CONTENTS

PAGE NO.

1. ABOUT THE AUTHOR. 1

2. CHAPTER - I 2-3

3. CHAPTER -II. 4-7

4. CHAPTER -III. 8
4.1 APPENDIX. 9

5. CHAPTER -IV. 10

6. CHAPTER- V. 11

7. CONCLUSION. 12

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THE AUTHOR:

Suvira Jaiswal is an Indian historian. She is known for her researches into the social history
of ancient India, especially the evolution of the caste system and the development and
absorption of regional deities into the Hindu pantheon.She obtained a master's degree in
history from Allahabad University and her doctorate under at the guidance of Ram Sharan
Sharma at Patna University.She also had teaching experience which started from Patna
University from 1962 and then moved on to the post of a professor at the Centre for
Historical Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University from 1971 until her retirement in 1991.In
2007, Jaiswal was the General President of the Indian History Congress.

She has been an eminent Researcher in the field of Evolution of Caste System in India, its
Origins and functions . She in her research has found that in the period of the Rig Veda, the
caste system hadn't yet become the complex hierarchy of later periods. She claimed that the
grihapati, previously thought to be a head of a family, was in fact the leader of an extended
kin-group, and that the transition from a pastoral to a sedentary mode of production led to
increased social stratification with the grihapati becoming an archetype of the patriarchal
principle.Her study also found that neither skin colour and notions of race were the basis of
caste (varna) differentiation. Rather, it was the unequal access to economic and political
power that entrenched status distinctions and crystallised the hierarchy.

She also determined that there were consequences to specialist economic roles, endogamy
and hierarchical society: the systematic suppression of women as a class. In particular, she
pointed out that there was insufficient surplus production of goods in the Rig Vedic period to
allow any section of society to withdraw from economic activity. This meant that women
were more or less autonomous in their agency, having access to education and free
movement.
Her major works include:

Articles:
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1974). "Studies in the Social Structure of the Early Tamils". In
Sharma, R.S. Indian Society: Historical Probings (In Memory of D.D. Kosambi). New
Delhi: ICHR.
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1975). "Women in Early India: Problems and Perspectives". In Horner,
I.B. Women under Primitive Buddhism. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas.
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1979–80). "Studies in Early Indian Social History: Trends and
Possibilities". The Indian Historical Review. 6 (1–2).
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1991). "Varna Ideology and Social Change". Social Scientist. 19 (3/3).
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1993). "Historical Evolution of the Ram Legend". Social Scientist. 21
(3/4).
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (January 2000). "Sculpture at Vijayanagara: Iconography and Style".
Indian Historical Review.
Books:
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (1981). The Origin and Development of Vaisnavism from 200 BC to
AD 500. Munshiram Manoharlal.
▪ Jaiswal, Suvira (2000). Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change.
▪ Suvira Jaiswal, ed. (2016). The Making of Brahmanic Hegemony: Studies in Caste,
Gender, and Vaiṣṇava Theology.

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 CHAPTER -I

INTRODUCTION

The first chapter of the book introduces us to the very basic concept of caste as formulated
by various other historians and sociologists like Dipankar Gupta who defines it as “ a form
of differentiation wherein the constituent units of system justify endogamy on the basis of
putative biological differences which are semaphored ritualisations of multiple social
practices” and considers it to be the ‘essence’ of a system,Louis Dumont , Celestine Bougle
etc. . The chapter also talks about the change in views with the changing trends regarding the
features of caste in various present day works . It discusses the beliefs of the history of caste
system in ‘putative biological differences’ which are expressed through a ritualisation of
divergent social practices , the formation of Kayastha caste in early medieval times ,
dynamics of caste system ,including the process of fusion which allows the institution to
continue and even strengthen itself as social , political and economic circumstances ,along
with repulsion like D.D Kosambi writes about the fusion of tribal elements .

