Imp - Sacred Geography of Puri

CHAPTER : 7
SACRED GEOGRAPHY OF PURLITS MORPHOLOGY
INTRODUCTION:
Urban morphology is the study of the form of human settlements and the process of
their formations and transformations. This study seeks to understand the spatial structure and
character of a religious city, by examining the patterns of its component parts and the processes of
its development. This can involve the analysis of physical structures at different scales as well as
patterns of movement, land use, ownership or control and occupation. Typically, analysis of
physical form focuses on street pattern, plot pattern and building pattern, sometimes referred to
collectively as urban grain. Analysis of specific settlements is usually undertaken using
cartographic sources and the process of development is deduced from comparison of historic
maps1. Urban morphology is usually done to explain urban processes, to permit comparison
between cities, to help predict urban changes within the urban fabric.
The origin of urban places has been a point of great controversy and the experts of
urban geography are not unanimous in their opinions on this issue. There are however, four broad
explanations which have been advocated about the origin of urban structures.
1. The Ecological Models: The ecological models typically associate urbanism with the
production and concentration of a “surplus” of some kind through, in particular, the commencing
of large scale irrigation schemes. In the irrigated areas, there were surplus productions. In fact, an
agrarian society based on large-scale hydraulic constructions, typically irrigation systems, have
surplus production. The effective management of these irrigation works involves an organizational
web which covers either the whole, or atleast the dynamic core, of the country’s population. In
consequence, those who control this network are uniquely prepared to wield supreme political
power.
The result, Wittfogel contended, was that the state “occupied an unrivaled position of
operational leadership and organizational control”2. It mobilized labour (forced labour raised on a
temporary basis) and enforced such an inordinately powerful control over its subject population
that is, in effect, a state stronger than society. The state apparatus, thus took the form of a hydraulic
bureaucracy.
1. http://wrww.answers.com/topic/urban-morphology
2. Wittfogel August Karl. “Oriental despotisms comparative study of total power”

Vintage Publications; 1st Vintage Books ed edition (March 12,1981)
310
WittfogePs thesis has been used to account for urban origins precisely because it is supposed to
provide a rationale for centralization and concentration.
2. The Economic Models: The economic models, typically focus on changing forms of economic
integration and, in particular, on the transition from reciprocity to redistribution, are especially
concerned with ways in which such systems of exchange are “embedded” in non-economic
institutions.
3. The Cultural Models: These models typically examine the formative influence of religion on
urban genesis. “The religious component is all alone”, Wheatley (1971) argues, “in having left in
several of the realms of nuclear urbanism, a more or less continuous success of surviving material
traces through......... to fully evolved urban life”3. In this view, the earliest foci of power and
authority took the form of ceremonial centres, with religious symbolism imprinted deeply on their
physiognomy and their operation in the evolution of town or iconography of ancient city, which
projected images of the cosmic order onto the plane of human experience, where they could
provide a framework for social action.
4. The Politico-Military Models: These models typically conceive of the first city as both fortress
and refuge. Many of these models are, of course, compatible with the arguments of previous
paragraphs—the supposed conjunctions between “hydraulic society” and “Oriental Despotism” for
example, or the centring of “political and military power...first in theocratic and later in
monarchical control”(Giddens,1981,1985)4, but they usually go beyond those claims to emphasize
the decisive importance of military power through a grid of cities for the creation of empires.
The urban geographers and sociologists have shown a great deal of interest in
the size and spacing of cities. It is assumed that there is some sort of order or logic underlying the
size relationships and spatial distribution of towns. It is assumed that settlements do not grow up in
a haphazard or random manner and that a measurable degree of order is to be found in their size
and spacing.
3. Wheatley, P, “The Pivot of the Four Quarters: A Preliminary Inquiry into the Origins
and Character of the Ancient Chinese City”, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press/Chicago: Aldine, 1971.
4. Giddens,A, “A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism,”Vol l,Power,Poverty

