CHAPTER-4

THE DOMINANT CASTE AND

THE SUBSERVIENT CASTES
TTTTT* X 7TT T
A XT'
1HE VILLAGe
m
 Caste has stood as the watchword for the most elaborate, rigid and
comprehensive system of social hierarchy. The caste system symbolizes the
traditional system of stratification. It exists as a salient feature of social
morphology in contemporary India. Adrian Mayer1 suggests traditional
membership of a caste was a pivotal aspect of an individual’s social position
and identity. Based on the principles of hierarchy and holism, it decided not
only the social position of the individual, but determined his access to
economic resources, political power and as such his bigeneral life style.

It exists as a salient feature of the social morphology in contemporary

India. It not only remains a salient feature of the social morphology but also
correlated with every form of social stratification, whether based on wealth,
occupation, income, education or some other criteria. Ritual power is being
substituted by economic and political power.
M.N. Srinivas has clarified that the Indian village is vertical unity made up
of several castes. The caste system in any village is the integration of the
segments of several different hereditary groups into a hierarchy of social status.
The most important variable that we have to measure in the caste system
is the social position of the caste groups in the hierarchical order. This variable
may be termed the caste status and it can be obtained by asking the
members of the community to rank the various hereditary groups according to
their social prestige. Further, according to our concept, the caste status of
different groups is based upon a differential distribution of individual properties
among different groups.
Caste system is characterized by its exclusiveness, inclusiveness and
hierarchical relations between various groups on the one hand and the system
has some other features such as endogamy, commensality, purity-pollution,
hereditary specialization of occupation, cultural differences and domination cf
power based on hereditary principle. In this empirical study, how and to what

106
extent these features operate in determining relations between group and
individuals in Oriya society have been examined.
The caste system has witnessed rapid and radical changes in the post­
independence period. The introduction of protective legislations, the
endeavour of the Government to promote the status of lower caste groups by
ensuring educational and employment facilities are no doubt praiseworthy.
As regards the scheduled caste, a number of constitutional safeguards
have been provided, after independence (and also to the scheduled tribe)2
under the policy of the protective discrimination, popularly known as the
reservation policy. These safe-guards are primarily in the areas of their social
welfare protection from all sorts of exploitation, discrimination and to ensure
their overall social and economic development. The reservation given in the
areas of education, employment in the public sector job (recently in the private
sector also] and representation in the Parliament and State Legislature is to
protect the interest and to facilitate social and economic development of
various scheduled caste in the country. Though the whole scheme with the
concurrence of the center has been adopted as a national policy, the Sate
Government are empowered to implement its various provision in their own
ways but within the overall directions laid down by the Central Government.
The traditional Indian society has been characterised as a closed system
because of the dominance of caste and religious factors. The co-existence of
these factors operated in the society in such a way that a system developed
which imposed segmental division of labour, rigid rule of hierarchy, arranged
ascribed statuses, religious and civic disabilities and privileges, restriction on
social intercourse and on the choice of occupation. This type of system gave
rise to a caste based hierarchy with structured social inequality. It promoted a
pervasive and deep-rooted cause of inequality with a very strong religious and
ritual legitimacy. It delivered a socially unchallenged and non-competitive
authority to Brahman and other higher castes. Education became merely an

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apparatus and an instrument in the hands of the Brahman & Karan for
strengthening the traditional social structure and maintaining their superiority
and perpetuating in egalitarian value and culture.
Intercaste relations at the village level constitute ‘‘Vertical ties". They may
be classified into economic, ritual, political and civic ties. The castes living in a
village are bound together by economic ties. Generally peasant castes are
numerically preponderant in village and they need the carpenter. Blacksmith
and leather worker caste to perform agricultural work, servicing castes such as
priest (Brahman), Barber and washerman to the needs of everyone except
Harijans in the village. Artisan castes produce goods which are wanted by
everyone. Most Indian villages do not have more than a few of the essentia!
castes and dependence on the neighboring villages for certain service, skills
and goods. In rural India, with its largely subsistence and not fully monetised
economy, the relationship between the different caste groups in a village takes
a particular form. The essential artisan and servicing caste are paid annually in
shape of grain af harvest time. In some parts of India, the artisan and servicing
castes are also provided with free food, clothing, fodder and a residential site.
On special occasions such as birth, marriage and death, these castes perform
extra duties for which they are paid a customary sum of money and some gifts
in kind. This type of relationship is found all over India and is called by different
names : Jajmani in Orissa, Bara babulle in Maharastra, Mirosi in Madras and
Adode in Mysore. The Jajmani system has kept different castes living in a village
as a well knit binding force. The caste wise division of labour and the
consequent linking up of different castes is enduring and pervasive relationship
providing a pattern of alliance which cut across the ties of caste. The existence
of a high degree of congruence between caste and agricultural hierarchy
meant that the economic stratification strengthened ritual stratification and
vice-versa. This enabled the landowners to exploit the tenant as much as they
could by renting, eviction and imposing forced labour. In Pre-British India, in

