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The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods in Brazilian Wicca: Symbols

and Practices

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Field Report

The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods in Brazilian Wicca:

Symbols and Practices

Daniela Cordovil1
Universidade do Estado do Pará (State University of Pará)
TV. Apinagés, n. 808, apt. 103
Batista Campos, Belém, Pará
Brazil
daniela.cordovil@gmail.com

Abstract
This paper is a field report based on ethnographic data collected at two
Brazilian Wicca meetings held in March and July 2014, in São Paulo and
Brasilia, respectively. Both meetings celebrated Brazilian goddesses.
This paper analyses this use and adaptation of local religious elements
by Brazilian Wiccans. The religion arrived in Brazil during the 1980s, and
today there are many Wicca covens and local traditions. This research
focuses on one of these, the Brazilian Dianic Tradition. Led by Maves-
per Cy Ceridwen, today this tradition has forty-eight priests and priest-
esses. Its magical family runs Abrawicca, a civil association that holds
public Wicca rituals in five different Brazilian cities. They also organize
the gatherings described in this paper. I present some of their practices,
with a particular focus on the adaptation of Afro-Brazilian and native
Indigenous gods and rituals by Brazilian Wiccans.

Keywords: Afro-Brazilian religions; Brazil; Indigenous religions in Brazil;

Wicca.

Introduction
According to Karina Oliveira Bezerra, Wicca arrived in Brazil in the
1980s. No precise figures exist on the number of Brazilian Wiccans.

1. Daniela Cordovil is an associate professor of anthropology at the State Uni-

versity of Pará, Brazil.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015. Office 415, The Workstation, 15 Paternoster Row, Sheffield S1 2BX.
240 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

Bezerra cites the estimate made by the União de Bruxos do Brasil

(Brazilian witches’ union) of half a million Wicca followers.2
In Brazil, elements of New Age thought began to be circulated
via a specialized literature from the 1980s onwards.3 In the 1990s,
isolated practitioners of Wicca began to meet via the Internet. The
2000s was the decade when these adherents became organized
into local traditions and civil associations. Today, Wicca is a fast-
growing religion in Brazil, well suited to the urban life of middle-
class people seeking a religion free of dogmas and moral codes for
behavior.
In 2000 Abrawicca was created—the Associação Brasileira de Arte
e Filosofia da Religião Wicca (Brazilian association of Wicca philoso-
phy and craft). This association organizes gatherings like the Encon-
tro Anual de Bruxos (Annual Witches meeting), and the Bruxos do
Brasil em Brasília (Brazilian Witches in Brasília) Abrawicca also pro-
motes workshops and public Wicca celebrations in five Brazilian
cities: Brasília, Belem, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Belo Horizonte.
They take part in councils hosted by the Brazilian government where
they discuss religious diversity. Some of their leaders have already
published Wiccan books. Witches of different traditions belong to
the association but their main leaders are members of the Tradição
Diânica do Brasil (Brazilian Dianic tradition).
In this field report, I present some of the findings from my research
among Brazilian Wiccans, in particular those attending the Abra-
wicca events. In particular, I focus on how indigenous and Afro-
Brazilian gods have been appropriated by Brazilian Wiccans in their
search to create a local identity for their practices. The main method-
ology used was participant observation within a comprehensive and
interpretative approach.4
The core of the text is based on ethnographic observation made
during two gatherings organized in 2014: the Encontro Anual de
Bruxos and the Bruxos do Brasil em Brasília. Analyzing the rituals and
the workshops performed during these meetings enables a discus-
sion on how Brazilian gods are worshipped in Brazilian Wicca. While
the main promoters of those gatherings are priests and priestesses