and the StateJLondon: Macmillan, 1981.
311
In any large region there are many small towns, a smaller number of medium sized
towns and relatively few large cities. This is true for all regions of the world, irrespective of the
stage reached in economic development or the degree of urbanization achieved. The internal
structure of cities and towns is one of the fascinating areas in which the urban geographers are
increasingly concentrating. The term “urban morphology” refers to the physical arrangement or
structures of town, its pattern of streets, building blocks, individual buildings, their different
functions, densities and layout.
A number of theories and models have been developed by the urban geographers to explain the
morphology of urban places. Models of urban structure are of two kinds:
1) Partial models, which are concerned with the location of one set of activities, such as
residential or industrial land use, and;
2) Comprehensive models, which deal with all activities in the urban area and their
interrelationships.
The Central Business District or CBD is the nucleus of the urban area,
containing the main concentration of commercial land use (shops, offices, financial institutions,
banks, restaurants, places of recreation, and warehouses). It is the most accessible point in the
urban area and has its peak land value. The CBD contains the densest concentration of land uses
and the tallest non-residential buildings within the urban area, and is spatially structured internally,
with different uses and categories of uses. Its general characteristics are—
1) it lies central, atleast in'terms of its accessibility;
2) it has a greater concentration of tall buildings than any other region of the city;
3) it normally includes most of the city’s offices and largest retail stores;
4) it is an area where vehicular and pedestrian traffic are likely to be most concentrated;
5) it averages higher assessed land values and taxes paid than any other parts of the city, and '
6) it draws its business from the whole urban area and from all ethnic, cultural groups and
classes of people5.
5. Murphy,E,Raymond, “Central Business District: A Study in Urban

Geography”Aldine Transaction, A division of Transaction
Publishers,Rutgers,Chicago,1972,p2
312
It has also been said that for out of town people the city is synonymous with the city
itself. These characteristics of the CBD can be precisely measured. Unfortunately, none of these
measures are entirely satisfactory and in practice there is a high concentration of these elements at
the heart of the CBD and the gradual diminution of these essential characteristics outwards an
indefinite boundary. Indeed, the edge of CBD is best thought of as a zone than a boundary.
Typically, the CBD merges into a “blighted” zone of obsolete and deteriorated property which lies
between the CBD itself and the surrounding residential districts of the inner city.
According to Murphy, the land valuation data could provide the most objective
and widely applicable method of CBD delineation. However, the best means of delineation is
probably based on a combination of land valuation data, if available, and land use mapping,
whereby the transaction from CBD functional areas of the city can be identified. The CBD is
however a dynamic concept which changes in space and time.
Although each city is unique in respect to its internal land use pattern, there is
nevertheless a continuous degree of repetition in the broad geographical arrangement of the
various categories of urban land use from one city to another. As a result the number of theories
have been formulated which attempt to describe and explain the patterns involved. About the
internal structure of cities, three popular models, based on empirical studies in different cultural
settings are important. These theoretical structures are referred to as:
1. The Concentric Zone Model by E.W. Burgess6(1924): Burgess’s main research interest
was the determinants of urban social problems, such as vice and crime, and his mapping of
their occurrence within Chicago indicated a concentration in certain areas only. Burgess’
model is based on the idea that the growth of a city takes place outwards from its central
area to form a series of concentric zones.
2. The Wedge or Sectoral Model by M.R.Davis and Homer Hyot7( 1939):According to this
theory patterns of land use are conditioned by the arrangement of routes radiating out from
the city centre which creates a sectoral pattern of land and rental values which in turn
influences the urban land use pattern.
6. Burgess,E.W, “The Growth of the City:An Introduction to Research Project,”

Publ, Am.Social.Soc.,1924, pp21,178-84
7, Hyot, Homer, “The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighbourhoods in

American Cities,"Washington DC: Federal Housing Administration, 1939.
3. The Multiple Nuclei Model by CD Harris and EL Ulman8 (1945): In this model the term
nuclei has been used to refer to any attracting element around which urban growth may take place.
The clustering around these nuclei in the city creates a cellular structure, the pattern of which will
be largely determined by the unique factor of site and history of any particular city.
INTERNAL MORPHOLOGY OF INDIAN CITIES:
The internal structure of Indian cities is the result of geo-ecological, socio-economic

