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Bartleby The Trascendentalist
Bartleby The Trascendentalist
CHRISTOPHER W. S T E N 31
his 1862 purchase and subsequent annotation of Essays, First Series and
Essays, Second Series has remained open to question, in part because
non-Emersonian forms of philosophical idealism were in the air during
the late forties and early fifties, when Melville read so voluminously,
and in part because the record of his familiarity with Emerson’s writ-
ings and lectures during this period is so Thus, in so far as i t can
be established here that Melville relied upon “ T h e Transcendentalist”
for his “Bartleby,” we can fix a date earlier than 1862 for his working
knowledge of certain features of Emerson’s Transcendentalism; we can
understand his response to Emerson’s thinking in a way never before
recognized; and, most importantly, we can make some sense of Mel-
ville’s most enigmatic character and most haunting piece of fiction.
According to his own account, Melville had “only glanced at a book”
of Emerson’s “once in Putnam’s store-that was all I knew of him, till 1
heard him lecture” in Boston during the winter of 1848-49.4 This
“book,’’ however, probably did not contain “ T h e Transcendentalist,”
which appeared in collection in America for the first time in September
1849, in Nature, Addresses, and Lectures (Boston: Munroe; rpt. Boston:
Phillips, ISSO), at least seven months later-unless Melville saw one of
the pirated London collections, Nuture; an Essay. And Lectures on the
Times or Orations, Lectures, and Addresses (both published by Clarke
in 1844), or unless he used the term book to refer to the essay itself,
originally printed in T h e Dial (January 1843).5
One source of speculation on the question of Melville’s knowledge of
Emerson’s essay is provided by the testimony of Sophia Hawthorne,
inexact though it is, that “one morning” in the late summer or early fall
of 1850, during the period of Melville’s visits to the Hawthorne home
in Lenox, Massachusetts, “he shut himself into the boudoir &
read Mr Emerson’s Essays. . . .”6 I t cannot be determined whether
these “Essays” included “The Transcendentalist,” but it is known that
3There is no record that Melville owned any of Emerson’s prose works until 1862. See
Merton M. Sealts, Jr.,Melville’s Reading: A Check-List of Books Owned and Borrowed (Madi-
son, 1966), p. 59.
Melville to Evert A . Duyckinck, 3 March 1849; recorded in Eleanor Melville Metcalf.
Herman Melville: Cycle and Epicycle (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), p. 58. Jay Leyda, T h e Mel-
ville Log: A Documentary Life of Herman Melville, 1819-1891 (1951; rpt. with a new supple-
ment, New York, 1969). I , 287, speculates that Melville heard Emerson speak on “Mind &
Manners in the Nineteenth Century” on 5 February.
5 See George Willis Cooke, A Bibliography of Ralph Waldo Emerson (Boston, 1908), pp. 56,.
97. 99-100; for corrections and additional information, see Jacob Blanck, Bibliography of
American Literature, 111 (New Haven, 1959), 20-21 and 25. Melville visited London late in
1849; see n. 8.
“Sophia Hawthorne to her sister Elizabeth, Oct?” (Leyda, 11, 924-25). Melville probably
read these “Essays” on 5 or 6 September.
’I See Journals uf Ralph Waldo Emerson, 1820-1876, ed. Edward Waldo Emerson antl
Waldo Emerson Forbes, V I I I (Boston, 1912),48.
Nature, Addresses, and Lectures was reviewed on 3 November 1849 in T h e Literary World
(pp. 374-76), which Duyckinck coedited with his brother George L. According to Sealts, “Mel-
ville . . . was probably a regular subscriber-at least d u r i n g the period of Evert Duyckinck’s
editorship [October 1848-December 1853]-until he canceled his subscription in a letter of
14 Feb 1852” (Melville’s Reading, p. 75). Melville lived in New York, where Duyckinck re-
sided. a t the time Emerson’s collection was published, but he had already departed for
London ( I I October 1849) when it was reviewed in The Literary W o r l d . Extracts froin Red-
burn appeared in the 10 November 1849 issue of this journal, antl it was reviewed there one
week later, so Melville had reason to peruse its back issues. Following his return to New Yolk
( I February 1850) and his move to Pittsfield in the early fall of 1850, he visited New York on a t
least two occasions in 1851-52 (and Duyckinck visited him in Pittsfield twice in 1850-51) before
he terminated his subscription and broke off his friendship with Duyckinck. See Leyda, I , 318
et passim.