2. Karina Oliveira Bezerra, A Wicca No Brasil: adesão e permanência dos adeptos na

região metropolitana do Recife (MA diss., Catholic University of Pernambuco, 2012),
p. 39.
3. Antony D’Andrea, O Self Perfeito e a Nova Era: Individualismo e reflexividade em
religiosidades pós-tradicionais (São Paulo: Loyola, 2000).
4. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, Basic Books: 1973).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 241

from the Tradição Diânica do Brasil, the rituals concerned involve

people from different covens as well as isolated witches.
I myself have not been initiated into any Wicca tradition, and
all my contacts with the group were as a researcher. During my
research, I explained my objectives to the organizers of the meet-
ings, and they felt comfortable with my presence. I tried to inter-
act and join in with all activities without reservation. As well as the
gatherings, which comprise the focal point of this field report, my
research included visits to public rituals organized by Abrawicca in
the city of Belem, Brazil, where I live. During these events, my main
strategy was to take part in the activities and absorb the experience.
Although it was not possible to carry out formal interviews with the
organizers of the meetings, I did manage to conduct personal inter-
views with the Dianic priestesses responsible for coordinating Abra-
wicca’s activities in Belem.
At this point in the research, my focus is on the ritualistic and
theological aspects of the cult that I was able to understand by par-
ticipating in the workshops and reading books written by Brazilian
Wiccans. In a next phase of my research, I plan to conduct more in-
depth interviews with these priestesses and priests.

The Annual Witches Meeting

From 28–30 March 2014 the thirteenth Encontro Anual de Bruxos was
held in São Paulo state, in Brazil’s southeast region, in a small rented
farm situated near the town of Atibaia, twenty-five miles from
the state capital. Over the course of a weekend, from Friday night
to Sunday evening, about eighty participants engaged in a busy
agenda of workshops, practices, meditations, and rituals. The struc-
ture of the meeting is similar to those described by Sara Pike in her
book Earthy Bodies, Magical Selves:5 the main daytime activities are
the workshops, while collective rituals are held at night.
Brazilian Wicca possesses an eclectic pantheon, combining gods
from many different Pagan religions, including Celtic, Roman, Greek,
Egyptian, Siberian, and Indian. Recently some Wicca traditions have
begun to incorporate the worship of native Brazilian gods into their
celebrations. This movement has been headed by the priests and
priestesses of the Brazilian Dianic Tradition.

5. Sarah Pike, Early Bodies, Magical Selves: Contemporary Pagans and the Search for
Community (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

242 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

Every year the event’s organizers choose a goddess to be honored

and all activities in the gathering are linked to this goddess and her
pantheon. The goddess chosen to be celebrated at the 2014 meeting
was Cy, the moon goddess of the Tupi. The Tupi were an indigenous
population that lived along Brazil’s coast in the sixteenth century at
the time of the European arrival. Today, Brazil’s indigenous pop-
ulation totals around 869,000 people, divided among 505 different
ethnic groups, which together comprise just 0.5 percent of the Brazil-
ian population. The Tupian groups were some of those most quickly
decimated by European wars and diseases. In contemporary Brazil,
few Tupian groups remain: those still existing today have been heav-
ily influenced by Christian religions, both Catholic and Protestant.

Photo no. 1—the AWM main altar

This fact is unimportant to Brazilian Wiccans, however. Their

search for indigenous roots has little to do with real Brazilian Indi-
ans alive today. Most of the information on the indigenous gods
used by Brazilian Wiccans is taken from books and historical data
produced by academic research.
Many of the workshops held at the Encontro concerned the wor-
ship of Brazilian gods. Opening Saturday’s events, at nine o’clock
in the morning, the participants were invited to perform a circular
dance in honor of Coaracy, Tupian goddess of the sun. The dance
was held in a green field, and, fortunately, the day was sunny. Peo-
ple danced and sang songs in Portuguese, composed especially for
the occasion, to the sound of shamanic drums.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 243

After this dance, the meeting’s organizers presented the next

workshops. These workshops were run in pairs, allowing partici-
pants to choose which they wanted to join. During the workshops,
the public was therefore split into two groups according to the topic
that most interested them.
One of the workshops was on the cult of Anhangá, a Tupian god.
Indigenous peoples and rural smallholders in the Amazon region
associate Anhangá with deep waters, the biggest trees in the forest,
and various large animals like deer and howler monkeys. In this work-
shop, the Tradição Diânica do Brasil priest who conducted the ritual
instructed participants to mentally picture a wild white deer and run
away with it, trying to connect with the god’s wild energy. The priest
compared Anhangá to the god Cernunnos from the Celtic pantheon.