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many parts of the country, the lower castes were working as slaves attached to
the land and liable to be transformed along with it or attached to the
landowners and liable to be sold by them. It is not unusual to come across
families linked with each other for generation by ties of master and servant. In
Orissa, there was until recently a traditional bond as of master and servant
between the land owning castes and the local Harijans. The relationship
between landowner and tenant. Master and servant, creditor and debtor may
all be subsumed under a single category patron and client. This relationship is
widespread and crucial to the understanding of rural India. Ritual occasion e.g
life cycle ceremonies, festivals and fairs require the co-operation of several
casfes. Every village has a headman usually belonging to the dominant castes.
Dominant Caste wields great power over others.
M.N. Srinivas3 considers the concept of dominant caste as "Crucial to the
understanding of rural social life" (1959).
"Numerical strength, economic and Political power, ritual status, western
education and occupation” according to him are the most important
indicators of dominance. (1959, 1-10, 1966, 10-16) If all these elements are
found to be present in any caste it is said to be enjoying “decisive dominance".
The patrons of the dominant caste manipulate the power politics of the village,
settle the disputes - both intra caste and inter caste and become the vote
banks for the politician. Srinivas for the first time conceptualized mobility and
dominance as group phenomenon. S.C. Dube4 in 1968 has examined the
element of caste dominance in a study of four villages in Madhya Pradesh.
According to him a caste in dominant when power is different to the group
and is expressed in the interest of the whole group or at least a sizeable part of
it. Pronounced in-equalities of wealth, prestige and power are found between
the members of a so-called dominant caste. The dominant individuals of such a
caste exploit non-dominant members of their own caste as well as members of
non-dominant caste.

109
 T.K. Oomen5 (1970, 74-76) explains that alternate situation of dominance
has not been visualized by Srinivas such as" a numerically weak caste owning
most of the land and wealth in a village, or a numerically strong caste which is
economically deprived and ritually depressed or a ritually superior caste which
is numerically weak and so on.” Oomen also refers to three other points -
i) there is caste dominance, hence corporate mobility or Sanskritization.
(Srinivas, 1959, 1966)
ii) There are dominant individuals and not dominant caste or caste in the
village community. (Dube 1968)
iii) " Multiple power structure" exists in the multi caste village or region
and there is “power pool” and "power dispersion” in village
community. (1970)
During the colonial period (1801-1947) the social structure of the village
closely corresponded to the structure of land relationship on the one hand and
to those of power and domination on the other. Caste hierarchies first gave rise
to and then overlapped hierarchy of economy and power.
The fusion of caste and class in the colonial context, provided few
different type of groups of people in the village. The first consisted of the
minority section of the “SAANTA” who owned and controlled the land. They
were the lords of the land. The second group was the majority section of the
“Praja" (“SEBAITA") who tilled the land and harvested its yield but had no right
in the land at all. The "Saanta" group was characterised by its property relation
and the Praja ("Sebaita”) by its productive relation.
The different caste groups residing in two different villages are given in
table No-IV;i and IV:2. A brief description about the caste group clearly explains
their social position.

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 TABLE NO-IV-1

THE CASTE GROUP IN ALARPUR

.... — ....... — ....... ... ... .....

Caste arouo Number %

Brahmin 24 16.8
Khandayat 13 9.08
Kamar 11 7.69
Badhei 14 9.79
Gauda 5 3.49
Gudia 7 4.89
Dhoba 5 3.49
Bauri 38 26.59
Kandara 26 18.18
Total 143 100