C H K I S T O P H E K W. S T E N 33
“Bartleby.” in P i n m Tales, ecl. Egbert S. Oliver (New York. 1948), p. 24. References are to
this edition and appear in the text. Although n o reader has previously argued that Uartleby
and the lawyer were patterned after the Transcendentalist and the niaterialist in Emerson’s
essay, Oliver has suggested that ‘rhoreau was Melville’s model for the scrivener (“A Second
Look a t ‘Bartleby,’ CE, 6 [ 19451, 431-39). See also Parker, who finds Oliver’s demonstration
”
mankind have ever divided into two sect.s, Materialists and Ideal-
ists; the first class founding on experience, the second on conscious-
ness; the first class beginning to think from the data of the senses,
the second class perceive that the senses are not final, and say, T h e
senses give us representations of things, but what are the things
themselves, they cannot tell. T h e materialist insists on facts, on his-
tory, on the force of circumstances and the animal wants of man; the
idealist on the power of Thought and of Will, on inspiration, on
miracle, on individual culture. (pp. 329-30)’O
l o In his portrayals o f the lawyer antl the scrivener, Melville might have been influenced t o o
by.Emerson’s “ T h e Conservative,” which was also published in The Dial (October 1842) and
in Nature, Addresses, and Lectures. T h e Conservative and the Reformer o f this essay are phil-
osoph icall y in agreement wit ti Emerson’s materialist antl Transcendental is t respectively (see
Complete Works, I , 295-326).I a m indebted to Wallace E. Williams, of Indiana University, for
suggesting this possibly atltlitional soiirce to me.
CHRISTOPHER W. STEN 35
tion as his means of coming to grips with this mysterious figure, “that is
all I know of him, except, indeed, one vague report . . .” (p. 16).
Implicitly characterizing himself as a materialist still further, the
lawyer states that it was John Jacob Astor’s opinion that “my first grand
point [is] prudence; my next, method,” and he adds, ‘‘I do not speak it
in vanity, but simply record the fact, that I was not unemployed in my
profession by the late John Jacob Astor; a name which, I admit, I love
to repeat; for it hath a rounded and orbicular sound to it, and rings like
unto bullion” (p. 17). In addition to the lawyer’s self-interestedness
and the dependence of his imagination upon money even for metaphor,
what is revealed here is his adulation of Astor’s wealth and power, what
Emerson called the materialist’s predilection for “the animal wants of
man”-professional success, financial security, material ease. This pre-
dilection is further evidenced by the lawyer’s well-known admissions
that “from his youth upwards” he has been “filled with a profound con-
viction that the easiest way of life is the best” and that, as a result,
others consider him “an eminently safe man.” Finally, among the fea-
tures noted above in Emerson’s definition of the materialist, it was the
“force of circumstances”-in this case, the new Constitution-which
was responsible for “the sudden and violent abrogation of the office of
Master in Chancery” and the lawyer’s consequent rashness and “dan-
gerous indignation” at his loss of “a life-lease of the profits” from this
position (pp. 16-17). Unlike the Transcendentalist who says, “I make
my circumstance,” the materialist lawyer is, to use Emerson’s word, the
“child” of his circumstances, for he lacks the Emersonian principle of
self-reliance (p. 334).
T h e lawyer’s metaphysics are those of the materialist in another fea-
ture, too. “In the order of thought,” according to Emerson, “the materi-
alist takes his departure from the external world, and esteems a man as
one product of that” (p. 332). T h e lawyer himself is clearly a “product”
of Wall Street society in that he depends upon that society to define his
professional position and his social status-in fact, he appears to have
no identity (and no life) away from his office. Hence quite naturally he
also expects the scrivener to conform to the role prescribed for him by
this same society. Considerably perplexed by Bartleby’s eccentricity and
perversity-by his failure to act like an automaton-the lawyer admits
that it was “exceeding difficult to bear in mind all the time those
strange peculiarities, privileges, and unheard of exemptions, forming
the tacit stipulations on Bartleby’s part under which he remained in my
office” (p. 31). T h e lawyer is like the materialist “grave seniors” de-
36 M E LV 1 L LE ’S ‘ I B A K T LE B Y ”
scribed by Emerson; they insist that others show respect to “this institu-
tion and that usage; to an obsolete history; to some vocation, or college,
or etiquette, or beneficiary, or charity, or morning or evening call . . .
these old guardians never change their minds; they have but one mood
on the subject, namely, that Antony is very perverse . . .” (p. 356).
