digitised newspaper
articles and journals.
All these methods used in conjunction with one another gave a well rounded, enriched
and stimulating scope to this author’s research.

6
Aims:
1. Research, analyse and interpret changes in the Irish burial and funerary
tradition in the last one hundred years.
2. Investigate the role of folklore and religion respectively in terms of their
influence on Irish burial practice and the changes it has undergone in the last
century.
3. Document contemporary burial practices in a cross section of Irish society –
find out how people of other cultures that presently live in Ireland bury their
dead and the customs associated with their beliefs.

Objectives:
1. In order to achieve the aims above, the author read books about Irish folklore
and customs in the context of death and burial. This author researched what
Irish burial customs are, the possible origins of such rituals and what the future
may hold, focusing on any information for co. Galway.
2. Gather information from the primary source which entailed interviewing two
funeral directors. Analyse the change in industry in the living memory of
people interviewed. If possible, find out if cremations are popular, if many
people are buried in shrouds, eco-coffins etc.
3. Receive information on a different philosophy to burial by interviewing a
Muslim student attending Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology.
4. Send out surveys to third level students as well as
family/friends/acquaintances about burial customs via ‘Surveymonkey’.
5. Visited Bohermore cemetery in Galway city, contrasted the Catholic section of
the cemetery with the Protestant section (in broad terms).
6. Researched graveyard rules and regulations in George T.B Vanston’s Public
Health Manual 1878.

7
Literature/Source Review

8
As part of research for this dissertation, the author has read material from a variety of
different sources on the subject of Irish death & burial. Primary sources are surveys
and interviews that the author has sent out and conducted. For secondary sources, this
mostly contains books written on the subject, with which this author has obtained a
valuable quantity of information. The author has also read journal articles and the
appropriate statute(s) of Irish burial law, as well as a documentary. Other sources are
web pages, digitised versions of relevant books and online articles, which this author
accessed via internet search.
Combined, these sources have given the author of this dissertation a broader
knowledge & understanding of the dissertation topic and have been invaluable to this
author’s research.
Firstly, books on Irish burial custom were essential to this research as they highlighted
what has already been written about burial by academic authors, gaps (if any) in the
research area and the geographic locations where these customs were/are most
prominent.
The two foremost texts that were of help were Anne Ridge’s Death Customs in Rural
Ireland: Traditonal Funerary Rites in the Irish Midlands and Seán Ó Súilleabháin’s
Irish Wake Amusements. These two books primarily concern the methodology and
traditions of Irish wakes, funerals and burials and the possible explanations and
origins of these customs. They are specialised studies on the way in which death is
treated by the everyday people or ‘folk’ of Ireland. Anne Ridge’s book is a
comprehensive collection of stories, customs and first-hand interviews with people on
the subject of death customs. She has gathered not only information on burial but also
extensive research and information on wakes and funerals. Ridge’s geographic focus
of study is in the Irish midlands and includes counties such as Longford, Roscommon,
Offaly, Leitrim, and occasionally Sligo and Galway. Thus, it was not a comparative
study but did contain data on burial in different counties along with variations on
these customs within each county.
Ó Súilleabháin’s text had a rural focus in the south and west of Ireland. There is a
chronology within Irish Wake Amusements on various events held by the Clergy to
eradicate wake amusements. Both these books, however, did not contain sufficient
information on Protestant burial (or any other religious denomination for that matter)
except for a few scattered references throughout the texts.

9
References to a wider European tradition of burial custom by Ó Súilleabháin show
that this text was expertly researched and strives to link the island of Ireland to its
counterparts in Europe. This can also be true for Ridge’s book; though the author does
not go into a great amount of detail of death customs within Europe, Ridge did
mention European customs when they had parallels to Irish traditions.
Both books are not only important records of a declining tradition of celebrating
death, they are also hugely important for Irish social history and they highlight the
role of ecclesiastical authority through the lenses of death customs.
Books about Irish superstition and folklore were also consulted to obtain information
in the context of general Irish folklore. These texts had some relevant chapters
concerning death customs specific to Ireland. Books with relevant information on
broader Irish death customs were Beara Woman Talking by Tadhg Ò Murchù, Irish
Superstitions by Dàithì Ò Hògàin and Superstitions of the Irish Country People by
Padraic O’Farrell. This selection of three books had limited material on death customs
but enough to suffice and to compare information previously encountered in Anne
Ridge’s and Seán Ó Súilleabháin’s books. Each book had at least a chapter on general
death customs found the country over, with a few regional differences and unique
habits found in certain areas.
In Beara Woman Talking and Superstitions of the Irish Country People, there was a
list of customs associated with death; which was of some help yet it must be noted
that these books are on the general locus of folklore encompassing all aspects of life.
In Irish Superstitions the death customs were woven into the general discussion of the
text and made relatable to the relationship the Irish folk had with death, while
mentioning portents of death, animals associated with death and ways in which to not
upset the dead and people of the ‘otherworld’. Possible explanations were given by Ò
Hògàin as to why people performed these rituals on the deceased and the possible
fear/respect the people had for the dead. However, in O’ Farrell’s and Ò Murchù
books, no explanation was given as to why these customs were adhered to except for
the story-teller interviewed by Ò Murchù (Peig Minihane) explaining the customs
briefly. Beara Woman Talking was very useful also because it was an authentic
collection of folklore from a knowledgeable person living in the Beara Penninsula in
Co. Cork, an area well-known locally for folklore, myths & legends. Thus, the
selected books on general Irish folklore/superstition by various authors were a great
way to compare and contrast customs that this author had previously found in the key
10
texts which were discussed at length at the beginning of this literature review. Also,
the texts gave an insight as to the role that death plays in people’s everyday lives, the
respect that Irish folk have towards it and the general belief in the afterlife and fairy
folk, especially as mentioned in Ò Hògàin’s text. These texts were important texts that
provided a backdrop to this author’s key texts.
The cultural aspect of these customs can be picked up by some subtle things
mentioned by O’ Farrell, such as the ‘men-folk’ taking over the wakes which may
suggest the gender roles in Ireland at the time in which the book was compiled.
These books also link information that Emyr Estyn Evans collected as he recorded the
everyday habits of rural Irish people, which will be discussed in further detail below.
Another vital book for this author’s research was Diarmuid Ó Giolláin’s Locating
Irish Folklore. This text illustrates the cultural, social and political role that folklore
played in Ireland, particularly in the twentieth century. The book gives an in-depth
discussion of why folklore is important in Ireland, the various ways in which is has
been used a tool for cultural identity and tackles the issue of the future (if any) of
folklore in an urbanised, not rural, Ireland. Ó Giolláin’s work also gives an
informative account of the rise of folkloric studies against the backdrop of Irish
history, particularly since Ireland received its own nationhood. Thus, this book gave a
refreshing, detailed and somewhat critical perspective of the place that folklore has in
Irish society. Locating Irish Folklore aided in this author’s research because it gave an
overview & history of folkloric studies. The text also broadened this author’s
understanding of why folklore & traditions are an important part of Ireland’s culture,
while at the same time realistically underlining the threat of modern society to these
same customs.
Locating Irish Folklore gives a wider understanding of Irish customs & traditions
when read in conjunction with Anne Ridge’s and Seán Ó Súilleabháin’s work; and
indeed many other books on Irish folklore. Ó Giolláin also detailed that folklore (in
the twentieth century) became quite popular with not only the Anglo-Irish ascendancy
class during the Irish folk revival, but also to academics.
Among the academics interested in Irish customs was the Welshman Emyr Estyn
Evans, founder of the Department of Geography at Queens University, Belfast. He
became immersed in Irish culture and wrote several books concerning the lives and
habits of the Irish country people. Of these books, Irish Folkways contained
information on Irish burial custom from the perspective of an ‘outsider’, so to speak.
11
In ways, this was an advantage for Evans as he was able to view & record these
traditions from an objective point of view; whereas Ridge and Ó Súilleabháin are Irish
collectors and naturally will have different reactions, opinions and sentimentalities
toward Irish traditions. Evans described funeral & burial customs along with
superstitions and various wake amusements which he encountered. Some of the
customs were similar to that which Anne Ridge recorded; yet others were previously
unknown to this author. Evans also was keen to point out the significance of these
customs as remnants of a pre-Christian tradition, meanwhile Ridge did little to
mention pagan rituals; although it may be out of respect for the fact that many of the
people whom she interviewed/collected from were practising Catholics. Irish
Folkways is a compendium of all aspects of Irish life, from the mundane to the
magical. The text’s information on burial custom helped refute what Ridge and Ó
Súilleabháin had to say of death rituals while adding a different and objective
viewpoint from a non-Irish collector.
Further reading on the folk-beliefs on death was a section of M.D O’Sullivan’s Old
Galway: The History of a Norman Colony in Ireland. This source had a decent
amount of relevant information on traditional burial & funeral practices as well as a
social commentary and the discontent of clergy members with regards to wake
amusements, keening etc. Thus, it refutes information previously collected from
Ridge and Ó Súilleabháin concerning death customs. Keening: Some Sources and
Etymology by Aidan O’Donnell was an accurately descriptive account of keening
while bluntly pointing out that the only records left of this art form are secondary
sources, thus leaving people with the memory and idea of a tradition rather than
experiencing the tradition first hand in its true form. The piece gave a detailed
description of the different component of the keen itself (gol, rosc) and also that of the
physical movement involved in keening, the women who performed keens and the
impact that this practice has had on society and its gradual fade into the collective
memory of Ireland. Also, this linked material previously collected by this author on
keeners by O’Sullivan, Ridge and Ó Súilleabháin.
To obtain further information on ancient burial (in order to contrast it with early
modern/present burial customs), John Waddell’s The Prehistoric Archaeology of
Ireland was consulted to get an overview of burial long ago. Also, to compare and
contrast information, relevant chapters from The Concise History of Ireland by Seán
Duffy will also be reviewed. Both sources were excellent starting points to the
12
beginnings of Irish burial several thousands of years ago. The texts showcase the
ingenuity of people long ago and show distribution maps of megalithic tombs across
the country. Complete with images and detailed descriptions of megalithic tombs,
both Waddell and Duffy attempt to explain these archaic monuments and highlight
their prominence in the Irish landscape. Methodology of interment was also
mentioned by the two authors, (collective burial, cremations and grave goods, if
used). These texts were important to this research as they provided a history of burial
in Ireland from an archaeological and historical perspective. Duffy’s book contained
archaeological data yet it is still a history publication; which further highlighted the
fact that burial structures outlasted dwelling places, which leads the reader to ponder
upon the importance of death to Irish people down through the ages. Waddell’s text
was intricate in archaeological data yet it remained accessible and a valuable resource
for this dissertation.
After collecting information on traditional burial custom and a history of these
customs, material on modern and changing burial traditions had to be collected.
Information on attitudes to burial in a contemporary setting was obtained from an
edition of Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review – Dying, Death and Bereavement. This
edition of the journal contained several essays by various authors, concerning the Irish
cultural attitude to death (drawing data from focus groups and national surveys), the
methods of burial in today’s culture, care of patients that are dying in institutions
(hospitals mainly) and the impact that this care has on their relatives, along with other
essays on hospital care for the dying.
In particular, there were two very useful articles in the journal that were relevant to
this dissertation. Firstly, there was Conversations with the Irish public about death
and dying by Joan Mc Carthy, Mark Loughrey, John Weafer and Dolores Dooley; the
second article was Living with the Dead: Burial, Cremation and Memory by Ken
Warpole. The former concerned the Irish public’s attitude to death based on surveys
and focus groups held in Dublin and Sligo respectively, while drawing upon the fact
that religion is an influencing factor not only in burial but also in hospital care. The
latter was an extensively researched essay regarding the role of the graveyard in
public memory & commemoration, making reference to historical events and their
impact on how the dead are remembered in modern society, as well as the possible
future of burial methods.

