Park Chung Hee

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Park Chung-hee
박정희

Presiden Korea Selatan ke-5, 6, 7, 8, dan 9

Masa jabatan
17 Desember 1963 (Ketua SCNR 1961-63) – 26 Oktober
1979
Choi Doo Sun
Chung Il Kwon
Perdana Menteri Baek Du-jin
Kim Jong Pil
Choi Kyu Hah
Pendahulu Yoon Po-son
Pengganti Choi Kyu-ha
30 September 1917
Gumi-si, Gyeongsang Utara,
Lahir
Jepang-Berkuasa di Korea (kini
Korea Selatan)
26 Oktober 1979 (umur 62)
Meninggal
Seoul, Korea Selatan
Kebangsaan Korea
Partai politik Republik Demokrat
Suami/Istri Yuk Young-soo
Agama Budhaisme
Korean name

Hangul 박정희
Hanja 朴正熙
 Alih aksara
Baru
Bak Jeonghui
McCune-
Reischauer
Pak Chŏnghŭi
Nama pena

Hangul 중수
Hanja 中樹

Park Chung-hee (Korea: 박정희, lahir di Gumi-si, Gyeongsang Utara, Jepang-Berkuasa di

Korea (kini Korea Selatan, 14 November 1917 – meninggal di Seoul, Korea Selatan, 26
Oktober 1979 pada umur 61 tahun) adalah mantan jenderal Tentara ROK dan pimpinan
Republik Korea pada periode 1961-1979. Ia dianggap berjasa melakukan modernisasi Korea
Selatan melalui industrialisasi berorientasi ekspor, tapi juga dituduh melakukan pelanggaran
hak asasi manusia pada periode tambahan kepresidenannya. Ia dipilih sebagai salah satu dari
"100 Orang Asia Abad Ini" ("100 Asians of the Century") oleh Time Magazine pada 1999. Ia
pernah lolos dari beberapa percobaan pembunuhan sampai akhirnya terbunuh pada 26
Oktober 1979 oleh Kim Jae-kyu, direktur KCIA dan teman lamanya.

Pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1974, dalam satu percobaan pembunuhan yang menewaskan
istrinya, Yuk Yeong-su, oleh agen Korea Utara, Mun Se-gwang, ia meneruskan pidatonya
tanpa memperdulikan kondisi istrinya yang kritis.

Park Chung-hee (September 30, 1917 – October 26, 1979) was a Republic of Korea Army
general and the leader of South Korea (the Republic of Korea) from 1961 to 1979. He has
been criticized for his authoritarian way of ruling the country (especially after 1971),[1][2] but
is also credited with the industrialization of the Republic of Korea through export-led growth.
His rule was ended by his assassination in 1979. He was named one of the top 100 Asians of
the Century by Time magazine (1999).

Early life

Park was born in Gyeongsangbuk-do near Daegu during the Japanese occupation. His father
was Park Seong-bin (age 46 at the time) and his mother was Baek Nam-hui (age 45). His
eldest brother was Park Dong-hee (age 22); second brother was Park Mu-hee (age 19); eldest
sister was Park Gwi-hee (age 15); third brother was Park Sang-hee (age 11); fourth brother
was Park Han-saeng (age 7); and his youngest sister was Park Jae-hee (age 5).

Park came from an undistinguished local branch of the Goryeong Park clan.

Park won admission to the Daegu Teacher's Gymnasium, which was a favored high school
for prospective primary teachers. He entered on April 8, 1932 and graduated on March 25,
1937, after five years of study. His formative years coincided with the Japanese invasion of
China, starting with the Manchurian incident in 1931 and culminating in the outbreak of the
Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Park went on to teach for several years in Mungyeong,
where the primary school has been preserved as a museum.

In April 1940, Park enrolled in the Manchukuo Imperial Army Academy, and on completing
his studies with top marks in 1942, was selected for officer training at the Army Staff College
in Japan. After graduating third in his class, he was commissioned as a lieutenant in the 8th
Infantry Division of the Manchukuo Army, and served during the final stages of World War
II. At the time he used the Japanese name "Okamoto Minoru". After the war, he went on to
serve in the military of the Republic of South Korea but was expelled in 1948 when it was
discovered that he had participated in a communist cell organized within the South Korean
army. During the Korean War he rejoined the military and became an expert at logistics. He
received a year of special training at Fort Sill, Oklahoma. He rose steadily through the ranks,
eventually reaching the rank of general.