TABLE NO.-IV:2

THE CASTE GROUP IN SATYABHAMAPUR

Caste arouo Number %

Karan 28 22.77

Khandayat 2 1.62

Keuta n 8.94

Gauda 25 20.32

Dhoba 1 0.82

Bauri 37 30.09

Kandara 19 15.44

Total 123 100

ill
BRAHMAN
The highest of three twice born caste, originally the priest of the Aryan
Community and now engaged in various profession and following all respective
means of livelihood except those inviting personal or ceremonial pollution.
Concerning the origin of the caste there has been much discussion and it is
handly possible to speak of it without to some extent touching upon the vertical
questions of the origin and development of the caste system itself. Orthodox
tradition as expressed in the so called institute of Manu in the Mahabharat, in
the Purans and in the Jatimela or garland of castes refer to the evolution of four
original castes to a special act of creation whereby from the mouth of the
Supreme Being proceeded the Brahman, from his arm the Kshatriya from his
thigh the vaisya, from his foot the Sudra. Each of these orders had their special
function in life assigned to them according to their natural aptitudes. To
Brahman the Knowledge and teaching of things to the Kshatriyas defense of
the land from its enemies to the Vaisya pastures and tillage of the soil, and to
the Sudra, the duty of doing willing service to the higher ranks. In the Purusha
Sukta hymn of the Rig Veda we find a more functional and mystic variant of the
same legend (P-160).
According to Mr. John Beames, the best living authority in all questions
touching the history of Orissa "Tradition relates that the original Brahmans of
Orissa were all exist at the time of the rise of the Ganga Vansa live of Kings but
that 10,000 Brahmans were induced to come from Kanouj and settle in Jajpur,
the sacred city on the Baitarani river. The date of this immigration is not stated,
but the fact is probably historical.
The Brahmans who settled in Puri, Khurda being called the Dakhinatya
Sreni or southern class and those who remain at Jajpur the Uttar Sreni or
northern calss. This latter spreads all over the northern Orissa.
The Brahman of Alarpur belonging to Southern Sreni. The status of
Acharya Brahman in Alarpur is highest as compares to other caste. The position

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of “Dash” Brahman is inferior as compared with Acharya Brahman. Because
they (Dash Brahman) are associated with the Dasa Karma during the death
ritual. Brahman constitute (16.80%) of the total population.
KARAN
The Karans are the indigenous writer caste of Orissa, who find
employment in the service of Government or of Zamindar as minor officials,
accountants, clerks, school master and patwaris. Many of them are land
holders. They are also called Mohanty, but that is really a family name and they
prefer the name of Karan, because that of Mohanty is often adopted by
affluent chasa and others who with to get a rise in rank, infact there is a popular
proverb “Jaranahi jati, taku bolanti Mohanty", i.e. he who has no caste call
himself a Mohanty other titles are Patnaik, a great commander or bohidar.
Karan recognizes duly two endogamous sub-caste. Karan prproper and Sristi-
Karan. The farmer, like the Madhya Sreni Brahman and the latter Kayastha or
Madhya Sreni Kayastha. Most Karans are vaishnavas and their favorite divinity is
Krushna. They employ Utkal Brahman for religious and ceremonial purposes.
Karan rank next to Brahman in the scope of social precedence
commonly recognized in Orissa. Most of them have a sound knowledge of their
own vernacular and are ready scribes and within the last few years many of
them have taken to English education. Zamindar, patirdar holder, occupancy
and non-occupancy ryots are found among the caste. They are strict as to
diet, abstaining entirely from wine and strong drink taking coocked food or
uncooked food from no other caste and water only from members of the
Nabasakha group and never smoke in the same hookah with men of another
castes.
KHANDAYAT
The chasas are recognized as Khandayat. They are found in Puri and
Khurdha district. As their name implies they are an agricultural castes, including

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well do peasantry of the villages, all most all hold land as occupancy raiyots or
work for others as field labourers.
GAUDA (Milkman)
Cowherds are also milkman and the two terms would be used
synonymously in the present context. On the whole the Gauda are illiterate.
Others look upon them as rustic or galliable persons. As milkman they frequently
bear carrying palanquins on their shoulders. The fullmoon day of the montn of
Phalguna (Feb-March) is a great day for cowherds. This is known as Gothapuja.
They supplied wafer to the royal household. Water for fhe kitchen is also
supplied by them to Brahman, Karan. Kshetriyas and the other cultivators.
Cooked rice is not accepted by the latter castes from cowherds but puffed rice
of both kinds, namely mudhi, lia and chopped rice or chura are accepted by
them.
VISWAKARMA
The Viswakarma Caste in Orissa came, most likely, into existence as a
merger of the Blacksmith (Kamar) and Carpenter (Badhei) caste in the turn of
the century. The merger can be seen as part of an attempt of upward social
mobility via sanskritization, a path the viswakarma shared with other caste in
India. Within the relaxed caste hierarchy, the viswakarma enjoy more or less the
same stauts as the farming community and cannot in reality, expect to achive
any more. The major changes in the social position of the viswakarma in the last
fifty years are therefore related to two other matters. The events related to
independence and the economic development since independence.