13
Conversations with the Irish public about death and dying is a great starting point to
revealing the thoughts & opinions of the Irish public on death & dying, but the
amount of people surveyed for this particular essay simply cannot represent the
general Irish populace. However, if the surveys were sent out once more to a greater
amount of people covering a wider area of the country, a more in-depth study could
be achieved. The essay also drew upon an isolated fraction of society; the people who
are dying, which gave the work an originality while exploring a section of society that
some may argue is neglected in terms of mental and physical care. Warpole’s essay
was a poignant amd enlightening piece of work which drew upon the aftermath of
both world wars on burial in England, while still remaining in an Irish context.
Statistics were also employed in Warpole’s essay on cremation rates and
comparing/contrasting religious beliefs in said countries. Both essays brought the role
of religion in burial to the fore as well as mentioning the cultural influence of death &
burial. Thus, both essays were beneficial to this author’s dissertation research.
Another book that this author briefly consulted is Ernest Becker’s The Denial of
Death, which is a well written and thought-provoking discussion on the human
psyche’s inherent attitude(s) on death. The work contains existing theories from
famous authors and thinkers (such as Sigmund Freud) and attempts to explain the
importance of death in the human mind and how various cultures react to such a
finality. The book was not a key text on this author’s reading list but provides an
enriching look at death from a psychological perspective. This book was adequate
follow-up reading for the journal essays in Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review as they
tie in with each other and tackle similar issues concerning death/burial, thus bringing
wider scope to the study by way of employing different disciplines (psychology,
social history, medical care).
In terms of regulation and law surrounding the upkeep of graveyards countrywide,
George T.B Vanston’s Public Health Manual 1878 had a section dedicated to burial
within the Public Health (Ireland) Act 1878. These were statutes laid out to deal with
aspects of burial that need to be controlled for sanitary reasons; such as the number of
people allowed to be buried in each cemetery. These statutes also illuminate the social
segregation between people of various different faiths in Ireland at the time, as
discussed in various chapter one.
To investigate cillíns, both documentary sources and journals were examined. An
article in the Archaeology Ireland journal was immense help to this author as it was a
14
meticulous coverage of an archaeological excavation in Carrowkeel, Co. Galway of
an infant burial ground. An introduction of cillíns was included as well as the possible
reasons why they were used, with images of archaeological excavation and a graph
showing the number of cillíns per county.
Oileán na Marbh – Island of the Dead is a short documentary about a particularly
interesting example of an island cillín in county Donegal. While this is not within the
locus of study, it is a unique case study showing the affect that this burial ground had
(and still has) on the surrounding community. The documentary had interviews with
local people on their experiences, opinions and thoughts on these burial grounds. The
writer & broadcaster Christy Kenneally spoke for the documentary as well as National
University of Ireland Galway lecturer Pádraig Ó Héalaí. This program highlighted the
effect that these burial grounds had on the community and the many families who
went through the grief of burying an infant there; giving Carrickfin in Donegal as an
example.
Further exploration of the Catholic Church’s role in burial practice in Ireland was
done via the aforementioned documentary as well as a newspaper article online, an
essay via an online library and a book on the Catholic Church in Ireland. Thus, a
variety of sources were used to gain access to a wider range of information. The
newspaper article was from the Irish Times titled Death of a Funeral Tradition by
Claire O’ Sullivan, from August 2013. The piece discussed the uniqueness of Irish
people’s attitude to death while commenting on changing opinions regarding religion
in Ireland, contrasting younger and older generations. The text also relates to recent
adjustments that the Irish clergy have made to funeral rites, which the author argues
are not taking a positive step in the right direction – much the opposite. The text was
relevant to this research as it is a piece written in 2013 directly relating to the Irish
public’s waning relationship with the Catholic Church. John Mc Gurk’s essay
complements this article with his piece titled Goodbye to Catholic Ireland, which
systematically discusses each aspect of why the Catholic Church in Ireland is losing
its grasp on the everyday lives of Irish people.
Further reading on the role and impact of the Catholic administration in Ireland is
Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in Modern Ireland by
Tom Inglis. This source contained relevant material on not only death customs but
Irish superstition and raised an interesting point to include in this study. The
suggestion that many other superstitions remained in Ireland because they didn’t pose
15
a direct threat to church doctrine was a thought-provoking statement as well as
providing survey evidence showing that other popular superstitions (such as the
reluctance of many people to walk under ladders) still linger today in many people’s
lives (Inglis, 1998, p. 25). The book also detailed the control that church had over
state affairs and public and private life while giving an insight into the declining role
of the clergy in the last few decades. Thus, it was a valuable perspective on the role of
the Catholic church, which ultimately controls most of the burials that occur in Ireland
today.
General information on burial in Ireland today was gathered from not only this
author’s surveys and interviews; websites for traditional and also ‘green’ funeral
businesses were used. They link the information gathered from the previously
discussed issue of Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review in that they detail different
forms of burial to that mentioned in the journal. Going green when it’s your time to go
by Laura Moss on www.mnn.com is one such article on alternative and modern ways
of burial; however it is an American website and the suggestions for burial may not be
introduced in Ireland for the foreseeable future as they are somewhat complex in
terms of methodology. However, Green Coffins Ireland is a modern eco-friendly
business catering for alternative burial.
Thus, this author successfully collected information from a variety of media
concerning burial customs of past and present, while gaining a perspective on the
underlying and deep-rooted connections that death customs have with Irish cultural
identity.