and cultural factors. Consequently the characteristics and internal structure of urban land use
pattern of Indian cities vary from one urban centre to another. The Indian cities have several focal
points, for example, the main market, the railway station, the bus stand, and the professional,
educational, medical and recreational institutions. All these focal points are linked with rich and
poor residential areas. Religious, linguistic and ethnic minorities have traditionally sought refuge
in the city. The Indian cities are consequently heterogeneous in terms of population.
The internal characteristics of Indian cities are examined mainly in terms of a) layout,
b) demographic characteristics, and c) functions.
The cities of the ancient period were the capital cities of the Hindu kings. These cities
were surrounded by walls. The centre of the city was occupied by a royal palace. Near the centre
and the temples were the residence of high-ranking Brahmins, and ministers of royal cabinet. The
Sudras were given the southern side. Patliputra(Patna), during the period of the Maurya Empire,
was one of the most suitable examples of this type of ancient cities.
The impact of Dravidian culture is most marked in cities of South India. In these cities,
the temples and tanks acted as nuclei around which grew commercial markets and houses of
Brahmin priests and scholars. The ruler built their palaces near the temple. The roads radiated from
the centre to the other parts of the cities. The town of Puri is the best example of this type of urban
arrangement.
During the medieval period of Indian history, the Muslim imprint on the city structure
is significantly conspicuous. The Muslims introduced many new elements in the city structure that
included fortification, masjid, bazaar and a chowk as well as residential segregation. The cities of
the medieval period were surrounded by brick walls without a moat and had gates for regulated
entries.
8. Harris,CD and Ulman,El, “The Nature of Cities”, Ann.Am.Acad>Pol.Soc.Sci.242,

1945,pp7-17
314
The British rulers modified the traditional Indian cities by the development of railway
lines and increased commercialization resulting in new patterns of urban land uses. The
fortifications were removed and new extensions began to grow along main road and railways.
Furthur commercialization added new nodes in the city, such as Connaught place in Delhi. Thus
the towns were planned with green belts, clubs for recreation, churches and well maintained
gardens, parks and graveyards.
As a result of the historical processes the morphology of Indian cities have been
transformed substantially.
During the post independence period a number of planned cities have been
developed. Bhubaneswar, Chandigarh, Gandhinagar are some examples. Each sector has
marketing, educational, medical, recreational and park facilities and temples served as spheres of
urban influences in religious places.
City and countryside are mutually interdependent. Infact, cities depend on their
surrounding regions for the supply of vegetables, milk and grain. The industrial cities also depend
on the countryside for raw materials. In opposition to this, the city is the centre for a wide range of
tertiary services, whereas the countryside depends on the city for the services. Improved transport
and communications have allowed towns to extend their services further into the surrounding rural
areas and have also permitted urban workers to live far beyond the city limits and commute to
work each day. The countryside is trapped in the process of modernization and relies on the city
for goods and services. In brief, the modem city is a centre of secondary and tertiary economic
activities. Thus cities and countryside are physically, socially and economically interdependent,
affecting each other sharing a core-periphery relationship. The degree of interaction between the
city and the countryside, however, tends to decrease with distance.
One of the striking characteristics of areas of influence of Indian cities is the near
uniformity in terms of actual size of area-served by each of the criteria used for the delineation of
city region. There is, however some variations from one service to another. The shape of the area
of influence for all services tends to be rather regular and almost circular in most cities.
The concept of growth pole was developed by Francis Perroux-a leading

French regional economist in 19559. He opined that growth is not ubiquitous, rather it
occur at poles, centres and points with variable intensities. He also opines that growth
spreads through numerous channels and with variable final effects for the economy as a
9. Darwent, David "Growth poles and growth centres in Regional Planning—a review’,
“Environment and Planning”, vol. 1 (1969), pp. 5-32.
3.15
whole. They also have a sustained impact on the economy of the surrounding areas. They
establish the forward and backward linkages and help in the overall development of the
region. It serves as the main hub of a region from where the actual process of development
starts. The growth pole is capable of rapid economic growth and helps in the reduction of
regional inequalities. It is a dynamic concept which explains the inter and intra-regional
variations in the level of economic development.
In the U.S. the concept of growth poles has usually taken the form
emphasizing geographic location which was called Growth Centres. Growth centres are
related to the concept of agglomeration. Albert Hirschman10 uses the term polarization to
refer to the negative impact of a growth pole on surrounding regions. Trickling down is
the term he uses for the positive impact of a growth pole or growth center on adjacent
regions. Gunnar Myrdal, the Swedish economist, uses the terms backwash and spread for
the same concepts as Hirschman's polarization and trickling down*11.
The American economist, John R. Friedman, has developed a concept

that is related but distinct from the ideas of growth poles and growth centres. It is called
the matter of the centre versus the periphery. Friedman developed this idea in analyzing
the relationship of the interior regions of Venezuela to the coastal regions. Others have
extended the concept to the relationship of the North Atlantic center of Western Europe
and North America to Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia12
10. Hirschman,O,Alberto, “The Strategy of Economic Development”, Yale University