Thus, too, in terms that are consistent with Emerson’s materialist and
idealist, we find in “Bartleby” a confrontation between the guardian of
institutional, economic America and the “perverse” agent of disruptive
spiritual value.
I t is more difficult to detail the similarities between Melville’s por-
trayal of Bartleby and Emerson’s portrayal of the idealist because Bar-
tleby, virtually speechless and impassive, gives us little from which to
intuit his philosophical position. Yet it is precisely in this trait that he
follows the Transcendentalist program most perfectly. “If you do not
need to hear my thought,” Emerson says, speaking for the radical Tran-
scendentalist, “because you can read it in my face and behavior, then I
will tell i t you from sunrise to sunset. If you cannot divine it, you would
not understand what I say. I will not molest myself for you” (p. 344).
Bartleby suggests a similar line of reasoning throughout the narrative
but especially at the point when, following his refusal first to verify
copies and then even to copy any more documents, he finally loses pa-
tience with the lawyer’s insistent demands for an explanation (he is
unusually garrulous here): ‘Do you not see the reason for yourself,’ he
“
C H R I S T O P H E R W. S T E N 37
dent that he, like the Transcendentalist, does not “respect labor.’’ Nor
does he respect “the products of labor,” for he declines the wages due to
him. Furthermore, Bartleby’s failure to respect the lawyer’s title to the
law office (cf. Emerson’s “property”) when he takes it for his own home
is cause for considerable indignation on the part of his employer, sug-
gesting still another case of their conflicting philosophies-Transcen-
dentalist and materialist: “What earthly right have you to stay here?”
the lawyer asks. “Do you pay any rent? Do you pay my taxes? O r is this
property yours?” (p. 42).
Melville seems to have relied upon Emerson’s essay for yet other ex-
amples in the litany of Bartleby’s rejections. In particular, the Tran-
scendentalist chooses to respect neither “the church, nor charities, nor
arts, for themselves,” according to Emerson (p. 333). I t is on a Sunday
morning while on his way to Trinity Church that the lawyer discovers
Bartleby inhabiting his office, and so, although he is sure his employee
would not “by any secular occupation violate the proprieties of the
day,” the implication is clear that, like the Transcendentalist, Bartleby
is something of a heretic, whereas the materialist lawyer is a church-
goer, though only a casual one at best, for he was going to Trinity
Church “to hear a celebrated preacher” (pp. 3 1-32). Moreover, Bartleby
rejects the “charities” of the lawyer’s twenty-dollar gratuity and his offer
to help the scrivener settle comfortably elsewhere. His refusal even to
acknowledge his employer’s kindnesses is only one of many unex-
plained discourtesies; but once again Emerson provides a clue to his
behavior: “ T h e Buddhist, who thanks no man, who says, ‘Do not flatter
your benefactors,’ but who, in his conviction that every good deed can by
no possibility escape its reward, will not deceive the benefactor by pre-
tending that he has done more than he should, is a Transcendentalist”
(p. 337). Finally, though perhaps this stretches the point, neither does
Bartleby appreciate in the least what might be called the scrivener’s
“art.” T h e Transcendentalists, says Emerson, “feel the disproportion
between their faculties and the work offered them . . .” (p. 341).
In addition to informing the pattern of the scrivener’s rejections,
Emerson’s essay informs the philosophy behind them. T h e radical
Transcendentalist’s contention that “Mind is the only reality, of which
men and all other natures are better or worse reflectors” (p. 333), helps
considerably to explain Bartleby’s negativism. His apparent adherence
to this principle permits him to make incredible demands on the
lawyer and on everything else in the material world; it permits him to
find them all to be “worse reflectors’’ of the ideal in his mind and so to
38 ME LV I L LE ‘S €3 A K T LE €3Y”
I 1 Quoted in T h e Sense o f a n Ending: Studies in the Theory of Fiction (New York, 1967), p.
34; see also “Fictions.” pp. 35-64. I wish here to express niy indebtedness to Kermode, whose
book has stimulated. however indirectly, my reading of “Bartleby.”
CHRISTOPHER W. S T E N 39
40 IMELVILLE’S “BAKTLEBY”
to” enrich himself by engaging the wider world (pp. 16, 33). But unlike
Bartleby, who is wholly concerned with ends, the lawyer is wholly con-
cerned with means. Where the Transcendentalist fails to create fictions
which respect the material world, the materialist creates only the barest
fictions. H e respects only the material world, and as a result his ethics
are those of self-serving expediency. T h e lawyer even twists Christ’s
injunction, “A new commandment give I unto you, that ye love one
another,” to serve only himself, when he admits, though with some
self-deprecation, that it was this new commandment which “saved me”-
not Bartleby-from suffering the consequences of doing away with
his scrivener in a moment of rage. “Mere self-interest, then,” he remarks
dryly, “if no better motive can be enlisted, should, especially with
high-tempered men, prompt all beings to charity and philanthropy” (p.