16
A Brief History of Burials in Ireland

17
The rich archaeological and architectural heritage that adorns the Irish landscape tells
us that death and burial were a central part of people’s lives long ago.
Around the time that animal husbandry and crop growing replaced the ‘hunter-
gatherer’ way of life, the denizens of this island began also to build monuments to
both honour their dead and their god(s). Since the Neolithic period (Waddell, 1998, p.
57) (c. 4000 BCE), the deceased have been buried in a very dignified fashion and the
megalithic tombs that are dotted around the country stand testament to the effort, skill
and dedication of the Neolithic people.
These people depended solely on their harvests and the welfare of their livestock, thus
they had great respect for their deities whom they believed would control the outcome
of harvests etc. In effect, grand tombs were built not only to house the dead but some
were also constructed to honour these gods, most well known being the Sun. Take for
example Newgrange (Brú na Bóinne) in county Meath; this is a shining example of
the passage tomb tradition in Ireland and it is famous for the Winter solstice, when
light penetrates the tomb at the correct angle at the precise date when Winter has
come to an end.
The significance of these tombs on both the landscape and cultural memory is
illustrated by the fact that many feature as focal points in Irish folklore and
mythology. Oghill, a wedge tomb in co. Galway is known as ‘Leaba Dhiarmada Agus
Ghráinne’ after the well-known tale from the Fenian cycle of Irish mythology. The
cairn covering the passage tomb atop Knocknarea in co. Sligo is well-known locally
as the resting place of Queen Maedbh, the formidable Queen of Connaght who
features in the saga Táin Bó Cúailnge. However, the location of her supposed burial
place is still subject to debate.
It can be agreed that there are at least four classes of megalithic tomb in Ireland;
Portal, Passage, Court and Wedge. However, some two hundred tombs remain
unclassified to this day (Duffy, 2005, p. 21). There are over one and a half thousand
megalithic tombs still found in Ireland today, still standing after millennia have gone
by (Waddell, 1998, p. 57). The most common are wedge tombs, which account for
approximately a third of all megalithic structures in Ireland (Waddell, 1998, p. 92).
Wedge tombs have a chamber that is similar to a trapezoidal shape, which gets
narrower from the front to the back. They can vary in size, with some wedge tombs
being as small as 2m in co. Clare and many of these tombs contain fragments of
bones, pottery and animal bones (Waddell, 1998, p. 92). Next, there are portal tombs,
18
which account for approximately 12% of all megalithic tombs in Ireland. The most
famous of this category is the iconic structure at Poulnabrone in co. Clare. Portal
tombs are so-called because they are sub-rectangular in shape and have two ‘portal’
stones either side with a significantly large capstone on top (Waddell, 1998, p. 88).
The third classification of megalithic grave is the court cairn, which has an intriguing
design; that of a U-shaped court which is roofless. There are usually several chambers
within court cairns, as opposed to passage tombs which only have a single chamber.
This may suggest that these court tombs possibly served another function besides that
of interring the deceased (Duffy, 2005, p. 26). One of the best-preserved court tombs
is an oval-shaped, now roofless, court cairn along with a wedge-tomb in Creevykeel,
co. Sligo. Finally, the most famous of all is the passage tomb. These are usually
covered in a mound of earth/stone and have a single passage that leads to the burial
chamber at the heart of the tomb. These great structures were ingeniously built with
skill and dedication, the most famous of which is the previously discussed site at
Newgrange (Brú na Bóinne), along with Knowth, Dowth (in the complex around
Newgrange) and Carrowkeel (Sligo), which shows us the remarkable
accomplishments of Ireland’s Neolithic ancestors.
Thus, by comparing and contrasting the various types of graves and burial
methodologies that existed millennia ago, one can understand the many changes that
burial has undergone over the centuries and how this reflects the changing attitudes of
people, their beliefs and what their collective perspective is on death. Owing to
existing trends, the idea of regional burial customs has long been prevalent in Ireland.
In terms of Neolithic tombs, certain structures are more common in some areas and
virtually nonexistent in others. Wedge tombs, for example, are quite sparsely
numbered in Leinster, whereas in west Munster and the coastline of Connaght and
Ulster they are plenty in number; a large cluster of them located in north Clare also
(Duffy, 2005, p. 25-26). However, the interpretation of these distributions is not
straight forward and is open for debate. However, it does correspond with the regional
burial & funeral customs encountered at present by this author. Thus, in this respect,
the varying burial practices found in Ireland today and in the past may represent
cultural influences that would have altered local traditions slightly, so that many
versions of a single custom may occur.
It must also be noted, as will be discussed in chapter five of this dissertation, that
grave goods and materials that accompanied burial can be traced back to thousands of
19
years ago and relates to a completely different belief system on burial than exists in
Ireland today. This symbolises the respect that people inhabiting this island millennia
ago had for death and respect for their dead. The planning, transport of materials and
construction of these monuments meant that the people who conceived it had
remarkable knowledge of engineering, astrology and impeccable organisational skills,
to name but a few.
These megaliths house many remains, thus collective burial was tradition as far back
as Neolithic times and remains as tradition today. Also, it was not uncommon for
remains to be cremated; another custom that survives in Ireland today.
Although these megaliths were used for many centuries after construction, people
gradually began to bury their dead in smaller graves and this can probably be
attributed to the introduction of Christianity into Ireland, which began around the fifth
century AD (Duffy, 2005, p. 41). From then on, burials were conducted in
consecrated ground within church walls. This was to set the precedent for the next
millennia.
For the most part, graves from the late Iron Age & mid to late medieval Ireland
mainly consisted of simple wooden lined graves, altough the upper classes were
buried in stone lined graves. Thus, it explains why there is a lack of evidence of these
burials as they are not as resistant to time and the elements as the grand stone
structures of the Irish Neolithic period. However, the customs, because they were
handed down orally, remained. In the Early Modern period, there came new styles and
tastes among the upper classes (who could afford lavish and ornate headstones) which
changed the aesthetic quality of many graveyards. Cemeteries began to be filled with
different styles of headstones, various sizes and this illuminates not only style change
but also that of social change; as we will see further on in this essay.
For hundreds of years onwards, from the early medieval to early modern period, there
existed unique methodologies which were carried out to pay adequate respect for the
dead, to honour tradition and religion simultaneously.