Personal life

He was married to Kim Ho Nam and got divorced. Later, he was married to Yuk Young-soo,
with whom he had a daughter, Park Geun Hye, who later became a politician.

Ascension to presidency

Syngman Rhee, the first president of the Republic of Korea, was forced out of office on April
26, 1960 as an aftermath of the April 19 Movement, a student-led uprising. A new
government took office on August 13. This was a short-lived period of parliamentary rule in
Republic of Korea with a figurehead president, Yun Bo-seon; the real power was vested in
Prime Minister Chang Myon.
Yun and Chang did not command the respect of the majority of the Democratic Party. They
could not agree on the composition of the cabinet and Chang attempted to hold the tenuous
coalition together by reshuffling cabinet positions three times within five months.

Political background

Meanwhile, the new government was caught between an economy that was suffering from a
decade of mismanagement and corruption by the Rhee presidency and the students who had
led to Rhee's ouster. The students regularly filled the streets, making numerous and wide-
ranging demands for political and economic reforms. Law and order could not be maintained
because the police, long an instrument of the Rhee government, were demoralized and had
been completely discredited by the public. Continued factional wrangling caused the public
to turn away from the party.

Coup d'état

Park then led a military coup (called the 5.16 coup d'état) on May 16, 1961, a coup largely
welcomed by a general populace exhausted by political chaos. Although Prime Minister
Chang resisted the coup efforts, President Yun sided with the junta and persuaded the United
States Eighth Army and the commanders of various South Korean army units not to interfere
with the new rulers. Soon, Park Chung-hee was promoted to Lieutenant General.

The Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) was created on June 19, 1961 to prevent a
countercoup and to suppress all potential enemies, domestic and international. It was to have
not only investigative power, but also the power to arrest and detain anyone suspected of
wrongdoing or harboring antijunta sentiments. The KCIA extended its power to economic
and foreign affairs under its first director, Colonel (retired) Kim Jong-pil, a relative of Park
and one of the original planners of the coup.

President Yun remained in office to provide legitimacy to the regime, but resigned on March
24, 1962. Park then became Acting President as well as chairman of the Supreme Council for
National Reconstruction and was promoted to full general. Following pressure from the
Kennedy administration in the United States, Park finally relented and agreed to restore
civilian rule. He narrowly won the 1963 election as the candidate of the newly-created
Democratic Republican Party over Yun, candidate of the Civil Rule Party. He was re-elected
in 1967, again defeating Yun by a narrow margin.

First two terms as president

Economic reform
President Park Chung-hee, standing third from left, at a 1966 SEATO convention.

Park is generally credited as playing a pivotal role in the development of South Korea's
economy by shifting its focus to export-oriented industrialization. When he came to power in
1961, South Korean per capita income was only USD 72, and North Korea was a greater
economic and military power on the peninsula due to large amounts of economic, technical
and financial aid, which came from the Soviet Union and other communist bloc countries
such as East Germany and Poland.

Park's leadership saw a remarkable development of industries and rise in the standard of
living of average South Korean citizens during his presidency. Many still question Park's
judgment, however, as his 1965 normalization of diplomatic relations with Japan had been
extremely unpopular and resulted in widespread unrest as memories from Japan's 36-year
colonization of Korea proved vivid. However, by normalizing relations with Japan, Park
allowed Japanese capital & technology to flow into the country. These aids and loans—
although criticized by many Koreans to be too meager for the 36 years of occupation by
Imperial Japan—along with American aid, helped to restore the depleted capital of South
Korea. Nonetheless, it must be noted that with North Korea's economy at the time being
bigger and more vibrant than that of South Korea, Park did not have many options or much
time to negotiate for more fitting reparations and apologies. This issue still plagues Japan and
South Korea's relationship today.

Creation of economic development agencies

 Economic Planning Board (EPB)

 Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI)
 Ministry of Finance (MoF)

Dictatorial rule

Park clamped down on personal freedoms under the provisions of a state of emergency dating
to the Korean War. Constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and the press were often
curtailed. The KCIA retained broad powers of arrest and detention, and opponents were
frequently tortured.[3]
The electoral system was also heavily rigged in favor of Park's Democratic Republican Party,
which routinely won large majorities in the National Assembly. Opposition parties and
leaders were subjected to varying degrees of official harassment. Park was reelected in 1967
against Yoon.