Photo no. 2—Altar to Anhangá

Saturday evening was the high point of the meeting. A shamanic

journey was performed, a North American indigenous technique in
which the participants were instructed to listen to the drums and
connect with their shamanic animal. After this moment, late into the
night, the most keenly awaited moment of the meeting began, the
Magic Journey.
During this event, the priests and priestesses, located at strate-
gic points of the farm, went into trance with Brazilian gods and

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

244 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

goddesses, using theatre-like costumes and makeup to represent the

gods. All participants were instructed to move one-by-one around
the green field and stop for a few moments to talk with the person
in the trance. The gods and goddesses transmitted short and enig-
matic messages to the participants; many of the participants cried
after hearing the messages.
It was around three in the morning when the last participant fin-
ished conversing with the gods. By then everyone was very tired,
but the program was not yet over. They began to celebrate an esbat
in homage of Cy. This was a dark moon esbat, the time when there is
no moon in the sky. The ritual consisted of a dance, performed in a
circle, during which people sang traditional Wicca songs. A symbol
of the goddess was drawn in the middle of the circle. Nearby the
organizers placed a table laden with nuts, vegetables and fruits.
During the dance, people would walk over to the table and pick up
small portions of nuts to place inside the outline of the goddess. By
the end of the ritual, it was possible to identify the goddess filled
with nuts, symbolizing her living nature.

Photo no. 3—Altar to Cy

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 245

On Sunday morning, Puyr Tembe, a member of an indigenous

group, ran a workshop. Though not a Wicca member, she was in-
vited by one of the Tradição Diânica do Brasil priestesses to attend
the meeting and talk about her culture. The Tembe are an indige-
nous people from the Macro-Tupi linguistic family.6 They have had
two hundred years of contact with the Euro-Brazilian population.
Much of their culture is still alive, particularly their traditional lead-
ership structure and some important rites of passage, like the festa
da moça, or girl’s festival, a female puberty rite performed after the
girl’s first menstrual period, which transforms her into an adult in
Tembe society.
Despite these continuities with traditional culture, there is a strong
missionary presence in the Tembe villages that influences their reli-
gious practices. Puyr Tembe is herself a Christian. At the meeting,
she talked about her culture and its rituals, and painted the bodies
of participants with traditional designs. Nobody at Puyr’s workshop
had ever had contact with an indigenous culture or with an Indian
and with their excitement over the possibility of this dialogue was
palpable.
After this workshop, the meeting was nearly over. All the par-
ticipants were invited to listen to a presentation by a group of TDB
priests and priestesses who had written a book about the worship
of Brazilian gods in Wicca.7 They had conducted extensive research
with the aim of creating a cult of the indigenous pantheon in Wicca.
However, according to themselves, the primary source for the data
was unusual. They reported that they had used meditation and mag-
ical techniques to connect directly with the Brazilian gods and dis-
cover the best ways of performing rituals in their honor.
Other books written by Wiccan leaders can be found. The TDB’s
high priestess wrote a book about the worship of Brazilian Indig-
enous native gods8 and Brazilian witches have written other titles

6. The Tembe people are one of the surviving indigenous groups from the Tupi
linguistic family. Today their population numbers approximately 1,500 individuals,
living in an indigenous reserve protected by the Brazilian government. They have
had contacts with Brazil’s non-indigenous population since the nineteenth century.
For more information, see http://pib.socioambiental.org/pt/povo/tembe/1024.
7. Mavesper Cy Ceridwen, ed. Práticas de Wicca Brasil: Guia de Rituais para Deusas
Brasilieiras. Available at http://www.tradicaodianicadobrasil.com.br/2014/08/ola.
html.
8. Mavesper Cy Ceridwen, Wicca Brasil: Guia de Rituais das Deusas Brasileiras
(São Paulo: Gaia, 2003).