20
The Role of Folklore and Religion on Burial Custom

21
As aforementioned, there existed unquestioned rules and what most would call
superstition around death and burial in Ireland. These included wake amusements,
keening, funeral stops (Ridge, 2009, p. 111), sightings of animals that are associated
with the supernatural alongside a plethora of small rituals that are too numerous to
name and list. It seems that while they were opposing one another, folk beliefs and
religion had a sort of symbiosis in the way that both were respected and had a firm
place in the lives of Irish people.
Some practices were widespread throughout the country, whereas others were
confined to smaller areas and, as discussed in the last chapter, there has long been a
variety of customs, superstitions and rituals surrounding death depending on what
region in Ireland. For example, if someone in a household which kept bees had passed
away, it was deemed necessary to inform the bees of the death lest they abandon their
hive (Ridge, 2009, p. 18). This was a common belief in many parts of Ireland and also
in Britain (Ridge, 2009, p. 18). However, some superstitions such as refusing to bury
a corpse on a Monday are not prevalent everywhere but in many parts it is taboo to do
so (Ridge, 2009, p. 124).
Up until the seventeenth century, burial rites and wake amusements were prominent
all over Ireland. The many customs and practices within this tradition were very much
adhered to and they have been dying out very slowly since the early 1600’s, though
the Irish populace appeared very reluctant to let them go.
Wakes formed a crucial part of the mourning process; they were large boisterous
affairs in which people in the community would partake in drinking, dancing, parlour
games and smoking the clay pipe. They were devised to support those who were
grieving over loved ones and also to ensure that the person being mourned was in fact
dead, hence the termed ‘waked’ (Ridge, 2009, p. 47). Except in the case of a young
person dying, or that of a tragic death, wakes were for the most part lively and merry
gatherings and people both young and old in the community would attend them.
Food such as sandwiches and cakes were supplied for the guests attending the wake
and drink was usually supplied in the form of whiskey or poteen. It was commonplace
to buy clay pipes for the mourners too. Once the wake got into full swing, parlour
games would be played such as frannsa and drawing the ship of the mud (Evans,
1957, p. 290). The former was a sort of pretend wedding, in which two young people
would be ‘married’ by a mock priest and then sprinkled with water (Evans, 1957, p.
290). Match-making at wakes was not uncommon yet it was still frowned upon by the
22
clergy and church administration, as well as the distribution of alcoholic drinks at
these events (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 19).
Looking at wake amusements through modern lenses, they are somewhat peculiar
when compared with proceedings nowadays. By way of the Catholic Church
attempting to ban these unique customs, it shows how folk beliefs and religious
beliefs were, most of the time, at odds with each other.
Visitors from other countries who happened upon these merry gatherings, along with
keening and fights at funerals, often felt uncomfortable seeing these happenings and
viewed them as insensitive displays. The Catholic Church also felt these practices
were not only disrespectful of the dead but also disrespectful of ‘the God of Glory’ in
the Catholic faith (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 148).
In the mid-1600’s, the Roman Catholic Church condemned (some) Irish funerary
rituals, all wake amusements and keening as ‘unchristian practices’. As early as 1614,
the Synod of Armagh was held in which church administrators instructed their staff to
rid their parishes of such habits and to curb the amusements at wakes (Ó Súilleabháin,
1967, pp.146-147). The clergy met with varying degrees of success in their campaign
against wake amusements and other funerary customs; however they could not
eradicate such deeply rooted traditions easily. Various synods held over the centuries
had the banning of wake amusements as their core agenda. Sanctions against people
who still practised wake amusements included public penance, excommunication and
there is even one account that this author encountered of keeners being whipped by
the parish priest (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 143).
Author Tom Inglis writes of the Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in Ireland and
says the Catholic church converted the Irish wake from
“a festive celebration of death into a ritual occasion of mourning” (Inglis,
1998, p. 26).
Wakes still persist to this day, although they are not as lively as the affairs that took
place in Ireland even a century ago. Lifestyles have changed in Ireland considerably
(economic growth, urbanisation, rural decline) over the last century and people simply
cannot take time off work to attend these all-night affairs. Long ago in the rural Irish
setting, work ceased across a village if somebody in the community had died and the
friends/relatives would help with the funeral arrangements and provisions (Ridge,
2009, 26). Thus, when death enters a family the community reaches out to help, which
could work to ease the grief of relatives of the deceased. This may be why wakes
23
were less sombre, more social events than their recent counterparts. It can also be
argued that a social distance may have existed between the lay people who partook in
wakes and that of the clergy, who distanced themselves from such events (O’Sullivan,
1998, p. 161). This in turn may have exacerbated the relationship that church officials
had with the customs practiced by the lay people.
There were many rituals which were practiced accompanying the corpse leaving the
house and travelled to the final resting place at the graveyard. This contrasts the
merry-making at wakes to the sombre affairs of the cortège walking to the cemetery.
For example, the longest route possible was taken from the ‘wake house’ to the
cemetery, for fear that the deceased would get the impression that their family and
friends were in a hurry to bury them (Ridge, 2009, p. 111-112). Once inside the
graveyard, it was common for the coffin to be brought round the yard three times
before the ceremony began, presumably for the same reason as the latter; to not
appear too hasty (Ridge, 2009, p. 130). There have been cases of two funerals
attempting to enter the cemetery at the same time and one company trying to get in
before the other. This stems from the belief that the last person to be buried on that
day has to guard all the souls of the people buried in that particular cemetery (Ridge,
2009, p. 131). Thus, fights have occurred at funerals due to this and some people have
gone as far as suggesting that there should be some blood spilt at every funeral
(Evans, 1957, p. 294).
While disputing during a funeral procession seems distasteful to most people at
present, the people who partook in this along with other customs, games and
superstitions obviously respected tradition and had quite a different, not any less
respectful, view of death. These customs can be construed as coping mechanisms for
the families to deal with the loss of a person, as well as the whole community. Wakes
and funerals, as previously discussed, were social occasions and most people would
lend a helping hand to the family suffering the loss.
Funeral stops are another common ritual and if there was a spot where someone had
died along the way, it was custom for the passers-by to throw a stone upon that spot
and over time, it would create a cairn of sorts. These customs have been recorded in
the wider Galway area (Ridge, 2009, p. 122). The fact that so many particular rituals
were performed up until the last act of burying the corpse does show a strong degree
of humility and respect for the deceased.