Next it discusses about the Hypothesis of ‘clan to caste’ by Morton Klass in which his search
leads him beyond all documented evidence ,to ‘totemic’ and ‘equalitarianism’ clan groups
and their evolution with time, environment, food , occupations , etc. along with the change in
the working of society , the distribution of labour and services and thus all this ended up in
the hierarchy of corporate groups owing to unequal access and control of economic resources
which ended up in the transformation of clan to caste and also about the criticisms that the
theory faced as it did not explain the emergence of priestly caste of Brahmanas from the clan
stage .
Further it discusses the theory of Dravidian origin of caste which was revived on two
grounds:
First, assuming that the scheme of tinais mentioned in the Sangam Literature represents a
caste- like or ‘Proto -caste’ stage as it speaks of five different types of environmental zones
peopled by divergent communities practising different modes of production depending upon
the nature of their basic resources. Second, the assumption that the idea of pollution from
certain social groups derives from Dravidian culture which visualised the sacred as something
malevolent and dangerous , aquality that could be transmitted to all who mediated it. George

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L. Hart believed that Women too were polluted at times , as they were deemed as possessed
with ‘sacred power’ manifested in their capacity of reproduction and a different biological
rhythm . Therefore , various taboos were imposed on them to control their sexuality and keep
them in patriarchal bondage. Even the recent studies also show that female sexuality pose
both ‘physical and metaphysical’ problems to Vedic priesthood, which invented devices to
minimise and displace the role of the female in the systemisation of Vedic rituals in their
Straumann form. A reference to vispatni and putrika- putra has also been mentioned to bring
out the status of women.

It also discusses the emergence of Jatis within the varna system through fragmentation as
well as the incorporation of tribal communities within a structure which regulated hierarchy
through marriage rules and endogamy , and privileged heredity or birth in a particular lineage
, leading to the use of the term ‘jati’ for indicating membership in a particular community .
The text also provides information regarding the justification for the varna stratification as
given by the elite in later Vedic times which is the doctrine of karma where the elite tried to
explain the inequalities of varna order from the view point of its own class .Brahmanical law
-givers enjoyed upon the ruler to to ensure proper observance of caste duties.

In the end it attributes the dynamics of social change to the advent of Muslim rulers
conflating paura -janapadas as caste associations and ignoring the question of menial castes
and tribes . The history of caste did play an important role in the political economy of the day
but it has been modifying , changing and adapting itself to suit material conditions prevailing
in the course of its long existence . Brahmanas would benefit from this to a large extent .

It analysis that so long as “petty production” remained dominant ,the caste system would
retain itself and when modern industry has replaced petty production which favoured craft-
exclusiveness on a non-competitive basis . It eroded the notions of cast hierarchy and
untouchability and the taboos on interdining atleast in urban areas . The patron client nexus of
jujmani type ( service relationship)which existed in the traditional village community , is
being increasingly replaced by the contractual , pecuniary and impersonal forms of exchange
under the influence of market forces ,with the result that in times of adversity an individual
has to depend all the more on the members of his own caste for group support .

It briefly discusses about the current scenario of politics and caste consciousness.

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 CHAPTER - II

CASTE AND GENDER : HISTORIOGRAPHY

This chapter discusses various sociological theories on the origin of caste :

1. According to Nesfield : hereditary specialisation of occupation was at the root of caste

system: guilds had petrified into castes in a hierarchical order , and the more primitive
and ancient an occupation , the lower is its ranking .

2. According to Senart : Senart emphasised the occupational factor in the origin of caste ,
but his main contribution lay in the fact that clearly distinguished between varna and jati ,
identifying castes with the latter and interpreting the former as ‘class’. The origin of jatis
according to him should be traced to Indo-European Kin grouping corresponding to the
Roman gens. But his attempt to relate caste and kinship system of the Indo- Europeans
came in for much criticism.

3. According to Celestine Bougle: The four varna system had never been more than an
ideal ; the real groups were jatis or casts which ,in his view , formed part of a system
based on three fundamental principles— hereditary specialisation , hierarchy and
repulsion or isolation of one group from another . The three principles are found
interrelated as a system in India only ; hence , the institution of caste is unique to India .
He believes that one must study economic life ‘ if one wishes to discover the forces
which elaborated the skeleton of Hindu organism .