Yusin Constitution

The Constitution of 1963 limited the president to two consecutive terms, and Park had
promised after being sworn in for his second term that he would leave office in 1971.
However, with the assistance of the KCIA, Park's allies in the legislature succeeded in
amending the Constitution to allow the current president—himself—to run for three
consecutive terms. In 1971, Park won another close election, this time over Kim Dae-jung.

Just after being sworn in for his third term, Park declared a state of emergency "based on the
dangerous realities of the international situation." In October 1972, he dissolved Parliament
and suspended the Constitution. In December, a new constitution, the Yusin Constitution, was
approved in a heavily rigged plebiscite after a vigorous campaign on its behalf by the
heavily-censored press. It borrowed the word "Yusin" ( 維 新 ) from the Meiji Restoration
(Meiji Ishin; 明 治 維 新 ) of Imperial Japan. He drew inspiration for his self-coup from
Ferdinand Marcos' similar move a few weeks earlier.

The new document dramatically increased Park's power. It transferred the election of the
president to an electoral college, the National Conference for Unification. The presidential
term was increased to six years, with no limits on reelection. In effect, the constitution
converted Park's presidency into a legal dictatorship. Park was re-elected in 1972 and 1978
with no opposition.

Unpopularity
Park in 1964

Dictatorship

The growth of the South Korean economy secured a level of support for the Park Chung-hee
presidency in the 1960s, but that support started to fade after economic growth started
slowing and because of the authoritarian measures taken by Park. By the late 1970s,
demonstrations against the Yushin system erupted throughout the country indicating Park’s
rising level of unpopularity.

A demonstration that hurt Park’s popularity was the “Pu-Ma struggle.” On October 16, 1979,
student demonstrations calling for the end of dictatorship and the Yushin system began at
Busan National University and moved into the streets of the city. Students and the riot police
fought all day, and by the evening, 50,000 people had gathered in front of the city hall. After
several public offices were attacked and around 400 protesters were arrested, the government
declared martial law in Busan on October 18. On October 18, the protests spread to Masan.
Students from Kyungnam University in Masan also participated in protests, which spread and
resulted in 10,000 mostly students and workers joining the struggle against the Yushin
System. They began attacking the police station and city offices of the ruling party, and a
city-wide curfew was put into place[4].

The rising unrest in the public contributed to the sense of urgency in the government, and
hence, to Park Chung-hee’s assassination.

Vietnam war

At the request of the United States, Park Chung-hee sent approximately 320,000 South
Korean troops to fight alongside the United States and South Vietnam in the Vietnam War.
Park wanted to strengthen the military alliance with the United States. But there were also
financial incentives for South Korea's participation in the war. Soldiers were paid by the
United States government and their salaries were remitted directly to the South Korean
government. Park was eager to send troops and vigorously campaigned to extend the war. In
return for troop commitments, South Korea received tens of billions of dollars in grants,
loans, subsidies, technology transfers, and preferential markets, all provided by the Johnson
and Nixon administrations.[5]

Some South Korean soldiers committed war crimes during the Vietnam War and as
commander of the Korean Armed Forces, Park has often been accused and held responsible.
[citation needed]
.

Assassination attempts

The Blue House Raid

On January 19, 1968, an armed North Korean guerrilla unit under the Revolutionary Party for
Reunification attempted to assassinate Park and nearly succeeded. They were spotted by four
South Korean civilians out cutting wood. After spending several hours trying to indoctrinate
the civilians about the benefits of communism, the guerrillas let the civilians free with a stern
warning not to notify the police. However, the civilians informed the police that very night.

The guerrillas entered Seoul in two- and three-man cells on January 20 and noticed the
increased security measures that had been implemented throughout the city. Realising their
original plan had little chance of success, the team leader improvised a new plan. Changing
into ROK Army uniforms of the local 26th Infantry Division, complete with the correct unit
insignia, which they had brought with them, they formed up and prepared to march the last
mile to the Blue House, posing as ROK Army soldiers returning from a counter guerrilla
patrol. The unit marched toward the Blue House, passing several National Police and ROK
Army units en route. Approximately 800 meters from the Blue House, a police contingent
finally halted the unit and began to question them. The nervous North Koreans fumbled their
replies, and when one suspicious policeman drew his pistol, a commando shot him. A melee
then ensued in which two infiltrators died. The rest of the North Koreans scattered and began
racing for the DMZ.

