Allison Haley

EN 102

Research Paper

29 March 2021

Fallacious Feminists

According to those who support the feminist agenda, the main issue behind the feminist

movement, abortion, remains a dilemma as there are bans and regulations on abortion in some

states. Besides the differences in genitalia, the main thing that separates men and women is the

ability to have children--something that has haunted feminists for centuries. In their article

“Counterpoint: The Feminist Movement Is No Longer Needed,” authors Patricia George and

Geraldine Wagner point out that “[i]f, and so long as, the second function--nursing a baby--is

regarded as relevant, this physiological difference can, and does, lead to different social roles

inside the family and, from there, in society” (par. 6). It is understandable why feminists, women

who no longer want to be confined to their gender roles, aspire to obliterate this barrier. One

might think, “What a simple demand to meet.” After all, to make this happen, abortion only has

to be made legal, which is what the Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade did. However, while it is

allowed, it is not always easy to do. According to Kalena Thomhave in her article “State

Abortion Bans Are Getting More Extreme,” Mississippi has placed limits on providers and the

clinics themselves, which, in turn, forces many clinics to close. Because of this, there is only one

operating abortion clinic in Mississippi (par. 2). She later asserts that “Ohio also restricts

abortion by requiring parental consent for a minor to receive an abortion, waiting periods, and

mandatory counseling” (par. 5). In these respects, the feminist declaration that abortion remains a

dilemma is accurate as some states fabricate restrictions that make it next to impossible.
 Though the feminists are correct that abortion is more challenging in some states than

others, feminists have, for the most part, won the battle on abortion. To understand the multiple

controversies that surround abortion, one must examine how the debate began. In chapter 6,

“Civil Rights,” Wilson et al. write about the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court case. It all began when

a woman named Norma McCorvey, or Jane Roe, became pregnant with her third child and

wanted to terminate the pregnancy. Until then, it was the states that decided whether and under

what circumstances a woman could have an abortion. McCorvey lived in Texas, where abortion

was illegal unless it was imperative to save the mother’s life. She then filed a lawsuit, arguing

that the abortion laws in Texas were unconstitutional. A three-judge panel from the District

Court listened to the case and chose to rule in her favor. The state of Texas then appealed this

ruling to the United States Supreme Court, which agreed to look at the case (139-141).

In the end, according to Wilson et al., the results of the Roe v. Wade case only served to

make feminist’s main argument irrelevant. The Court held that it is a women’s fundamental right

to determine whether or not to have an abortion and therefore ruled Texas’s ban on abortion

unconstitutional. They also produced the view that a woman has an unrestricted right to an

abortion during the first trimester of the pregnancy; the states may regulate abortions, but only to

protect the mother in the second trimester; and by the third trimester, the states might ban

abortions altogether. However, they later abandoned that framework; instead, they stated that an

abortion in which the living fetus is withdrawn from the mother and then killed is illegal, while

late-term abortion is allowed if it is necessary to protect the physical health of the mother or if

the fetus is already deceased (139-141). Not only did this impact Texas, but it also impacted

other states as they were no longer allowed to prohibit abortion. This makes the feminist

argument about abortion being an issue irrelevant for it is legal, and though a few states have
attempted to ban abortion, many have failed; after all, they have the highest court in the country

on their side.

Not only has abortion been made legal, but it is being utilized daily. In his article “Forum

Features Candidates, Marks Roe vs. Wade 39th Anniversary,” Adam D. Young, the managing

editor of the Lubbock Avalanche Journal, exclaims, “The Centers for Disease Control recently

released abortion figures for 2008, stating 825,564 legally induced abortions were reported to the

CDC from 49 reporting areas nationwide. Reporting areas include all 50 states, New York City,

and the District of Columbia” (par. 7). Whether one agrees or disagrees with the decision of the

Roe v. Wade case, he cannot argue that this number shows the impact of said ruling. Take, for

instance, the rates of abortion in the state behind the case itself, Texas. As of 2008, the CDC

reported 81,366 abortions occurring in Texas (Young par. 8). That means that Texas is behind

around 10 percent of abortions--a striking contrast to the state’s original opinion on abortion.

Though feminists are correct that individual communities attempt to limit abortion, that does not

mean it is impossible.