4. According to Hutton: regards caste system as ‘a composite unit of many individual cells ,
each functioning independently’ and as such unduly minimises the importance of those
socio-economic and cultural bonds which sustain the system making it an organic whole .

5. According to Dumont: ‘caste is above all a system of ideas and values’ . The main aim of
Dumont was to build a model of caste with hierarchy as its central idea in order to contrast it
with the Western world view supposedly based on egalitarian values

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It also talks about the present content and method of studying the role of casts and mentions
that modern sociologists study changes in the economic and political roles of caste under the
capitalist mode of production . There are many other sociologists who are being discussed in
this section like Gerald D. Berryman, P.A. Sorokin , Nirmal Kumar Bose etc.

The next part of this chapter talks about major sociological theories of caste in order to note
their contribution to and extent of influence on historical studies of the post-Independence
period.

1. Ghurye : He emphasised on the role of the Brahmanas in developing the caste system for
maintaining such purity . According to him Ridley’s anthropometric tests showing
correspondence between the social ranking of a caste and nasal index of its members was
broadly valid for northern India.

5. Max Weber: HE stressed that varna was status group or estate and not class with
economic referents .

6. P.V Kane: although yajnavalkyasmriti makes a distinction between varna and jati in two
passages , often the two passages are confounded and the term varna is applied to the so
called ‘mixed castes’ which were evidently jatis or endogamous craft exclusive groups .

7. Irawati Karve: untouchability is a characteristic of caste structure from top to bottom and
that system goes back to Harappa culture in which the jati specialising in pounding grain
lived in a cell like isolation , which in fact was misinterpreted by archeologists as
evidence of slavery.

8. Romila Thapar: Varnas represented the theoretical and jati the functional aspect of caste ,
the former was an attempt to explain the existing reality which in its essentials ought to
be traced to Harappa culture .

9. S.C Malik: described caste as the ‘ Indian Style of Life’ , already evolved before coming
of the Aryans , in the Harappan society.

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This part also discusses about the transposition of the jajmani system or ‘service
relationships’ and the functional and theoretical aspects of casts in detail and the theory given
by D.D Kosambi which stated that the Brahmanas caste was formed with the compilation of
Harappan and Aryan priestly elements.Kosambi asserted that that a social formation based on
the slave mode of production in the classical European sense never existed in India at any
period and the role of chattel slavery was negligible .

R.S Sharma , is of the view that Rigvedic society was ranked ; but as it was a pastoral
society , it could not develop class differentiation in the absence of surplus . In his recent
studies he has derived help from social anthropology on the structure and functioning of tribal
communities , and the combined method enabled him to conclude the Rig Vedic society ,
redistribution of food was made through kin-based units.

This part also gave a reference of the structured dependence of the group of untouchables and
other menial casteswhose number increased considerably from early medieval times and
discussed about the social differentiation prevailing in early Indian society.

The third part of the chapter talks about the Brahmans , Kshatriyas and brahma-Ksatra
categories , their livelihood , sacrifices to be performed, sub categories of the Brahmanas ,
social differentiation within the the Brahmanas , expansion and rank system of the
Brahmanas and Kshatriyas and the relationship between the Kshatriyas and Brahmanas
It also discusses about the category of Brahma -kshatriya which, indicates the adoption of
rulership, the traditional occupation of a Kshatriya , by a Brahmana ,the change in occupation
finally leading to a permanent change in status , and its origin, significant aspects of the
Brahma-ksatra , The close correspondence between the political-economic status and social
ranking etc. and the extent of the spread of the Brahman-ksatra.

The fourth chapter talks about the Vaishyas and the Shudras their ranks in the society and the
work they perform , the two tiered social structure in the South and the East , the status of the
shudra people in the society , accretion of powerful peasant communities to the Sudra varna a
detailed discussion on anuloma and pratiloma marriages, compartitive studies of varna
system in the regions of Bengal and south and the contradictory nature of our evidence on the
Sudra varna in different regions .