For the next several days, South Korean and American soldiers and police cooperated in a
massive manhunt. Three infiltrators were pursued and killed in the Seoul area, while 25
others were eventually hunted down and killed in various firefights, with one infiltrator being
captured. Only two of the thirty-one North Koreans could not be accounted for. During the
course of this assassination attempt, South Korean casualties totaled sixty-eight killed and
sixty-six wounded—mainly army and police but also about two dozen civilians. Three
Americans also died and three were wounded in attempts to block the escaping infiltrators. [6]
Of thirty North-Korean commandos, all but Kim Shin-Jo were killed.

Three days later, January 23, the USS Pueblo was captured by North Korea.

In response to the assassination attempt, the South Korean government reportedly organized
the ill-fated Unit 684. This group was intended to assassinate North Korean leader Kim Il-
Sung, but was disbanded in 1971.

Second attempt

On August 15, 1974, Park was delivering a speech in the National Theater during a ceremony
to celebrate the nation's deliverance from Japanese colonial domination 29 years before,
when North Korean agent Mun Se-gwang fired a gun at Park from the front row. The bullets
missed the president, but a stray bullet struck his wife Yuk Young-soo, who died later in the
day, and one choir girl. Park continued his speech as his dying wife was carried off of the
stage.[7]

Assassination
On October 26, 1979, Park was shot by Kim Jaegyu, the director of the KCIA. Kim claimed
that Park was an obstacle to democracy and that his act was one of patriotism. After Kim shot
the president to death and the leader of his guards, his agents quickly killed four more of the
presidential bodyguards before the group was apprehended. The entire episode is usually
either considered a spontaneous act of passion by an individual or as part of a pre-arranged
attempted coup by the intelligence service.[8]

The events surrounding Park's assassination inspired the 2005 black comedy 그때 그사람
들/"Geuddae geusaramdeul" (English title: The President's Last Bang) by Korean director Im
Sang-soo.

A devout Buddhist,[9] Park Chung Hee is buried at Seoul National Cemetery.

Legacy

It is alleged by supporters that despite his dictatorial rule and the high growth that occurred
during his years in power, Park did not engage in corruption and led a simple life. Detractors
allege he was simply a brutal dictator and only brought about high growth through military
control over labor.

Being a complex man as a policy maker, many Koreans continue to hold Park in high regard
in great part due to the industrial and economic growth experienced by South Korea under his
presidency. There are also many on the left who condemn Park for the brutality of his
dictatorship and for his service to the Japanese army during World War II. Today, Park's
critics deplore the widespread human rights abuses in South Korea during his rule. Thousands
were arrested and imprisoned for many years merely for criticizing Park in workplaces or
bars. A culture of corruption was prevalent too; bribery was common, and often powerful
figures in Park's administration confiscated private businesses and other properties. One of
the most notorious cases of Park's alleged abuses is the allegation that he ordered that a
political rival, Kim Dae-jung (who became the president of the Republic of Korea in the late
1990s) be killed (see Kidnapping of Kim Dae-jung).

His daughter Park Geun-hye was elected the chairman of the conservative Grand National
Party in 2004. She has resigned her post in order to prepare a presidential bid for the
upcoming election. However, she lost her bid to her intra-party rival, Lee Myung Bak.[10]