Press, New Heaven, 1958, pp 62-63
11. Willis Katie, “Theories and Practices of Development”, Routledge Perspectives on

Development, Cromwell Press, Trowbridge, Wiltshire, 2005, p 44.
12. Darwent, David "Growth poles and growth centres in Regional Planning-a review’,
“Environment and Planning”, vol. 1 (1969), pp. 5-32.
Altogether the concept of growth poles has been of only marginal importance in
analyzing regional economic problems. Nevertheless the idea of growth poles has had a
major role in formulating regional policy as well as analyzing the morphology of a city
and its core-peripheral relations.
In the growth pole theory advocated by Perroux, growth centres are the second
ranking centres identified for economic development. In other words, a growth centre is smaller in
size and structure as compared to growth pole. The dominant economic activities in the growth
centres are secondary (industries) and tertiary (service) sectors.
Those industrial hubs are equipped with the facilities of grain, vegetable and fruit
markets, and storage facilities for agricultural commodities. At growth centres, the agricultural
inputs like fertilizers, insecticides, pesticides, equipments and other goods of daily requirements
are found. In addition to these, there also exist educational, medical, cultural and recreational
facilities.
The growth centres are spread in all the developed and the developing countries.
There are numerous towns and cities of India which may be placed in the category of growth
centres.
Thus_it can be said that growth poles are centres of economic development whose
nature may vary with places. For example in an industrial town, the regions with industrial
agglomeration serve as growth centres whereas in a religious town it is the temples or the religious
institutions which act as the growth centres upon which the economic development of the entire
town depends. Just as commercial economies consist of a market in which different firms compete,
religious economies consist of a market (the aggregate demand for religion) and firms (different
religious organizations) seeking to attract and hold clients. The theory of religious economy was
developed to explain why and how religions change. It is this religious institution which acts as the
major areas of growth ultimately shaping the cultural landscape of the town.
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RELIGION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT:
The sociology of religion concerns the role of religion in society: the practices,
historical backgrounds, developments and universal themes of religion in society13. There is
particular emphasis on the recurring role of religion in all societies and throughout recorded
history. The principal aim of religious institutions is to satisfy the religious and spiritual needs of
the society. Weber14 (1930) argued that religious practices and beliefs had important consequences
for economic development. Contemporary economics has started taking religion as an important
determinant of economic development of a country. The increasing resilience of religion in both
developed and developing countries, influencing, globally both political will and popular debate,
has been observed by scholars investigating the economics of religion. Recent studies have
investigated how religion affects growth with emphasis on particular religious traditions such as
Islam, Hinduism or Christianity. Other studies have focused on the impact of religion on fertility.
Still others examine the impact of religion on political outcomes and the role of religious
organizations in shaping the morphology of the urban places15.
Recent academic interest linking religion and development has centred on the
economics of religion. Studies in the economics of religion have focused on applying the tools of
modem economic analysis for the understanding of religious institutions and faith-based welfare
programmes. Three principal themes emerge from this research. First, identifying what determines
religion and religiosity; second, examining how religion and religiosity may be described as social
capital; and third, understanding the micro and macro consequences of religiosity.
The economic growth and development of any region starts from its growth pole or
growth centre wherein the major economic activities of a town are concentrated. The major section
of the population of the town depends on that growth centre for achieving all round development
and for their prosperity. The growth pole of an area can be located at any place depending upon the
availability of resources as well as the popularity and potentiality of the area.
In the religious town of Puri, the most important attraction is the temple of Lord
Jagannatha. It is the major attracting force which over the years has served for the popularity of
Puri. So this temple can be rightly regarded as the growth pole of the town from where the actual
13. Kevin J. Christiano, et ah, “Sociology of Religion: Contemporary Developments”,

Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2nd ed., 2008.
14. Weber,Max ,”The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism”,Dover

Publications,USA,1930, p6
15. Nath Sushmit, “Religion and Economic Growth and Development” ,IGIDR,
Mumbai,2006
318
process of development starts leading to its morphological growth. The majority of the population
of the town is dependant on the temple for their livelihood who are directly and indirectly related
to the temple services. Thus the prospect of the growth pole (i,e the temple) will ensure the spread
of the urban space and have a sustained impact on the economy of the surrounding area.
According to Myrdal’s concept of cumulative causation the growth pole of a region

had both its spread and backwash effects. The spread effect refers to the potentiality and the
positive aspects of the growth centre (i,e availability of opportunities, better facilities, better
connectivity, popularity and better means of communication). The prosperity of the growth pole at
the centre creates a negative impact on the peripheral zones which suffers from the backwash
effect of the growth centre.
Myrdal hypothesizes that the relative strength of backwash and spread effects varies
according to the level of development of a country suggesting that spread effects are stronger in
more developed economies. The core periphery relationship to a large extent depends on the
combined impact of spread and backwash effects.16
The town of Puri having its growth centre located around the temple is the
major zone of economic activity which experiences spread effect whereas the peripheral zone
away from the growth centre comes under the influence of the backwash effect. So the prosperity
and growth of this temple would ensure the spread of this growth centre which will greatly retain
the balance between the spread and the backwash effect and enhance the impact of the spread
effect. The increase in the forces of the spread effect will on the other hand ensure the economic
development of the urban space. So we can say that the development of urban morphology in Puri
is totally dependant on its temple activities which is the main economic hub of the town. So here
an interaction of the various spaces—sacred as well as economic can be observed which gives its
uniqueness to Puri.
The economy of Puri is totally based on its religious institution (i,e the
temple) which caters to the economic need of the entire population of the town. It is also the major
tourist destination ensuring the flow of capital to this sacred space. It is this temple from where the
actual growth process of the urban centre starts and like an industrial area it serves as the greatest
industry of Puri sustaining its population as well as ensuring urban growth. Thus the concept of
growth pole is very much applicable in the context of the town of Puri where an intermingling of
sacred space with that of the economic space is well observed. The area of influence of the town
spreads outward from the temple area over the surrounding areas where the push of the backwash
effects are very much high creating an ignorance area at the boundary of the town.
16. Gore, G, Charles, “Regions in Question: Space, Development in Theory and Regional
Policy”, Methuen and Company Limited, London,1984, p 38
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In society, the images that people hold of the components of their space
change slowly than the reality-both economic and social. This factor has made an understanding of
the “invisible landscapes’ that people carry in their heads even more necessary. The images of the
local environments vary greatly between groups of people-ethnic, religious and linguistic. Usually
these are found in urban areas- where certain landmarks, routes, boundaries and neighbourhoods
are perceived differently by the residents. This “invisible topography” is based on many factors-
some tangible and some intangible. The social space, and the inextricably linked physical space-
needs to be distinguished properly; the distinguishing factors change drastically over time.
People’s perception of space is one of the things to consider in order to

understand the pattern of man’s work on the face of the earth. The geographer’s concern for the
way people perceive their environment is nothing new, but the approach to the problem changed
rapidly as geography focused on problems of applied interests and as interdisciplinary linkages
grew. Many of the human patterns we see on the landscape today are a result of men making
locational decisions based on information that has come through a perpetual filter.
When geographers use the term “environment” today, they do not think simply
of the physical environment, for they have greatly enlarged their definition to take in the man
made and social environments that are usually of much greater importance in human affairs. How
men perceive their physical and social environment is a crucial question for the contemporary
human geographers.
Human behaviour is affected only by that portion of the environment that is