WASHERMAN (Dhoba)
Washerman (Dhoba) wash clothes of persons with whom they stand in
Jajmani relationship. But they entail other duties as well. Thus when death
occurs in a patrons house, the washerman has to chop all the wood necessary
for cremation and has also build up the pyre. In return he receives the older

114
bedding utensil and such clothes in which the corpse was dressed. The
remuneration for washing clothes in a jajman or patron house is permanently
fixed.
FISHERMAN (Keuta)
The Keuta or kaibarta of Orissa are divided into more than half a dozon
endogamous group (1) The Dhibara or Nandi play boat and catch fish (2) The
Niali catch fish and prepared flattend rice and puffed rice. The machhua only
catch fish. There is an association covering the whole of Orissa. This is named
Orissa Kaibarta Sangha or Association of Kaibarta in Orissa.
BHOI (Bauri)

The Bhoi belong to the Bauri Caste. The Bauris are one of the 93
scheduled castes in the State of Orissa, as per the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled tribe (modification) order 1956. Since they are not included in the
four varnas they are considered by the clean castes as polluting and were
untouchables (achhuan). They also call themselves as sons of Hari (Harijanj a
word coined by Mahatma Gandhi. Thus they claim the facilities given by the
Government for their general welfare.
They are found not only in Orissa but also in West Bengal. Their major
concentration in the State, are in the district of Puri, Khurdha, Cuttack, Balasore,
Sambalpur, Koraput, Ganjam and Keonjhar. They are also called "Khadalo” in
Ganjam district. They speak Oriya throughout in the State. But in Ganjam and
Karaput they are bilingual and speak Telgu and Oriya. Their occupations differs
from district to district.
According to the traditional theory of caste, the Aryans were divided into
four varnas from the beginning of time. Brahmans of priests, Kshyatriyas or
warriors, Vaisyas or businessmen and cultivator, Sudras or the menials. All the
four categories had their divine origins, i.e. all born from the different limbs of
Brahma, the god of creation. Brahmans from his mouth, Kshyatriyas from his
arms, Vaisyas from his thighs and Sudras from his feet. These varnas are again

115
sub-divided into numerous castes (Jati) and sub-castes (Upa Jatis). The word
‘Varna’ is a cultural phenomenon where-as the caste is a social grouping.
The Bauris do not belong to the first three orders of the varna system nor
to the Sudras. Because, the Sudras who are divided into thirty-six different
sections, otherwise called as “Chhatisa Pataka”, excluded the Bauris from the
list. In this connection Praharaj (quoted in Mahapatra 1966) says, that the Bauris
do not belong to the “Pataka system", as they are Anaryas (non-Aryans).
Further, the Gokhas, Kandaras, Saaras, Hadis, Damas, Chamaras, also do not
come in the "Chhatisa Pataka” as they were considered untouchables.
According to O' Malley6 (1929) :-
“Orissa has a complete caste system of its own differing in many respect
from that of Bengal. The Brahman as usual heads the list and the next group
consists of caste of twice born rank of whom the Karan and Khandayat are
most numerous in Puri. Then came the clean Sudra Castes, from whose hands
Brahman will take water and food cooked with ghee as opposed to Kachha or
ordinary cooked food. Theses castes are grouped in two sub-divisions with
reference to the degree of purity of the traditional caste occupation. The first
sub-division includes the Chasas., the most numerous caste of Puri, and the
Malis, Rajus and Sudhas, in the second sub-division the castes most strongly
represented in this district are the Gauras and Gurias. The fourthe group consists
of unclean Sudras whose touch does not defile, but who may draw water only
from masonry walls in metal vessels, and are not jalacharaniya, i.e the highest
castes will not take water from their hands. The most numerous castes in this
group are Tantis, Golas, Thorias, Kansaris and Kachras. The fifth group consists of
castes whose touch defiles, among whom the most prominent are Tells, Kewats
and Kumbhars. Next come castes who eat fowls and drink spirits, but who
abstain from beef. There are three well-defined sub-groups; the first are served
by the Dhoba and have the jyotish as their priest, the second are not served by
the Dhoba and have no priest of any kind and the third, though comparable to

116
the second in other respects, rank lower, mainly on account of the freedom of
their women. This first sub-group includes Siyals and Chamars, and second
Dhobas, Bauds, Khatias and Noliyas and the third Ahir Gauras, Kelas and
Kandaras. The last group consists of the very lowest castes and includes in this
district Dorns, Pans and Haris.”.
The description cited above presents a bird’s-eye-view of the caste
position in Puri and Khurda district. In the traditional caste hierarchy the Bauds
occupy alow position but not lower than the Hadis, Kandaras and Mochis as
the later perform unclean duties such as scavenging, tanning, etc. which are
considered diminishing tasks1.
The Bauds under discussion maintain an unique custom i.e they do not
touch water and kutcha food in the houses of many clean castes. Although the
Bauds lined in separate hamlets and even considered a polluting caste, they still
enjoyed many privileges in the inter caste relationships. For example - they
were allowed to enter the outer courtyard of high caste Brahman and Karan.
Bauds are boiling paddy and preparing rice from paddy in the Brahman and
Karan houses. They are also employed as “kothia”2 and “halia” in Brahman and
Karan houses.