24
Keening the dead used to be a widespread practice in Ireland until the mid-twentieth
century. It can be described as a lament for the dead in the form of verse and/or
eulogy, which is performed by older women and in some parishes, older men. The
lament was in the style of old Irish poetry and many ‘keens’ were said to be beautiful
and atmospheric. In more recent decades years, keening lost its place in Irish funerals
and was somewhat discredited, perhaps due to the lack of proper attention to verse,
skill and the employment of specific techniques which the old keeners had made use
of. There were some visitors to Ireland who were not only appalled by the idea of
hired mourners but also of the ‘discordant wailing’ of these women (Evans, 1957, p.
292). Keens in the traditional form may have some links to the Sean Nós style of
singing, which is also facing an uncertain future but it still exists in primary form. The
original form of keening was very precise, with oral poetry and improvised singing
(O’ Donnell, 2013, p. 3). It was a fine art, handed down orally for generations bur it
gradually lost its brilliance through the dilution of time and changing culture.
These hired mourners would accompany the funeral party to the cemetery from the
corpse house. Keening can vary depending on how tragic the death was; at times it
could be mournful and poignant verse can be said about the deceased. In other
instances, keeners have been known to compete for the best ‘cry’ or eulogy,
attempting to out-do one another in verse (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 137). The keeners
were mainly paid for their service with whiskey (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 137), food
or, in some cases, poteen.
Keening was not purely confined to funerals & burials either; there are accounts of
women keening during events such as eviction and emigration (O’Donnell, 2013, p.
4). Events such as these can bring many people heartbreak, one can see why keening
would have been appropriate. This can be tied in with the famous Irish Wakes, which
have their tradition from people emigrating and having one last party with their
friends & family before moving away. Visitors to Ireland who have written about
witnessing a custom such as keening were somewhat appalled; while others
commented at the disrespect of having hired mourners cry for the dead. The following
is an excerpt from a book by poet William King, named Art of Cookery:
“So at an Irish funeral appears
A train of Drabs with mercenary tears;
Who, wringing oft their hands with hideous moan,
Know not his name for whom they seem to groan;
25
 While real Grief with silent steps proceeds,
And love unfeign’d with inward passion bleeds.” (Ó Súilleabháin,
1967, pp. 135-136)
This respect for old tradition may reflect the societal views on death in the late
medieval to early modern period. How these views can be contrasted with ancient
funerary and burial customs could illuminate the gradual change in people’s belief
systems and how they understood and coped with the finality of death. So-called
pagan beliefs were replaced with Christian ones; yet old customs survived and, in a
way, fused with new ones.
There existed another form of burial in Ireland, enforced by the Clergy and upheld by
the communities, for those that existed on the periphery of society. Unmarked burial
grounds, known as cillíns dot the Irish landscape. These are the resting places of
unbaptised infants, stillborn babies, women who weren’t ‘churched’ after giving birth,
people who took their own lives and some were convicted criminals (Archaeology
Ireland, 2013, p. 22). For the most part, these places are steeped in the grief of those
who have buried their infants, with a single moss-covered stone to remember their
departed young. Archaeological Survey Ireland recorded the approximate number of
cillíns in Ireland, which is a staggering 1,394, the highest distribution of these
graveyards is in Mayo and Galway respectively (Archaeology Ireland, 2013, p. 25).
The chronicles of those who have been affected by this sad chapter of Irish history are
only recently coming to light. Memorials have been erected in cillíns in recent years,
such as the cross and fence erected in the burial ground in Finny, county Mayo. On
Oileán na Marbh, an island close to Carrickfin in Donegal, a plaque has been erected
to honour the memory of hundreds of infants who were buried there over centuries
(Haughey, 2012, 21 mins).
They are mostly located on conspicuous patches of land that is otherwise disused and
very often these cillíns are founded on pre-existing burial sites that have become
derelict (Haughey, 2012, 3 mins). The location of these burial grounds is specific to
their role symbolically; they are located on unusable land that is on a border of some
kind, which is believed will safeguard the souls of the infants from evil spirits. Lake
shores, boundary ditches and landmarks such as megaliths were also used as infant
burial places (Haughey, 2012, 4 mins). Since these souls supposedly cannot get into
heaven, it was believed that they are trapped in Limbo and thus being buried on a
boundary secures their position in Limbo. There were no ceremonies involved when
26
burying the bodies in these cemeteries and often the burials were in secret or during
the night (Archaeology Ireland, 2013, p. 23).
These cillíns serve as a stark reminder of the harsh rules imposed by church
authorities for burial not only of infants but of people on the fringes of society. People
are still affected by the cillíns and to a certain extent they have left a scar on Irish
cultural memory. At least today, parents/relatives under such sad circumstances are
allowed to bury their lost loved ones in consecrated ground in a family plot.
The role of folk belief in burial custom has dwindled considerably compared to the
last two centuries. It has been fading away from Irish culture since the beginning of
the nineteenth century. The Catholic Church has played a vital role in this, by way of
banning wake amusements, keening and other traditional funerary rites that pre-dated
the arrival of Christianity in Ireland. There are some customs that haven’t disappeared
as a result of the Catholic Church’s opposition to them; rather they have slipped past
the radar of the clergy and are still in use in Ireland today. Popular superstition
survived and is still present in everyday life, such as in 2013 when Irish car
registration numbers deliberately excluded the number thirteen and replaced with it
with one hundred and thirty one. Some believe that one of the reasons why these
customs and superstitions did not die out was because they didn’t pose a threat to
Church doctrine, unlike wakes which had a direct impact on the teachings of the
clergy (Inglis, 1998, p. 26).
However, a number of other factors contributed to the disappearance of not only folk-
belief but explicitly burial & funeral customs; these include changing cultural
influences from outside the sphere of Ireland, the growing rate of Agnosticism and
Atheism in modern times, the revelations of corruption within the Irish church have
played their parts in the disappearance of folklore and superstition. Many people
believe the advent of electricity can be attributed to the decline in folklore and story-
telling and also increased reliance on technology. In Ó Giolláin’s Locating Irish
Folklore, the author quotes French anthropologist Roger Bastide with a sentence that
hits the nail on the head:
“It is curious to note that folklore became a science just at the moment it
began to disappear in the west, and to disappear exactly after the
transformations in the economic structure.” (Ó Giolláin, 2000, p. 144).
It is the general consensus that folklore and superstition, unfortunately, have no place
in a modern, urbanised society.
27
Contemporary Attitudes to Burial