See also

 History of South Korea

 Realpolitik
 List of Korea-related topics

References

1. ^ http://www.questia.com/library/encyclopedia/park-chung-hee.jsp
 2. ^ http://www.dictatorofthemonth.com/Chunghee/Sep2003chungheeEN.htm
3. ^ See Korea Week May 10, 1977, page 2 and C.I. Eugene Kim, 'Emergency,
Development, and Human Rights: South Korea,' Asian Survey 18/4 (April 1978): 363-
378.
4. ^ Shin, Gi-Wook. "Introduction." Contentious Kwangju: the May 18 Uprising in
Korea's Past and Present. Eds. Gi-Wook Shin and Kyung Moon Hwang. Lanham:
Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2003.
5. ^http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/1/1/3/6/7/p113675_
index.html
6. ^ Scenes from an Unfinished War: Low-Intensity Conflict in Korea, 1966-1968
7. ^ Shaw, Karl (2005) [2004] (in Czech). Power Mad! [Šílenství mocných]. Praha:
Metafora. p. 13. ISBN 80-7359-002-6.
8. ^ 1979: South Korean President killed
9. ^ A Very Tough Peasant
10. ^ Scanlon, Charles (2 June 2006). "S Korean famous daughter aims high". BBC News.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/5040964.stm.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Park_Chung-hee diakses 080310, 15.03

Park Chung Hee

The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition | 2008 |

Park Chung Hee , 1917-79, president (1963-79) of the Republic of Korea (South Korea).
Starting (1940) his military career in the Japanese army, he joined the new South Korean
army after the establishment of Korean independence at the end of World War II and rose
through the ranks. In 1961 he was a member of the military junta that overthrew the civilian
government. He became chairman of the junta government and in 1963 was elected president.
He was reelected in 1967 and again in 1971, having amended (1969) the constitution to allow
himself a third successive term. Although his government aided economic progress by
emphasizing export-oriented growth, it became more dictatorial over the years. In 1972, Park
declared martial law, allegedly to institute revitalizing reforms, and again altered the
constitution to give himself almost unlimited power. Despite demands for democratic
government, censorship, political repression, and torture of political prisoners increased. In
Aug., 1974, Park's wife was killed during one of the several assassination attempts against
him. Park was killed in 1979 by the head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency.

Korean reunification (Korean: 조 국 통 일 , also called 남 북 통 일 (in the South, literally

South-North Reunification) and 북 남 통 일 (in the North, literally North-South
Reunification)) refers to the hypothetical future reunification of North Korea and South Korea
under a single government. The process towards this was started by the historic June 15th
North-South Joint Declaration in August 2000, where the two countries agreed to work
towards a peaceful reunification in the future.

However, there are a number of hurdles in this process due to the large political and
economic differences between the two countries and other state actors such as China, Russia,
the United States and Japan. Short-term problems such as a large number of refugees from
the North migrating into the South and initial economic and political instability would need to
be overcome. Long-term problems such as cultural differences, contrasting political
ideologies and possible discrimination will also need to be resolved.
 The Park Chung Hee Regime
in South Korea
Park Chung Hee was born in 1917 in the village of Sonsangun near Taegu in southeastern
Korea. He was the seventh child of a poor family; his father sometimes served as a magistrate
under the Japanese occupation. Park won admission to high school through a competitive
examination. After high school he taught school for a while before entering the Japanese
army. He won admission to a two-year training program in Manchukuo, the Japanese puppet
state in Manchuria, and graduated at the top of his class. Park was then selected for another
two years of training at the Tokyo Military Academy. Park's experience with the Japanese
government's program of economic development in Manchukuo strongly affected his
thinking when he ruled South Korea. Park adopted the Japanese name Okamoto Minoru and
was in many respect essentially Japanese.

Park's political ideology was mixed. After the end of World War II he participated in a
communist cell organized within the South Korean army and was sentenced to death but
gained a reprieve as a result of his cooperation with the authorities. Park served with
distinction in the South Korean Army during the Korean War and became an expert at
logistics. He received a year of special training at Fort Sill, Oklahoma.

In May of 1960, Park and a group of other officers of the South Korean army took control of
the government. The U.S. government was uncertain of what had taken place in South Korea.
There was strong suspicions that Park was a crypto-communist and the media sometimes
referred to him as "Parkov," a Russianized version of his name. Although Park did not have
affiliations with the communist movement, his thinking and ideological orientation was
decidedly Stalinist. However his predeliction for central planning and autocratic control
probably came from his experiences in the Japanese army. The Japanese army had no
sympathy for notions of free markets and in Manchukuo undertook a Stalinist-style
development program. Park's program for the economic development was modeled more on
Meiji-era Japan than the Soviet Union.