THE CASTE HIERARCHY

The extent of caste differentiation is the most striking feature of the social
structure of Satyabhamapur and Alarpur village. Economically, Politically and
Ritually the Karans in Satyabhamapur and Brahman in Alarpur are at the apex
of the hierarchy. The most common way of looking at inter-caste relations is to
order them according to the well-known purity-pollution hierarchy. In Table
No. 17 this is done for the two villages according to who accepts food from
whom, and who can give food to whom.

117
 TABLE NO.-IV:3

THE CASTE HIERARCHY OF THE INDEPTH FIELD WORK AREA

Caste arouD Aiarpur Satyabhamapur

Brahmin Brahman Nil

Clean general castes Khandayat Karan
Carpenter Khandayat
Blacksmith -

Gudia -

Gauda Gauda
Unclean general castes Barika Barika
Dhoba Dhoba
Keuta Keuta
Baud Baud
Peripheral castes Kandara Kandara
SourceFieldwork data.

According to this hierarchy, the castes place themselves into four groups.
Brahmans, Clean general castes. Unclean general castes and Peripheral
castes1. The scheduled castes are also divided into Unclean general castes and
Peripheral Castes. The rationale behind this is that some Scheduled caste such
as Dhobas and Barikas, enjoy quite a different status than other scheduled
caste for example the Kandara. The unclean general castes are looked upon
as belonging to the some village as the other general castes but the peripheral
castes are not, village pujas, village committee etc. are simply not concerned
with the peripheral castes as they do not belong to the village. Physically the
unclean general castes like in the same hamlets near by the clean general
castes, whereas the peripheral caste stays in hamlet of their own, some
distance from the general castes.

118
 The purity-pollution hierarchy is expressed through a number of do’s and
do net’s. The eating rules are often used by researchers to establish the
hierarchy. Eating rules are especially strict concerning cooked rice, whereas the
rules concerning un-cooked rice, snacks etc. are less rigid.
The Brahmans only eat cooked food prepared by Brahman and the
Karan eat cooked food prepared by Brahman and Karan. At common dinners,
they are served first and one placed a little apart from the other castes. They
accept water from the well used by the general castes.
The unclean general caste people are not allowed into the clean
general castes houses, but they can sit on their verandas. In Satyabhamapur
the Karan do not accept any food from the unclean general caste people and
in Alarpur the Brahman do not accept any food from the unclean general
caste people.
The strongest dividing line is between the peripheral castes and other
castes. Apart from the restriction faced by the unclean general castes, the
general castes (including the unclean castes) will not accept any food from
the peripheral castes at all; they have to sit by themselves at meetings and at
common meals; and they have no access to temples or wells used by the
general castes. Moreover in Satyabhamapur they have no access or only
restricted access to rice mills. They have to drink from separate glasses in the
teashop, they are not allowed inside most of the local shops and their
purchases are not handed directly over to them, in order to avoid direct
contact.
Historically, the caste hierarchy has been strong in Orissa. In 1872, Hunter
observed that the caste norms here were the strictest in India. (O. Malley7 1984,
78-79).
In Satyabhamapur, the Karans are the dominant caste group. They do
not allow the Keuta, Bauri, Dhoba and Barika to their Gopinath Temple,
According to my informant the peripheral caste people, could not walk upright

119
through the village, they had to pay respect by bowing down and paving their
way with one hand in front of them when walking down the village. If a general
caste person was touched, he would have had to have purified himself by
taking a bath before entering his own house. No low caste could smoke a cigar
or beedi while passing through the village. Previously he was not supposed to
allow the pancha, a garment wrapped around the waist, to hang below the
knees, and his women could not use blouse. He could not wear sandals when
walking through the village street but had to carry them in hand, only to wear
them after crossing the village.
Looking at the cultural discrimination against the untouchables more
generally data were collected concerning the discrimination against the Bauri
in the two villages. The Bauri caste people see the development in cultural
discrimination against them. Most often, the assessment was followed by
detailed explanation of whether.they had access to rice mills, well etc. In
Satyabhamapur the discrimination is felt as generally less strong than before.
Whereas the Bauri in Alarpur do not see any positive development in the
discrimination against them.
The pattern of discrimination goes partly, hand in hand with the
development of the socio-economic condition of the Bauris.
In the pre-independence period urban-based employment and other
links with outside economy were far less extensive than they are today, and
economic activity in the village mainly revolved around cultivation and the
activities that derive from it. Brahmans and Karans were still able to live without
doing much hard work, partly based on their control of a large portion of the
village land. To the extent that they engaged in fieldwork it was largely to
supervise the work of hired labourers drawn mainly from the Bauri Castes, much
of the land they possessed was leased to households of other castes1.
Brahmans and Karans had higher educational achievements than all other
castes and were in a privileged position to take advantage of whatever