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246 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

from other traditions.9 A bibliographic survey of the books written

by Wicca priests and priestesses also provides an insight into their
practices and beliefs.
The Bruxos do Brasil em Brasília event was held on a private
farm owned by the Tradição Diânica do Brasil high priestess Maves-
per Cy Ceridwen. The farm, named Templo da Deusa (the goddess
temple), is located just fifteen miles from the center of Brasilia, the
national capital. Around ten priests and priestesses live there fol-
lowing a communal lifestyle and the Wicca traditions concerning
love, family, and child education. During the event they play host to
around a hundred people, including other Tradição Diânica do Brasil
members, solitary practitioners, members of other traditions and
the curious.
The event has the same structure as the Encontro. Lasting an entire
weekend, it starts on Friday night and finishes on Sunday evening,
always on the third weekend of July. In 2014 the 16th Bruxos do Brasil
em Brasília was held from the 18th to 20th July in honor of Oshun.
Oshun is the Yoruban goddess of beauty and fertility. She also is
associated with freshwater rivers and lakes. Many of the workshops
were about symbols and elements relating to this Orisha10 and to the
Afro-Brazilian religious pantheon in general. For example, Oshun’s
main symbol in Yoruban culture is the mirror. One of the workshops
was about magic using mirrors, but the coordinator of the workshop
talked about Wiccan magical techniques with mirrors, not referring
to Oshun or traditional Yoruban culture.
Another workshop was about the Gèlédes Society, a secret Afri-
can society formed only by women. The coordinator had previously
been initiated into Brazilian Candomblé,11 and possessed a PhD in
anthropology with a thesis on Afro-Brazilian religions. Today she
dedicates herself to the Tradição Diânica do Brasil using her past expe-
riences as elements in her new religion.
Another Tradição Diânica do Brasil member gave a workshop on
cowrie shell divination in Wicca. He too had previously been a

9. Claudiney Prieto, Wicca para todos. Available at www.wiccanaweb.com.br/

pasta/livros.html.
10. Orisha is the collective name for gods and goddess in the Yoruban language.
11. Candomblé is an Afro-Brazilian religion based in Yoruba traditional reli-
gion. Slaves shipped to Salvador, in the Brazilian Northeast, brought the religion to
Brazil during the nineteenth century. Today this religion is practiced in all parts of
Brazil. For more information, see Roger Bastide, Candomblé da Bahia, Rito Nagô (São
Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2001).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 247

member of the Candomblé religion, where shell divination is fre-

quently practiced. He described how to use cowrie shells in Wicca
without following all the rituals and requirements stipulated in Can-
domblé, creating a Wiccan way of using oracular powers.
Most of the participants at the event were unfamiliar with Afro-
Brazilian religious symbols and practices. For this public, all the
information transmitted by the workshop coordinators was new and
useful. The information on these religious techniques is added to
those relating to other Pagan gods and pantheons. By adopting this
mosaic approach, the Wiccans create their own distinct religion.
Nonetheless, many former members of Afro-Brazilian religions
could be found among the people running the workshops. Even the
high priestess, Mavesper, had once practiced Umbanda, one of the
most esoteric and syncretic Afro-Brazilian religions.12
On Saturday night the Magical Journey was performed, similar
to the event performed at the Encontro. At the BBB, sixteen priestess
from the TDB went into trance with Oshun and three priests went
into trace with male Orishas: Shango, Eshu and Ogun. The Magical
Journey in this case was over quickly since the participants were told
that each person could only speak to three gods.
After the journey had ended, people went to the main religious
structure, the Isis Temple, where an Esbat was held in honor of
Oshun. At the center of the temple, a couple wearing golden veils
performed various belly dances. The place was very dark, mean-
ing that only the candles held in their hands could be seen. The
music began with some liturgical songs associated with Oshun,
taken from the Afro-Brazilian religious repertoire. These were
sang by the public and followed by drums. Subsequently, people
sang other songs related to Oshun, but this time taken from Brazil-
ian popular music.13 At the end of the performance, they switched to
pre-recorded music, with some Arabic songs associated with belly
dancing. During this section, the couple moved very fast, display-
ing their expertise in the genre.