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The fifth part of the chapter discussed about history of ‘impure’ castes or untouchables who
did not receive much attention in the nationalist phase of Indian historiography, the theory of
Urban origin of untouchability, tracing the origin of concept of pollution and certain social
groups in the ancient Tamils, prevalence of ceremonial bathing ,the taboo on menstruating
women, among ancient Tamils , concept of permanent impurity, taboo on accepting food
cooked by a person of another caste , the argument that the law - books are Brahmanical
compositions , the economic aspect in the caste division , ideology of purity and impurity ,
aboriginal groups (who suffer from most social disabilities )

The sixth part deals with the beginnings of women’s studies in indological literature , the role
of women and their status with respect to the kinship, the discussion on literature on the
Brahmanical institution of gotra, archaic practices, concept of neo-Brahmanas and the
question regarding the patriarchal joint family and references to cross cousin marriages .

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 CHAPTER-III

STRATIFICATION IN RIGVEDIC SOCIETY :

EVIDENCE AND PARADIGMS

The first part of this chapter describes the Rigvedic period ,its administration , social life , the
problems faced in its reconstruction , the hymns in the Rigveda , the different evidences for
the conformation of the Rigvedic period and the Ghurye’s view of economy and society in
early vedic times .

The second part of this chapter deals with the evidence of ‘band’ organisation ( a pre-tribal
stage in which a group of people not necessarily related by blood come together for food
gathering , hunting or fighting ) , the economic significance of war and ‘booty production’ ,
which involved destruction of life and property , the importance of cattle raids , the model of
lineage society , the jural community ( takes decisions and is constituted from the dominant
authentic lineage segments ), The Emmanuel Terras ‘s concept of lineage mode of
production, the problem of exploitation within the lineage mode of production , Romila
Thapar’s concept of the lineage mode of production , The question of rajanya , Bailey’s
interpretation of Arya and Daba, Bailey’s tracing of Rigvedic Dasa and Dasyu and the ethnic
identity of of the Dasyus and differences between them and the Rigvedic Aryans .

The Third part of this chapter discusses about the evidences for a threefold social
differentiation , the celestial sovereign , the difference of the ancient Iranian and the Homeric
languages on Indo -European lexical roots , Ritual of yajna with respect to Indo-European
times, the Devasravas and Devavatas , References of Ksatra and Kshatriya in the Rigvedic
hymns, the Rigvedic Rajan and the journey towards purely egalitarian stage.

The forth and fifth part of this chapter deals with the question regarding the process which led
to the precise defining and institutionalisation of statuses and their crystallisation into varna
categories , The association of Angirases and Bhrgus , The miraculous birth of Vashishtha in
the seventh mandala, identification of specific items of socio-cultural milieu of Vedic and

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Post Vedic times , the assumptions regarding the Harappan religion, development of powerful
priesthood and the formation of Brahmana varna , Priestly specialisations , evidence of
Patriarchal authority, references to individual couples, clue to original significance of
grahpati , Rigvedic Vocabulary , the detailed discussion regarding clans.

APPENDIX

MYSTIFYING THE ARYANS

It gives more arguments for the debate regarding applicability of the concepts of ‘lineage
society’ and ‘lineage mode of production’ , talks about the origin of the word tribe and
thereby introducing the concept of tribe , patrilineal and patrilineal society , system of
appropriation for division of labour in in lineage society , exploitation of juniors by elders,
the addition of hymns and compilation of Samhitas , the origin of the term Brahmana , The
interchangeable use of Bharatas and Kurus , the possibility of a mixture of Harappan and
Aryan people, The decision of personal property with father , The use of term ‘Arya’ and
reconstruction of archeological structures .