28
In light of recent changes in Ireland’s cultural landscape, particularly in the last
century, burial customs have been distorted and many are fading into memory. As
previously discussed in this dissertation, the methodology of burial within Ireland was
rich and varied, a litany of rules that people obeyed not because of their religion but
because of adherence to ancestral tradition that was passed down mostly orally. Thus
written sources for these archaic habits are few and far between. These traditions have
survived the storms of centuries, yet it seems in the age of the rural decline and urban
development that these customs shall fade into the background forever. The factors
contributing to the demise of death traditions will be discussed in this chapter, along
with the uncertain future that the remaining antiquities of burial custom will face.
To attain a more personal slant on people’s opinions on death customs today, this
author sent out a survey to 3rd level students and also to friends, family and
acquaintances, of which received 41 respondents. Also, an interview with a young
person from the Muslim faith living in Galway about burial custom was key to
assessing differences between Catholic and Muslim burial. Two funeral undertakers
located in urban and rural Galway respectively revealed the distinction between the
rural and urban burial customs within the same county. Thus, these primary sources
complement the secondary sources this author has used to gain knowledge on burial
in Ireland both past and present.
Of the 41 people surveyed, approximately ½ agreed that funeral rites are important for
the grieving process and the ceremonies are very helpful. Ritual for death as a rite of
passage helps the mourners find closure, no matter what the method of burial is. Most
people aged 40-60 and 60+ spoke of the importance of funeral rites, while many
younger respondents (aged 18-25, 25-40) either said they were outdated or had no
knowledge of Irish funeral rites. This is evidence that the younger generations aren’t
exposed to the funeral traditions of old. When asked if they had given any thought to
their own burial, a large portion of people specified cremation as their choice,
followed by Catholic burials and humanist ceremonies. The fact that few surveyed
actually specified a Catholic funeral, this reveals a break in the tradition of funeral
customs among even the older generation. Some of the people surveyed specifically
noted that they did not want a Catholic burial, but rather a humanist ceremony. It must
be noted that there were several responses which stated they had never given any
thought to their own burial. The last question asked the respondents if they had
thought Irish funeral habits had changed in recent years and to give reasons for their
29
answers; a staggering amount said that funeral rites have not changed much at all in
terms of religiousness, however the older people surveyed did allude to less wakes
and the increasing use of funeral homes instead. This information suggests that
although the faith of Catholicism in Ireland among the general populace is waning,
the ‘end of life’ rituals are still confined within the institution of the Church. People
who may not be practising Catholics still find comfort in ecclesiastical ritual and
interment. Young people surveyed, particularly those aged 18-25 found no change in
Irish burial customs in recent years; primarily because they’ve generally been to less
funerals than the older respondents (aged 40-60, 60+) and also haven’t seen any of the
customs that are now outdated, so they may not think that customs have changed at
all. There was also a variety of answers ranging from funeral dress code (people not
wearing as much black to funerals), the cost being much higher due to modern
methods (expense of the service, hearse rental, embalming, cost of coffin, etc.),
superstitions being disregarded and the funeral ceremonies being less personal and
shorter in length. These can all be taken into consideration when contemplating the
changes that Irish burial has undergone, along with the changes that have occurred in
Irish society in general.
From interviewing the two funeral directors, this author gained insight as to burial
customs on a larger scale as they witness funerals far more often than the people
surveyed as it is, after all, their profession. When asked what religious denominations
they dealt with mostly, both Richard Conneely and Ciarán Burke said Catholics were
by far their most common client, however Conneely’s did also deal occasionally with
Eastern Orthodox religions and spoke of their rituals which were of slight variance
with Catholic rituals. Thus, the religious spectrum is becoming more varied in Ireland,
as will be discussed in more detail further on in this chapter. The second question
concerned coffin types, of which both undertakers said that oak coffins are the
preferred type by their clients. Homogeneity is still evident in people’s choice in
coffin types, but environmentally-friendly coffins are penetrating the burial customs
in modern times. When asked about flowers and grave goods, Richard Conneely said
white lilies, roses and water hyacinth are chosen, but also noted that due to the fact
that the cemetery that they mainly serve is owned by the city council, grave goods
aren’t used in the vicinity of Galway city. When asked the same question, Ciarán
Burke said that lilies and roses are popular choices, much the same as Richards
answer; yet when asked of grave goods he said they are declining but they’re still
30
used, for example if someone was fond of card-games then a deck of cards would be
placed in the coffin, or a flask of spirits if the deceased person used to like a drink.
This reflects that rural funerals are still personal and the relatives can bestow items of
sentimental value with the corpse of a loved one. However, in the urban setting of
Conneely’s funeral home, these customs have declined as folk-beliefs are not
practiced any longer and regulations regarding hygiene and safety have to be closed
adhered to. The fourth question was regarding the religiousness of ceremonies at
present compared with two decades ago; to which both undertakers said that funeral
rites are just as religious as they were back then. This correlates with previous
information this author has obtained suggesting that religious institutions, particularly
Catholicism in Ireland, still plays a key role in major life events, in this context, death
and burial. The fifth of the interview questions concerned keening and other customs
that have since become outdated. Richard Conneely said that he had never seen a
custom such as keening before in the Galway city area, but that the older superstitions
would be more common in Connemara and West Galway. To complement Richard
Conneely’s answer to the latter question, Ciarán Burke had indeed heard of keening in
the West Galway village of Clonbur, although he had never witnessed it first hand.
Other customs that Ciarán observed were bringing the hearse and funeral party around
the village where the deceased grew up, as a mark of respect. He also spoke of
erecting a wooden cross at a specific location near his district, as part of a
longstanding tradition that related to the monks of Cong abbey meeting the remains
on the road to the graveyard outside the abbey, possibly to bless them. These
traditions that are common in Clonbur and surrounding areas are the last outposts of
these practices, and are suffering much the same fate as the Irish language and Sean
Nós, which has declined except for pockets in the west and south of Ireland. The
interviews concluded by inquiring have funeral practices changed in their lifetimes,
and if so, how. Richard Conneely and Ciarán Burke both responded by saying that
they have not seen any major changes in funeral or burial customs in their lifetimes.
In terms of superstition and folk-beliefs, while Richard Conneely had not witnessed
many to begin with, Ciarán Burke acknowledged that the older customs and habits are
dying out but a few habits have still retained their place in some funerals he sees to
this day. Regarding the role of religious practice, both the urban setting of Conneelys
and the rural setting of Burkes, funerals and burials were facilitated predominantly by
religious institutions, mainly the Catholic Church and Church of Ireland.
31
Methods of burial are changing as well as the rituals that accompany them, in the way
that breaks from tradition are more common now, perhaps due to multiculturalism and
globalisation. Cremation has gained popularity in Ireland during recent decades
according to statistics and also the aforementioned survey with numerous respondents
who said they request a cremation. National figures for cremation are relatively low as
cremation is not the preferred method by Catholics. Archaeological evidence from the
Neolithic period turns up cremated remains in various types of megalithic tombs all
over the country (Duffy, 2005, p. 26), which suggests that ways in which the dead are
buried are quite specific to a certain culture, ethnicity or geographic region. Ireland’s
cremation rate is 8.13%, which seems small when compared to 99.73% of burials in
Japan being cremations (Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, 2009, p. 449).
It seems ironic that the burial customs disappeared at a faster rate in or around the
period as the decline of the Catholic Church – the very establishment that sought to
eradicate them from every Irish parish (Ó Súilleabháin, 1967, p. 147-154). Strictly
speaking, the old ways of keening and lively wake amusements truly began to fade
from Ireland’s death culture at the beginning of the twentieth century, although they
were well into decline before that as both the clergy in power as well as colonial
efforts worked to water down these practices.
The alteration of interment in Ireland may reflect the relationship that the public has
with death, whether society still fears and respects death in the same way that our
predecessors did and if not, then why? Many external factors can contribute to the
public’s relationship with death, especially in an era where life expectancy has never
been so high, in the Western hemisphere at least. Perhaps the collective consciousness
of the Irish public is disillusioned after having been under the cloak of Catholic
teachings for centuries, that when the fabric of Catholic moral guidance fell apart,
there was a void left behind. Technology and wider access to information, world
media and scandals that rocked the very foundation of Irish life have combined to
form a reasonable assumption as to why the Catholic religion has declined. Along
with many different cultures co-existing in the previously culturally homogenised
Ireland, these aspects contribute to the rise of Atheism and the Government’s need to
accommodate for different types of religious burial; this may be relevant to the rise in
cremation rates.
As concern for the planet’s well-being grows, eco-friendly ways of living are
becoming more widespread and with this, comes eco-friendly ways of burial as well.
32
Wicker, willow and cardboard coffins are increasing in popularity, according to
various requests by respondents in the survey to have a wicker coffin, as well as the
interview with undertaker Richard Conneely who said that some people opt for eco
burial but the traditional oak coffins are still a main choice for most customers.
According to American website Mother Nature Network (www.mnn.com), there are
various new eco-friendly options for burial that have not reached Irish shores but are
sure to gain in popularity in the coming years. Some of them involve resomation, or
alkaline hydrosis, with which the end result is liquid human remains and powdered
bone, the former of which can be used as feritilser for crops and shrub gardens.
However, many people, especially in Ireland, may not be comfortable with this idea –
although one respondent to this author’s survey specifically requested to be used as
feritilser after their cremation.
Although Ireland still is a predominantly Catholic country, the control that the church
once had on Irish life is now dwindling. Due to recent emergences not only of abuses
within the church, but also that of covering up crimes committed by members within
the organisation, the Irish public was not only outraged but also began to challenge
the authority of the Church; especially in relation to education and moral values. Also,
rules imposed by the Catholic Church, such as burying unbaptised infants in
unmarked graves (see chapter five) has had damaging affects on many hundreds of
people and the wider community. Also, due to economic factors, urbanisation and
increasing multiculturalism, the traditional views held in place by the Catholic Church
are now beginning to crumble.
The third and last interview completed for this dissertation was with Faisal
Mohammad A. Algarni, who is originally from Saudi Arabia and currently lives in
Ireland. He is studying in Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology and practices the
Muslim faith.
The first question this author asked Faisal was what his opinion of funeral rites was,
with which he responded that they are very important to the Muslim community,
except the body of the deceased is always buried straight away. Though there are no
wakes or parties in the Muslim sphere, the spirit of community is evident; as Faisal
mentioned that the house of the dead person is visited over three days by people in the
community and stories are told about that particular person. This shows the element of
sentimentality which, while it contrasts with Catholic burial, is still a respectful and
decent way to remember & honour the dead. Interestingly, when asked had he given
33
any thought to his own burial, Faisal said outright that he had never given any thought
to his own burial. This may reflect the devoutness of people in the Islam faith as their
burials are uniform and follow the same format, thus Muslims do not seem to worry
about death while they are alive. The last question this author asked Faisal was
concerning how funeral customs have changed over the years, to which he replied,
strangely, that people do not stay ‘sad’ for as long as they used to. This is intriguing,
as perhaps the grieving process has altered slightly in times of faster, modern living.
Faisal also said that East-West is the orientation at which men are buried and women
are laid West-East. This contrasts with how Irish graves, with both genders, are laid
East-West. Lastly, Faisal said that everyone is buried in a white shroud and no
cremations ever take place.
The impact of an increasingly multicultural nation is not only broadening people’s
minds to new belief systems (and lack of any belief at all) but also it is introducing
previously unknown burial customs into Ireland. For example, the Muslim belief
system around burial of the dead is virtually uniform and centrally based on the
utmost respect of the deceased. This is not to suggest that the Irish tradition of
honouring the dead is any less respectful, but the Muslim methodology is more
austere and variations within the rituals (elegies, poems, music)
are non-existent. The Islam community in Co. Galway is considerable; a mosque was
constructed in Briarhill in 2012 to accommodate the congregation in the surrounding
area. This may reflect that the people following the Muslim faith even while living in
Ireland are devout and truly believe in the afterlife, so they don’t exhibit an inherent
fear of death, but rather a comfortable acceptance.
Thus, it is perhaps not due to the dilution of the homogenous Irish religion spectrum
by other religions that burial customs are differing, as Islam is one of the most
common Eastern religions in Ireland and it and doesn’t allow for cremations to occur.
Thus cremation must be a factor of the declining role of the Catholic Church in Irish
life and the decline of people practising religion in Ireland in general. According to
the Census 2011, there are still 3,861,335 Catholics in Ireland. The rate of non-
religious people is relatively low in comparison, with a meagre 269,811 persons.
Other religions constituted 384,192, although the very fact that having an option for
‘other religions’ instead of specifying each denomination is futile, as one cannot know
the approximate number of followers that each non-Catholic religion has in Ireland.