120
outside employment opportunities existed at that time. They also dominated
activities such as money lending and village politics and some of them acted
as Zamindars’ given their high rank in the caste hierarchy, favourable access to
land and the Karans of Satyabhamapur and Brahmans of Alarpur were the
unchallenged holders of authority within the two villages. In terms of the
framework developed by Srinivas (1960 : 1987) they were "dominant caste ’ of
the two villages.
The Bauris were overwhelmingly engaged in cultivation, both as
hereditary tenants (Kothia) of the Zamindars and as short-term tenants of other
households in the two villages. The productivity of the land being low and in the
absence of much ofher employment, they lived a frugal life. They accepted
the authority of the Karans and Brahmans. They lived in fear and object
poverty.
The other castes in the two villages were numerically small and mainly
engaged in providing various services to the cultivators. There were carpenter,
Blacksmith, Washerman, Fisherman, Milkman, Khandayat and Kandara in
Alarpur village headed by Brahman caste. Fisherman, Khandayat, Gauda,
Gudia, Kandara and Bauri headed by Karan caste in Satyabhamapur.
Economic relations between these castes and the cultivators would give the
village carpenter a fixed amount of grain for each plough he or she owned, in
exchange of year round services and similarly with other artisans. In addition to
their traditional occupations many of these households were also involved in
agriculture either as cultivators or as labourers. To summarize in those days the
village essentially consisted of a cultivation-based nucleus involving Brahman,
Karan and Bauris combined with a collection of relatively small service castes
linked to that nucleus through the Jajmani system.'
The occupational structure and the underlying association between
caste and occupation have changed dramatically during 1995, among castes
other than the Bauris, only five households in Alarpur (a barber, a carpenter, a

121
blacksmith, a washerman and a milkman). And these households in
Satyabhamapur (a barber, a fisherman, a milkman) were engaged in their
traditional occupation. Further occupational contrasts between different
castes have lost much of their sharpness (without disappearing altogether).
Essentially, each caste is now engaged in some combination of cultivation and
wage employment. The details of these combinations of course, do reflect the
characteristics of various castes including their traditional occupation. Caste is
still relevant to occupational choices but certainly not in the form of assigning a
specific hereditary occupation to most members of the society. The basic
similarities in occupational structure between different castes are now far more
striking than the differences.
An obvious reason for the earlier link between caste and occupation is
that the occupational structure has undergone considerable change, while the
caste composition of the population has been comparatively stable. The
transformation of the occupational structure reflects both the growth of new
employment opportunities and the decline of some traditional occupation. On
the growth side the survey period has witnessed a rapid expansion of wage
employment opportunity outside the village i.e. the urban area Bhubaneswar.
Even within the village, some economic activities have expanded or emerged
in response to new demands for masonary, carpentry, tutor and so on.
At the same time, there has been a marked decline of a member of
village based traditional occupations. The barber, washerman, Milkman and
Fisherman are now completely out of work so far as fheir traditional
occupations are concerned in Satyabhamapur. The Milkman and Fisherman
are now completely out of work so far as their traditional occupations ore
concerned in Alarpur. One cause of this decline is that village artisans face
increased competition from urban areas and larger villages as a result of
technological change, reduced transaction costs, the expansion of urban
infrastructure and related factors. Karans and Brahmans still carefully avoid the

122
indignity of performing wage labour (af least within the village) they do draw
water from the well, wash their own clothes and this has reduced the demand
for some types of fraditional services. A third consideration is that some of these
traditional occupation have a low social status and that, as living standards
improve, the younger generations show a growing reluctance to take them up.

EXTENT OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE CASTE COMMUNITIES IN THE

STUDIED VILLAGES ;

For determining the degree of dominance among different caste

community in the two studied villages, an attempt has been made to assess
the same using five indicators and they are :
I. Total number of Households
II. Average House Hold Land holdings of the Caste Community
III. Representation of Caste Community in PR1
IV. Average educational level
V. Percentage of Household in BPL
For calculating the dominance of caste in the village for each
denominator, a scoring pattern has been designed and on the basis of this, the
aggregated scoring has been arrived at and from this, caste which is most
dominant and the castes which are relatively less dominant have been arrived
at. The basis of scoring for each determinant is given below;
• Percentage of the Household of each community will be taken as the
score for the respective community.
• Average land holding per household. If the average land holding is
above 5 acres, the score is 15, if it between 2.5 to 5.00 acre, it will be 10
and if it is less than 2.5 acre the score will be 05 and if the community is
landless, then the score will be 00.
• Per each representation of PRI member in a community, 5 points will be
given.