12. For a historic and ritualistic explanation of Brazilian Umbanda, see Renato
Ortiz, A Morte Branca do Feiticeiro Negro. Umbanda e Sociedade Brasileira (São Paulo:
Brasiliense, 1991).
13. Brazilian popular music is full of songs concerning Orishas and Afro-
Brazilian religions. This is why many liturgical songs are well known by Brazilians.
On this usage, see Rachel Bakke, “Tem Orixá no Samba: Clara Nunes e a presença
do Candomblé e da Umbanda na Música Popular Brasileira.” Religião e Sociedade 27
(2007): 85–113.

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248 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

After the performance was over, the high priestess instructed the
public to move along a narrow path and dirty their hands in the
earth. A bucket of water was placed at the end of the line. Partici-
pants were invited to wash their hands in the water, a gesture sym-
bolizing purification by Oshun.
After the ritual, omolocum was served, a traditional meal associ-
ated with Oshun in Yoruban religion. Omolocum is prepared using
beans, onions, eggs, and shrimps. In Afro-Brazilian religion, each
Orisha has a particular food and one of the most important aspects
of the cult involves preparing and offering these foods. During some
ritual moments, people eat these sacred foods as a way of achieving
communion with the gods.

Photo no. 4—omolocum eaten with hands by Wiccans

In the Wiccan ritual, the high priestess invited people to eat the omo-
locum meal as a way of receiving blessing from Oshun. She told par-
ticipants that they should eat with their hands, as in Afro-Brazilian
religions, in order to please Oshun. The final event at the celebration
was a dance party hosted by a professional DJ.
This use of gods from native religions is common practice in
Brazilian Wicca. In her description of Californian Wiccans, Sarah

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 249

Pike14 observes that the use of indigenous gods by white people

is rejected. In Brazil, though, where miscegenation is much more
widespread, ethnic origin is not a determinant factor in reli-
gious practice. Even so, the incorporation of elements from Afro-
Brazilian religions in the creation of Wicca rituals has led to some
controversy.
Many members of the Brazilian Dianic Tradition have previ-
ously been members of Afro-Brazilian religions. They are therefore
familiar with the Afro-Brazilian pantheon and use the gods in their
Wiccan practices. However, people who practice Afro-Brazilian reli-
gions feel that this use is illegitimate. This is because the ways in
which these gods are worshipped in Wicca and in Afro-Brazilian
religions are very different. In Afro-Brazilian religions, the priest
connects the Orishas with the participant’s head in a ritual called
“making the saint.”15 By means of this ritual, a person can receive the
god while in a trance. Someone “made” by one god cannot receive
another god. The connection forged between people and their Ori-
shas is believed to be chosen by the Orishas themselves, not by
humans. Priests use traditional Ifa shell divination to discover the
Orisha to which a person belongs.16
In Brazilian Wicca, a person can worship one or many Afro-
Brazilian gods but there is no need to perform the initiation ritual of
“making the saint.” In Afro-Brazilian religions, such rituals usually
involve the blood sacrifice of animals, a practice rejected by Wiccans.
Wiccans consider that the best way to connect with Pagan gods is
through meditation and invocations, which involve summoning the
four elements: air, fire, water and earth. These rituals utilize other
symbolic elements typical of Wicca, such as the cauldron and the
athame.
For Brazilians belonging to Afro-Brazilian religions like Candom-
blé, Umbanda, Tambor de Mina and others, worshipping African
gods through the use of incenses, athames and cauldrons makes no
sense. Neither do they believe it possible to establish any real con-
nection with an orisha without undergoing the full initiation pro-
cess involved in these religions, which includes”making the saint”
over the course of a minimum of three weeks of complex rituals.