34
Conclusion

35
In conclusion, this author has collected information across a range of sources and a
fresh new perspective on the fascinating subject of Irish burial customs. Such
diversity of rituals for the same purpose within one island is quite astounding and they
clearly indicate that a belief in the supernatural as well as organised religion coexisted
in the minds of the public. They are remnants left over from thousands of years ago,
which have warped and changed with the sands of time and are continuing to warp
and disappear in the landscape of Irish beliefs.
These traditions, as discussed throughout this dissertation, are becoming obsolete in
modern Ireland. This is unfortunate to say the least but one cannot imagine lively
wakes and keeners accompanying a funeral in a busy urban setting such as Dublin.
Many people dwell in cities now compared to the beginning of the twentieth century
and there is a definite correlation between a rural setting and the practice of archaic
burial customs, story-telling and belief in the afterlife. However, folklore collectors
such as Séamus Ó Duilearga, Lady Gregory and more recently Seán Ó Súilleabháin
and Anne Ridge have strived to collect & record these customs from primary sources,
which will remain a treasure for the sphere of Irish folkloric studies for generations to
come. Although customs have mostly disappeared nationwide, there remain a few
places where they are still kept alive by way of people practicing them. This gives
future folklore collectors and those interested in the anthropological aspect of these
customs a chance to collect and record them first hand.
Thus, the customs discussed in this dissertation display a unique belief-system
possessed by Irish people which is also a window to understanding the way in which
people centuries ago lived their lives. The study of this particular element of Irish folk
beliefs is both interesting and stimulating, while viewing it from the objective point of
view as someone who has not witnessed even a fraction of the customs/superstitions
discussed in this dissertation. While these customs are dying out, they will forever
remain in cultural memory and recordings collected first-hand from those who
practiced and obeyed these unwritten rules. Even if they continued to be practiced
today, their true essence would be lost as those involved would not have any real
belief in them. They shall be preserved in books, stories, archives and memories,
joining the ranks of other customs that have lost their place in society.

36
Bibliography

37
Secondary sources:
Ernest Becker, The Denial of Death (The Free Press, Great Britain, 1973), pp.11-
29.
Seán Duffy, The Concise History of Ireland (Gill & Macmillan Ltd., Ireland,
2005), pp. 20-23, 41-44.
E. Estyn Evans, Irish Folkways (Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1957),
pp. 289-294.
Donal R. Haughey, Oileán na Marbh – Island of the Dead (TG4, Hawkeye Films,
2012), 27 minutes.
Tom Inglis, Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in
Modern Ireland (Gill and Macmallan Ltd., Dublin, 1998), pp. 24-30.
Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review – Dying, Death and Bereavement, Vol. 98,
No. 392 (Irish Jesuits, Winter 2009), pp. 371-372. Joan Mc Carthy, Mark
Loughrey, John Weafer, Dolores Dooley, Conversations with the Irish public
about death and dying, pp. 457-472. Ken Warpole, Living with the Dead: Burial,
Cremation and Memory, pp. 447-456.
Padraic O’Farrel, Superstitions of the Irish Country People (Mercier Press, Cork,
1978), pp. 75-78.
Diarmuid Ó Giolláin, Locating Irish Folklore: Tradition, Modernity, Identity
(Cork University Press, Cork, 2000), pp. 1-8, 114-116, 63-71, 142-148.
Dàithì, Ò Hògàin, Irish Superstitions (Gill & Macmillan Ltd., Dublin, 1995), p.
13, p. 50, p. 63, pp. 64-65, p. 67, p. 70, p. 72, pp. 74-79, p. 87.
Tadhg Ò Murchù, Martin Verling, 2003, Beara Woman Talking (Mercier Press,
Cork, 2003), pp.50-58.
Seán Ó Súilleabháin, Folktales of Ireland (University of Chicago Press, London,
1966), p. 165.
Seán Ó Súilleabháin, Irish Wake Amusements (Mercier Press, Cork, 1967), pp.
130-146, 166-168.
M.D O’Sullivan, Old Galway: The History of a Norman Colony in Ireland (Heffer
& Son, Cambridge, 1942), pp. 161-190.
Archaeology Ireland, Vol. 27 No.3, Issue no. 105 (Autumn 2013); Muiris
O’Sullivan, Liam Downey, Know your Monuments series – Children’s Burial
Grounds, pp. 22-25.

38
 Anne Ridge, Death Customs in Rural Ireland: Traditional Funerary Rites in the
Irish Midlands (Arlen House, Galway, 2009), pp. 47-151.
George T.B Vanston, Public Health Manual 1878, (Dublin, 2nd Edition 1913),
Part III – Burial Grounds, pp. 211-224.
John Waddell, The Prehistoric Archaeology of Ireland (National University Press,
Galway, 1998), p. 57, pp. 83-102.

Online sources:
A Third Floor Production, 2013, Aidan O’ Donnell, Keening: Some Sources and
Etymology, http://athirdfloorproduction.com/wp-
content/uploads/2011/02/Keening-some-sources-and-etymology-2013.pdf ,
26/01/2014.
Central Statistics Office Ireland, Census 2011 Results, (State State CSO Area
Code S),
http://census.cso.ie/sapmap2011/Results.aspx?Geog_Type=S&Geog_Code=S,
29/01/2013.
Green Coffins Ireland, 2013, http://www.greencoffinsireland.com/, 24/12/2013.
Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 8 No. 28, (January-March 1895), Fanny D.
Bergen, Burial and Holiday Customs and Beliefs of the Irish Peasantry, pp. 19-25,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/533079 , 11/12/2013.
The Free Library, 2014, John Mc Gurk, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland,
http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Goodbye+to+Catholic+Ireland.-a019798942 ,
01/02/2014.
Library Ireland, 2013, Ireland: Her Wit, Peculiarities and Popular Superstitions,
http://www.libraryireland.com/IrelandSuperstitions/IV.php , 28/01/2014.
Library Ireland, 2013, The Irish Funeral Cry: The Ullaloo, Keeners and Keening,
(The Dublin Penny Journal, Vol. 1 No. 31, Jan. 26th, 1833),
http://www.libraryireland.com/articles/IrishFuneralCryDPJ1-31/ , 28/01/2014.
Mother Nature Network, 02/12/2011, Laura Moss, Going green when it’s your
time to go, http://www.mnn.com/lifestyle/responsible-living/stories/going-green-
when-its-your-time-to-go , 28/01/2014.
The Irish Examiner, 2013, Claire O’Sullivan, Death of a Funeral Tradition,
13/08/2013, http://www.irishexaminer.com/analysis/death-of-a-funeral-tradition-
239604.html , 11/12/2013.
39
Appendices