One of the first things Park did after assuming power was to persecute South Korean business
leaders for profiting from the corruption in the South Korean government. Twenty four of the
leading businessmen were arrested. The founder of Samsung, Lee Byung Chull, escaped this
treatment only because he was out of the country at the time. When Lee Byung Chull
returned to Korea he met with Park and agreed to cooperate with Park's economic
development program. Later Lee and other prominent business leaders offered to donate all
or a substantial portion of their fortunes to the government. They ended up paying fines but
not giving up their businesses. The Park regime morality campaign was probably less about
corruption than asserting the traditional Confucian social system in which "merchants" had to
recognize their status at the bottom of the social hierarchy. There was a campaign against
foreign products such as cigarets and foreign cultural influences such as dancing.
Although the Park regime did not takeover all of the business holdings of those labelled
"illicit profiteers," it did nationalize the banks. The motivation for this was to gain control of
the flow of capital in the country so it could be directed into the sectors that the government
wanted to develop.

Park set up three powerful agencies of oversee his development program:

 The Economic Planning Board (EPB)

 The Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI)
 The Ministry of Finance (MoF)

There is an obvious similarity to the Japan's agencies for economic development. As in the
case of Japan these agencies are important components of what might be called Korea, Inc. A
fourth agency, the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA), was the instrument of
political control which went along with the centralization of economic decision-making.

One of the first projects of the Park regime was the building of the Seoul-Pusan highway.
This highway connected the two largest cities of South Korea but at the time of its
construction it served more of a symbolic purpose than a transportation need based upon
benefits versus costs.

To achieve the industrialization of South Korea that he thought was necessary for defense and
prosperity Park Chung Hee generally relied upon private businesses, the chaebol. But in
some cases, notably the Pohang Iron and Steel Company (POSCO), Park chose to use public
enterprises. In the case of steel he opted for a public enterprise only after years of the failure
of private enterprise to develop a successful steel industry. The story of the success of
POSCO under the direction of the general Park Tae Joon is told elsewhere. The story of
enterprises such as Hyundai's shipbuilding is also told elsewhere. The important thing is that
the Park regime initiated a successful program of industrialization for South Korea based
upon export-oriented industries which were guided and aided by the government.

The next development of the Park strategy for the economic development of South Korea was
the Heavy and Chemical Industries (HCI) Plan. This was a shift in orientation. The HCI Plan
formulated in the early 1970's, in addition to calling for the development of heavy industries
and chemical industries, involved a more centralized, import-substitution orientation of the
economy. The HCI plan followed the creation of a new constitution, the Yushin Constitution,
that increased the power of the government and suppressed political opposition. Although the
HCI plan achieved increased industrialization it was at the cost of distorting the economy and
ultimately the plan was a failure.

The regime of Park Chung Hee ended with his assassination by the head of the Korean
Central Intelligence Agency. The assassination was apparently provoked by Park's demand
that protests and riots currently occurring be suppressed "even if it cost 30,000 lives." Park
Chung Hee was meeting with the top level leadership of South Korea in the headquarters of
the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA). He criticized the head of the KCIA, Kim
Jae-kyu, for not completely suppressing the riots and protests in the Cholla region. Kim as
head of the KCIA told Park that it would cost 3,000 lives to carry out that suppression. Park
replied that he did not care if it cost 30,000 lives, he wanted it done. Another member of the
Park regime supported Park's criticisms of Kim. Kim then went into a restroom where he
retrieved a pistol hidden there. With the pistol concealed on his person, Kim returned to the
meeting. He then said to Park, "Your Excellency, how can you govern the country with
insects like this as part of your government?" He then pulled out the pistol and shot the other
member of the group that has supported Park's criticisms of him. He then turned to Park and
shot him in the head. Park did not die instantly but after a very short period.

The assassination was probably not pre-planned. The evidence for this is that Kim Jae-kyu
did not have an escape arranged. When he fled the building he tried to escape by taking a
taxi. He was captured and executed.

There had been an attempt to assassinate Park about five years earlier. At the time Park was
was scheduled to give a public speech. His wife was with him on the platform. The assassin's
shot missed Park and fatally wounded his wife. Park, ever disciplined, gave his scheduled
speech despite the wounding of his wife. Park was probably more vigilant about his personal
safety after that, but he would never had thought that Kim, his long time friend, would be a
threat to him. With Park Chung Hee's assassination the technocrats in the government
convinced Park's successors that the economic program would have to be revised and
redirected.

http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/watkins/park.htm

diakses 080310, 13.40