43). Indeed, “mere self-interest” is his only touchstone throughout most
of the story. H e respects Nippers, for example, because “he always
dressed in a gentlemanly sort of way; and so, incidentally, reflected
credit upon my chambers” (p. 21).
Because a world which operates on the principle of self-interest is
a meaningless world, self-interest being an empty fiction designed to
insure only an endless material existence, Melville would have us
sympathize with Bartleby’s refusal to perform the mechanical,
self-aggrandizing work the lawyer demands from him. H e would have
us appreciate Emerson’s insistence that
What you call your fundamental institutions, your great and holy
causes, seem to [the Transcendentalists] great abuses, and, when
nearly seen, paltry matters. Each “cause” as i t is called,-say Aboli-
tion, Temperance, say Calvinism, or Uni tarianism,-becomes speed-
ily a little shop, where the article, let i t have been at first never so
subtle and ethereal, is now made up into portable and convenient
cakes, and retailed in small quantities to suit purchasers. (p. 349)
C H R I S T O P H E R W. STEN 41
Melville’s reformist tendencies had been denionstrated earlier in Typee (1846) and
W h i t e j a c k e l (1850).
I 3 Cf. Enierson’s materialist. who, “secure in the certainty of sensation, mocks at fine-spun
theories, at star-gazers and tlreaniers, antl believes that his life is solid, that he at least takes
nothing for granted, but knows where he stands. and what he does,” ttntil he is shown by the
idealist’s presence that “he also is a phantom walking antl working amid phantoms, antl that
he need only ask a question or two beyond his daily questions to find his solid universe
growingtlini antl impalpable before his sense” ( p . 331).
C H K I S T O P H E K W. S T E N 45
Melville was not very sanguine about the human condition by the
time he published “Bartleby” in 1853, but he does suggest in this work
that there is hope to be found in the example of the lawyer because he
begins as a materialist and becomes more the idealist. In the example of
Bartleby there can be no hope, for he would not attempt the arduous
task of realizing man’s dual nature. In a sense not intended by Emerson,
Melville nevertheless agreed with his opinion that “Every materialist
will be an idealist; but an idealist can never go backward to be a materi-
alist” (p. 330). T h e former is free to step in the direction of love, the
latter in the direction only of death-because the radical Transcenden-
talist would patiently wait for the miracle which would unite perma-
nently these two sides of man. “Cannot we screw our courage to pa-
tience and truth,” implores the Transcendentalist, “and without com-
plaint, or even with good-humor, await our turn of action in the Infi-
nite Counsels?” (p. 351). And Bartleby, infinitely patient, at last sleeps
“With kings and counselors,” the grub man learns from the lawyer, who
is now able to mediate between the spiritual world of the idealist and
the brute materialist world of the prison “sarvant” (pp. 52-53).
Melville could and did accept man’s poverty without liking it any
better than the Transcendentalists did, but unlike them he attempted
to make sense of and give meaning to that poverty by creating the kinds
of fictions-extraliterary as well as literary-which might satisfy man’s
double nature. T h e idealist and the materialist in every man, in Mel-
ville’s view, must continually strive to come together with his opposite,
as Bartleby does momentarily in the beginning when he arrives at the
lawyer’s Wall Street cell and as the lawyer does in the end when he
visits Bartleby’s cell at the Tombs. These two sides of man, like these
two kinds of men, must ever seek to communicate by testing the idea
and the world against one another. If, when the material world is tested
against the idea, it is found unsatisfactory (and it always will be, if the
idea is worthy), then man must seek to change the nature of things as
they are in order to bring it into closer correspondence with the idea.
But the idea must be tested against the material world, too, and if it is
found to be only a dead letter, then a new idea, a new fiction, must be
imagined.
Melville recognized that the material world, like the great White
Whale, is shifting and ambiguous-because imperfectly known. But he
knew it could never be ignored. Moreover, he believed that he could
come to know that world better, and thereby better that world, by
bringing his own sense-making powers to bear upon it, his skepticism
44 kl E LV I L LE 'S BA K T L E BY
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