123
 • As regards average educational level, Graduation and above will be

given 20 score points. Higher Secondary 15, High School 10, VIIth 07, IXth
09.
• As regards BPL Household, for each BPL Household the community has,
for the scoring purpose it should be multiplied by -02.
TABLE NO-IV:4

TABLE INDICATING STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE

HOUSEHOLDS BELONGING TO DIFFERENT CASTE COMMUNITY IN THE

STUDIED VILLAGE (ALARPUR)

SI. INDICATORS NAME OF THE CASTE COMMUNITY |

No. USED
Cultiva­ Black Carpen­
Brahmin Milkman Gudia Dhoba Bauri Kandara TOTAL
tors smith ter
1
Total number 24 13 n 14 05 07 05 38 26
143
of Households (17%) (09%) (8%) (10%) (3%) (5%) (3%) (28%) (17%)

2
Average
House Hold
197 18 10 12 10 06 02 10 06 271
Land holdings
(15) (05) (05) (05) (05) (05) (05) (05) (05) Acres
of the Caste
Community

3 Representation
of Caste 03 02 02
- - - - - - 7
Community in (15) (10) (10)
PRI
4 Average
Graduation l2th l2th 10th 10th 10th IXth IXth VILh
educational 10th
(20) (15) (15) (10) (10) (10) (9) (9) (9
level
1 5
Percentage of
20 41
Household in - - - - - - - 31
(-40) (-22)
BPL
___
TOTAL 67 29 28 25 18 20 17 12 19

N.6;
• Percentage of the Household of each community will be taken as the
score for the respective community.

124
Average land holding per HH : If the average land holding is above 5
acres, the score is 15, if it between 2.5 to 5.00 acre, it will be 10 and if it Is
less than 2.5 acre the score will be 05 and if the community is landless,
then the score will be 00.

Per each representation of PRI member in a community, 5 points will be

given.

As regards average educational level. Graduation and above will be

given 20 score points. Higher Secondary 15, High School 10, VIIth 07, IXth
09.

As regards BPL Household, for each BPL Household the community has,
for the scoring purpose it should be multiplied by -02.
 Diagram-12
STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE HOUSEHOLDS
BELONGING TO DIFFERENT CASTE COMMUNITY IN ALARPUR
VILLAGE

STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE

HOUSEHOLDS BELONGING TO DIFFEREING
CASTE COMMUNITY IN ALARPUR VILLAGE
SCORING

CASTE GROUP

126
 The foregoing table indicates the parameters taken to judge the
dominance of different caste groups. So far as, numerical strength is
concerned, the total number of household on the basis of caste is enumerated.
According to the table projects, 17% are Brahmans, 09% are Cultivators, l0%
are Carpenter, 8% are Blacksmith, 03% are Milkman and Dhoba.Thus,
numerically speaking neither the Brahmins nor the cultivators have sweeping
majority. Rather, the Bauri's comprising 28% of the sample households have a
numerical supremacy. But the loco ritual & economic status, do not provide
them dominance irrespective of their numerical strength.
So far as, average land holding is concerned the Brahmins have the
maximum amount of landholding as opposed to other caste groups. So,
economically, the Brahmins emerge as the dominant landlord caste in the
village.
Representation in the PRI is a major index of dominance. Because, it
reflects access to and control over political power, Membership in the PRIs
enables caste groups to establish their hegemony over the decision making
process. So, in the present study; it was a major consideration. Further, the
passing of 73rd Amendment Act, was a major milestone to give representation
to the lower castes & females to put an end to the age old caste & gender
dominance. So, the study tried to visualize its impact in the study villages. It was
noted that in exclusion to the Brahmans, Dhoba & Bauri, no other caste has a
representation in the PRI. Again among the represented castes the Brahmans
stood supreme numerically. Through informal discussion, the researcher came
to know that the representation of the Bauris & Kandaras is just ceremonial &
the real participation in the decision making process is by the Brahmans. So,
political power rests with them making them dominant from political angles.
Level of education is both an index and an instrument for asserting
dominance. Because education equips the individual with knowledge and
empower him. So in the present study the researcher tried to dealt with the

127
educational status of each respondent on caste basis. The net outcome has
projected in the table indicates that the Brahmans have highest educational
level i.e graduation and the Kandara have the lowest educational level that is
seventh standard. The cultivator and potters are +2 pass out while carpenter,
milkman, gudia are just matriculate. All these are the average educational
level of the different caste group. The study thus came to a conclusion that the
higher the caste the better is the educational level and vice versa. So from the
perspective of education the Brahman have predominance over other caste
group followed by the cultivation and potterman. So far as percentage of
Below Poverty line is considered it is a negation to dominance. In the studied
village Alarpur Bauris, Dhoba and Kandaras are in the BPL category.
Thus the study after giving weightage to various indications landed at the
conclusion that the Brahman enjoy overwhelming dominance in the village
Alarpur.