14. Sarah Pike, New Age and Neopagan Religions in America (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2004).
15. Bastide, Candomblé da Bahia, Rito Nagô, 48–49.
16. Monique Augrás, O duplo e a metamorfose: a identidade mítica em comunidades
Nagô (Petrópolis: Vozes, 2008).

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250 The Pomegranate 16.2 (2014)

The internet has brought people from both religious traditions, Afro-
Brazilian and Wiccan, into closer contact and today the debates and
controversies taking place between them can be followed on social
networks like Facebook.
The Afro-Brazilian religions have had an extensive and profound
impact on religion in Brazil since the nineteenth century. Many
members of the Tradição Diânica do Brasil previously belonged to
Afro-Brazilian religions, and the Wiccans use elements from this
religion to legitimize Wicca, a new element on the Brazilian religious
scene that seeks recognition from both the public and the Brazilian
government.
Afro-Brazilian religions have a strong magical and ritual content
that closely matches the Wiccan understanding of gods and nature.
However, in contemporary Brazil, followers of Afro-Brazilian reli-
gions now form organized social movements through which they
look to connect with their traditional origins in Africa as part of
the process of building a collective political identity.17 This search
has led them to oppose religious syncretism with Catholicism and
defend themselves from the persecutions perpetrated by Pentecostal
churches.18 It is in this context that Wiccan appropriations of Afro-
Brazilian gods have become a source of intense conflicts.

Conclusion
Stuart Hall19 characterizes identity in post-modernity as a fluid
process in which people absorb elements from different sources
in order to create their own individual mosaic. Reflecting this pro-
cess, Brazil’s new Wiccan traditions thus create their own compre-
hension of Pagan gods. They takes the worship of local gods to be
a means of connecting with the earth and spirit of their own coun-
try. This kind of religious practice is made possible by the way
in which modernity stimulates the flourishing of religions that
depend only on individuals and their communicative abilities in
order to grow.

17. Daniela Cordovil, “On the border between culture and religion Public poli-
cies for Afro-Brazilian religions in Brazil,” Vibrant 11, no. 2 (2014): 267–92.
18. Vagner Gonçalves da Silva, “Entre a Gira de Fé e Jesus de Nazaré: relações
socioestruturais entre neopentecostalismo e religiões afro-brasileiras,” in Intolerân-
cia Religiosa. Impactos do Neopentecostalismo no campo religioso afro-brasileiro, edited by
Vagner Gonçalves da Silva (São Paulo: Edusp, 2007), 191–260.
19. Stuart Hall, A Identidade cultural na pós-modernidade (São Paulo: DP&A, 2006).

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2015

 Cordovil   The Cult of Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Gods 251

On the other hand, Giddens20 classifies modernity as a period

during which people became dependent on what he calls expert sys-
tems, a body of experts who alone master closed, technical fields of
knowledge. Under modernity, people became more dependent on
these experts. This is particularly true in the case of contemporary
Paganism and Wicca, since many of their leaders are highly edu-
cated and use scholarly books and papers from anthropology, his-
tory and religious studies to build their religious knowledge.
Modernity allows individuals to feel released from the sway of
religious institutions and able to create their own faith. They extract
elements from their original context and create new references with
them. The worship of local gods in Brazilian Wicca is one such exam-
ple of this practice. In Wicca, individuals and small groups, con-
nected to each other by virtual and real networks, assume control of
this process.

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