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 CHAPTER -IV
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN EARLY BUDDHISM AND THE
CHANGING CONCEPT OF GRAHPATI. / GAHAPATI

This chapter discusses the shifting of the Vaishyas, shudras and chandals to Buddhism and
comparison of their status in both the religions , the functions of gahapatis (an influential and
prestigious class in the Pali sources. They are often looked upon as the counterpart of the
members of Vaisya varna and similar to Goyigama ,the superior caste of agriculturists in
Sinhalese society) , the comparison of the term gahapati in the Pali literature and Vedic
literature, importance and use of grhapati as mentioned in Vedic literature , significant
attributes of grhapati in Vedic Literature, the sutta practice , the three Srauta fires , the bride
of grhapati , the concept of fraternal polyandry , the position of priests not so prominent ,
description of Maruts as performers , The view of Romila Thapar regarding the ‘house-
holding system’ The status of grhapati in the later Vedic period( highly conscious of varna
distinctions) became open to all three castes .

Transformation of grhapati from a leader to the extended kinship group taking care of its
ritual and material needs to the head of a complex household structured on patrilineal
principles is clearly connecting to shift from nomadic pastoralism to sedentary agriculture,
the reference to a study of social environment of early Buddhism by Uma Chakravarti who
refers to grhapati as the ‘ head of household as a production unit’ , the identification of
Gahapatis by the name of their localities according to the Pali texts

According to Wagle grhapati was not only the head of household , the view of Sitesh
Chandra is supported who considered them as the leader or representative of traders in a
village , the concept of gahapati as owner -cultivator and as dominant peasantry, mention of
Gahavai , the Prakrit form of gahapati , described as a ploughman , this leads to the
conclusion that there is a gradual lowering of the status of gahapati with time ,in the time of
Buddha gahapati was an elite category comparable to Brahmana and the Kshatriya and
figured as one of the seven jewels of the king , the tendency of joining vaishya and Sudra as
given in Pali texts and this was one of the reason due to which the Vaisya shifted to Jainism
and the shift in conceptualisation of varna categories

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 CHAPTER - V

CASTE AND HINDUISM: THE CHANGING

PARADIGMS OF BRAHMANICAL INTEGRATION

This chapter discusses about Hinduism as a way of life , not a religion , or an association of
many other religions ,Two distinct classes of Aryan cattle keepers — warriors and priests ,
the former specialised in cattle raids and thus increased the cattle-wealth of their tribes and
the latter claimed to do so by claiming blessings of the gods through their specializations in
sacrificial rituals

The author then brings out Hinduism as an integrated view of Hindu beliefs and practices and
regards the social system not only as underpinning providing support to the edifice of
Hinduism but as its important consecutive element . The understanding of Hinduism would
not be possible without social structure, presence of caste system in other religions as well ,
the connect established by Brian Smith of Hinduism with western religions , the
confrontation with Islam , another Semitic religion , introduced a cultural and religious
dimension to the word ‘Hindu’.

The discussion about the established Brahmanical paradigm of social integration , changes in
the situation in colonial times , activities of Christian Missionaries put Hindus in defensive,
the contributions of Raja Ramamohan Roy toward Indian society the main of which was
uplift meant of women by abolition of sati, Arya Samaj and Brahmi Samaj —their different
concepts and working areas , about their founding fathers and their opinons regarding Hindus
and society , The siddhi movement and its significance , the reasons for the failure of Arya
Samaj and the present scenario of votaries of Hindutva floating another model of integration
that of ‘Rama-Bhakti’ which is supposed to be the rallying point for Hindu integration and
simultaneously a litmus test for loyalty to the nation .

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 CONCLUSION

The work provides a cirque of the current theories of the caste system which locates its
essence in endogamy and argues that present morphology of caste is the result of changes the
institution has undergone over centuries of its existence, but the origins are embedded in the
ecology of the Vedic cattle-keepers. Processes of patriarchy and state formation have played
a crucial role in its evolution and its ideology has made significant conceptual adjustments in
the course of its long history without however , abandoning its basic principles .

The work subjects the applicability of the avante-grade concepts ‘lineage mode of
production’ and ‘Homo hierarchious’ to a critical scrutiny. Finally , it points to the role of
caste in providing ‘unity in diversity’ and limiting the impact of social movements such as
the Arya Samaj and also connects the concept of caste in the Rigvedic period with the
evolved system of caste.

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