128
 TABLE NO-IV:5

TABLE INDICATING STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE

HOUSEHOLDS BELONGING TO DIFFERENT CASTE COMMUNITY IN THE

STUDIED VILLAGE (SATYABHAMAPUR)

«/>
—

INDICATORS NAME OF THE CASTE COMMUNITY

2d

USED

Karan Khandayat Keuta Gauda Dhoba Kandara Bauri TOTAL

1 Total number of 28 02 11 25 01 19 37 123

Households (23%) (2%) (9%) (19%) d%) (15%) (31%) (100%)
2 Average House
Hold Land
141 05 08 Nil 03 05 162
holdings of the -
(15) (05) (05) (00) (05) (05) Acres
Caste
Community
3 Representation
of Caste 04 01 01
- - - - 6
Community in (20) (05) (05)
PRI
4 Average Gradua­
12th 10th 10th Vllth Vllth IXth
educational tion 10th
(15) (10) (10) (07) (07) (09)
level (20)
5 Percentage of
01 10 12
Household in - - - - 23
(-02) (-20) (-24)
BPL

TOTAL 78 17 24 34 6 12 26

N.B ;
• Percentage of the Household of each community will be taken as the score for the
respective community.
• Average land holding per HH: If the average land holding is above 5 acres, the score is
15, if it between 2.5 to 5.00 acre, it will be 10 and if it is less than 2.5 acre the score will
be 05 and if the community is landless, then the score will be 00.
• Per each representation of PRI member in a community, 5 points will be given.
• As regards average educational level. Graduation and above will be given 20 score
points, Higher Secondary 15, High School 10, Vllth 07, IXth 09.

• As regards BPL Household, for each BPL Household the community has, for the scoring

purpose it should be multiplied by -02.

129
 Diagram-13
STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE HOUSEHOLDS BELONGING TO DIFFERENT

CASTE COMMUNITY IN SATYABHAMAPUR VILLAGE

STATUS OF DOMINANCE AMONG THE

HOUSEHOLDS BELONGING TO DIFFERENT
CASTE COMMUNITY IN SATYABHAMAPUR
VILLAGE
o o o o o o o o o o
SCORING

& & xp ^
^ J* Af op* ^ ^ <&>
&
CASTE GROUP

130
 From the above table it reveals that in Satyabhamapur Village the total
number of household on the basis of caste in enumerated. According the table
project 23% are Karans, 2% are Khandayat, 9% are Keuta, 19% are Gauda, 1% is
Dhoba, 15% are Kandara and 31% are Bauds. Thus numerically speaking neither
the Karan nor the Keuta have sweeping majority. Rather, the Baud comprising
31% of households have a numerical supremacy. But the low ritual and
economic status, do not provide them dominance irrespective of their
numerical strength.
So far as, average land holding is concerned the Karans have the
maximum amount of land holding as opposed to other caste groups. So
economically the Karans emerge as the dominant landlord caste in the village,
As regards to representation of caste community in PR1 the Karans score
the highest i.e 20. it was noted that in exclusion to the Karans, Kandara and
Baud, no other caste has a representation in the PRI. Again among the
representative caste, the Karan stood supreme numerically. Though in formal
discussion the researcher came to know that the representation of the Bauds
and Kandara is just ceremonial and the real participation in the decision
making process is by the Karans. So political power rests with them making
them dominant from political angles.
Level of education is an important parameter for explaining dominance.
In the present study the researcher tried to dealt with the educational status of
each respondent on caste basis. The net outcome reflected in the table
indicates that the Karans have highest educational level i.e graduation and
technical education. The Dhoba and Kandara has the lowest educational level
that is seventh standard. The Keuta and Gouda are just matriculate. All these
are the average educational level of the different caste groups. The Study thus
came to a conclusion that the higher the caste the better is the educational
standard. So from the perspective of education the Karans have a

131
predominance over other caste group followed by the cultivator and
fisherman.
So far as percentage of Below Poverty Line is considered it is a negation
to dominance. In the studied village Satyabhamapur the Baud, Kandara and
Dhoba are BPL category.
Thus the study after giving weightage to various indicators landed at the
conclusion that the Karans enjoy dominance in Satyabhamapur.

132