40
Interviews:
As part of my research for this dissertation, I conducted three interviews and wrote
down the notes. Two were interviews with funeral directors; Richard Conneely based
in Galway city and Ciarán Burke in Clonbur village, rural county Galway. The third
interview was with a young Saudi-Arabian man attending 3rd Level in Galway city.
The aim of these interviews was to get first hand information from two funeral
directors from contrasting (urban & rural) work environments with a suitable
questionnaire. The questions asked hope to outline trends in burial practice and
changes (if any) that have occurred over time in the methodology of burial.
Comparing both interviews will broaden the scope as it will compare burials within an
urban setting to that of a rural one.
The third interview was with Faisal Mohammad A. Algarni, a student in Galway-
Mayo Institute of Technology. The purpose of this interview was to obtain
information on how Sunni Muslim burial is conducted in an Irish setting, with a
separate questionnaire. The questions asked hope to outline the varying methods of
burial used by people of different faiths in Ireland today and the contrasting
philosophies around the subject of funeral rites.
The following interviews were written down at the time of the interview and so they
are abbreviated in question & answer format.

41
 Appendix 1

Interview Questions:

1. What religious denominations do you deal with mostly?

2. What coffin type is the most popular? What materials, are used?
3. What flowers are the most popular? Are grave goods still used?
4. Are the ceremonies as religious as they were two decades ago?
5. Have you ever witnessed keening at any of your funerals? If not, have you
seen any funeral customs that have since become outdated?
6. In your lifetime, how have funeral practices changed over the years?

Abbreviated interview with Richard Conneely at Conneely’s Funeral Directors,

Flood Street, Galway at 2pm Tuesday November 19th, 2013:

Answer 1:
Roman Catholic mainly, [though] there are many non-preachers that we deal with as
well. We also deal with some Church of Ireland as well as Eastern religions [such as]
Russian Orthodox. [With the] Russian Orthodox, they are greeted [as they come in]
and given a candle each. Then they stand around the coffin with lit candles while
prayers are said, they light incense too.

Answer 2:
Solid oak, mostly. Some [of them] are eco/green coffins made from willow. These
have no varnish.

*At this point Richard showed me the collection of coffins stored in the back room of
the funeral parlour. Most of the caskets were a dark brown colour with brass bar
handles/brass rings. Others were a pale brown colour and there were also wicker
coffins which were of simplistic design and had no brass handles/rings.

42
Answer 3:
White lilies and roses would be the most popular. Most people, as you know, don’t
choose their own flowers. Water hyacinth is also popular. No grave goods nowadays,
especially since we’re in the city centre here and I have heard of that before, but in
rural areas. [The graveyards are] owned by the city council, so there are health and
safety regulations [to be adhered to] *(in relation to grave goods).

Answer 4:
Yes, they are mostly the same as they were two decades ago.

Answer 5:
No… [I’ve] never heard of keening before. The old superstitions would be more
common in Connemara and West Galway. The remains would be brought home for
the wake and the mirrors [would be] covered, to prevent the soul [of the deceased]
escaping, or something like that.

Answer 6:
Mostly, they have stayed the same. The [basic] techniques have stayed the same, apart
from a few changes here and there. There’s more [of an emphasis] on health and
safety regulations for hygiene purposes and so on.

43
 Appendix 2

Interview Questions:

7. What religious denominations do you deal with mostly?

8. What coffin type is the most popular? What materials, are used?
9. What flowers are the most popular? Are grave goods still used?
10. Are the ceremonies as religious as they were two decades ago?
11. Have you ever witnessed keening at any of your funerals? If not, have you
seen any funeral customs that have since become outdated?
12. In your lifetime, how have funeral practices changed over the years?

Abbreviated interview with Ciarán Burke at Burke’s Bar & Restaurant, Clonbur
village, County Galway at 12pm Saturday January 18th, 2014:

Answer 1:
We look after Roman Catholic mainly and some Church of Ireland in the Cong parish
and the Cong area. No Eastern religions or anything like that.

Answer 2:
Oak coffins are the most popular. There are moulds on them [the coffins] that show
the Last Supper or the Holy Mary. They’re lined with white sheeting and they come
from Italy. The coffins can be bought with or without the moulds [on them].

Answer 3:
Fresh flowers are used a lot. It used to be that artificial flowers were used a good bit
but the fresh ones have come back [into popularity]. Lillies are very popular, round
wreaths are used [as well] and heart shaped ones. Roses would be common too.
Grave goods used to be more common, but they’re dwindling away [now]. If a person
smoked then cigarettes or a pipe would be put into the coffin before closing. If the
person who died was taken to playing cards [card games], then a deck of cards would
be put into the coffin as well. A flask of spirits would be put in if the person took a

44
drink. This type of goods would be put in men’s coffins as well as women’s too. This
type of custom isn’t fully gone yet, but they’re dying out very much [in recent times].

Answer 4:
Certainly, yes. They’re very much the same in terms of religious ceremonies. The
church still plays a huge role in burial of the dead, in this area anyway.

Answer 5:
No, I can’t say I have ever met with keening in the area. I’ve been working in this
business since June 1973. I heard keening a few times when I was a young fella, when
they [the keeners] were passing through the village; it was used [years ago].
Theres still a few old traditions left but they’re mostly gone now. The gravediggers
aren’t given whiskey anymore except once in a blue moon, usually by the family and
not by the funeral directors.
There used to be a man named Joe Fox who sung ‘The Valley of Knockanure’
beautifully and we’d heard stories about the banshee, but not a whole lot. [In Cong
and Clonbur] the funeral party would do a loop round the village, no shortcuts to the
cemetery. I think it was to respect where that person grew up and have their last time
round the village [before burial]. When the funeral party [would be] travelling from
Cong to Clunbur village, it’d stop at a certain junction along the way and erect a
small wooden cross [in a certain spot]. This was to do with Cong abbey, where the
monks used to meet the remains on the road to the graveyard hundreds of years ago.

Answer 6:
No changes much, really except the funeral home has come on more in recent times.
Many people still repose in their own residence, are brought from the funeral home
straight to the cemetery. [The funerals now are] just family, friends and neighbours.
Wakes are still common enough, though they’ve slowed down in recent years. It’s due
to [that fact that] neighbours and friends are working and they can’t stay up all night
as used to be the way. Stories are told about the person who passed away, but no
games or anything like that.

45
 Appendix 3

Interview Questions:
1. What is your opinion of funeral rites?
2. Have you given any thought to your own burial?
3. Have funeral customs changed over the years?

Abbreviated interview with Faisal Mohammad A. Algarni, at Galway-Mayo Institute

of Technology, Dublin road at 4pm Wednesday December 4th, 2013:

Answer 1:
Well, they are very important in the Muslim community. There is a big difference
between Irish [Catholic] funerals and Muslim funerals. The [deceased] person lies in
the coffin and is buried straight away. It is prohibited not to bury the body straight
away and there is no party [wake]. When a person dies, you respect them. We also
remember the dead on All Souls Day. For three days, people go to the house [the
home of the deceased] and share stories about the person who died. There’s no
flowers or music [at the funeral].

Answer 2:
No. I have not given any thought to my own burial.

Answer 3:
In the past, when people died they [relatives/friends] were sad for a very long time.
Nowadays, people don’t stay sad for as long.
People are taken to the mosque for a ceremony. The men are laid East-West and the
women are laid West-East. The people [the deceased] are washed before burial, the
women are washed by women and men washed by men. The women are covered very
well and there is a huge respect [for the burial of the dead]. The dead are still buried
in a white shroud and there are no cremations. There is a community feeling at
funerals. Prayers are very important and they are said five times a day.

46

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