actually perceived. For this the individuals devise perpetual filters that screen out most information
in a highly selective fashion. People are constantly weighing up information, and trying to come to
some preferential decisions about all sorts of things in their immediate and broader life spaces. The
average person’s information about geographical space is virtually determined by his location
within an invisible, but very “real” information environment.
People’s preferences for places seem to depend upon their location: to what
extent does this idea carry over to other areas of human preference, and the way such likes and
dislikes are expressed by actual behaviour- towards other people, to other areas, countries,
cultures, religions and so on? An older geography concentrated upon an environmental
determinism in the physical realm, but became so platitudinous that it was rejected by a later
generation: perhaps geographers should focus instead upon the invisible human landscapes which
seem to be far from relevant: both for understanding human spatial behaviour, and planning a
better spatial environment for people in the future.
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A religious urban land is characterized by the presence of two different spaces: the
sacred space and die ignorance space. It is the interaction of these two spaces which ultimately
curves the morphology of the cultural landscape. A constant change in these two different realms
alters the urban space and brings significant changes in its morphological set up.
G. Myrdal (1957) argued that economic growth in one area adversely affects the
prosperity of another (the impact of spread and backwash effect mentioned earlier). Wealth and
labour moves from poorer, peripheral areas to more central regions of economic growth and the
industrial production of wealthy regions may well undercut the industrial output of the poorer
regions. This draining of wealth and labour together with industrial decline is the backwash, or
polarization effect, and is a feature of core-periphery relationships17. The prosperity of the core
area (represented by the temple of Puri) creates a backwash effect along the boundary zone
(mentioned before).This backwash effect creates a disparity between regions and areas and leads to
the formation of an ignorance surface in the peripheral area.
The growth of any area occurs from the core (centre) region in general. When this
core area progresses all the major economic activities are concentrated along the central area. This
leads to the popularity of the central area and the entire growth of the city is dependant on that part
only. As one moves away from the centre the entire growth process slows down and the
popularity of the area greatly decreases towards the periphery. So these areas located at the
periphery are totally deprived of any advancement. These peripheral areas are termed as ignorance
surface18.
DEVELOPMENT OF IGNORANCE SURFACE IN PURI:
At Puri, the entire adjoining area around the temple has developed and prospered
with the growing popularity and progress of the temple of Lord Jagannatha. So all the areas
surrounding the temple i,e the hotels, the shops etc have prospered greatly in comparison to other
parts of the town. Not only that, the temple of many subsidiary shrines which have sprung up all
round the main temple have earned popularity compared to the temples which are situated far
away from the main temple.
17. J. Friedmann (1966) maintained that the world can be divided into four types of
regions. Core regions are centres, usually metropolitan, with a high potential for
innovation and growth. Beyond the cores are the upward transition regions—areas of
growth spread over small centres rather than at a core.
http://www.answers.com/toDic/core-peripherv-modeI. Reference can also be found in
Anako Fujita; “Myrdal's Theory of Cumulative Causation”, Evolutionary and
Institutional Economics Review, Vol. 3,2007, pp.275-283
18. Peter Gould and Rodney White, “Mental Maps” Penguin Books, 1974, p 82
001
The great prosperity of the central area has its bad effects as well. The shrines situated at distant
places away from the main temple have not gained popularity though they are very much
significant and no less important than the main temple. Not only that as one moves towards the
outer periphery the neighbourhoods are hardly known by the people and are very much ignored.
This ignorance surface increases as one moves away from the centre towards the outer boundary of
the town. Since the temple is the main source of income of the town, major thrusts are given to
the upliftment as well an improvement of this area whereas the area outside the core is totally
neglected and ignored.
Sacred Spaces evoke a feeling of a sacredness of space and time, where Heaven seems
to touch Earth and we find ourselves aware of the Holy, and filled with the Spirit. A higher energy
resides in a sacred space, a power beyond human control which is part of the feeling of "awe". To
find ourselves in the midst of great natural beauty is an awakening into moments of heightened
spiritual consciousness.
This feeling of "sacred" invokes a connectedness, a presence of the blessing of

existence. It is "sacred" when it becomes for us a "window to the Kingdom of God" and a reminder
of the sacredness of all space as space created by God.
Sacred spaces present creation to us as a window to this kingdom of God, a glimpse of

heaven here in this lifetime. It's an experience of the divine in life itself, in the very landscape of
all things. We see all things as interdependent within an "inclusive community'" and we experience
a feeling of harmony as the process of having achieved balance.
Religions may elevate particular objects in the landscape to a holy position. Two
kinds of places may be endowed with holiness. Places with distinctive physical characteristics—
such as mountains, rivers, or stones—and places with natural features associated with human
events in the religious development or diffusion. These holy places are known as shrines.
SOME SACRED CROSSINGS OF INDIA;
Puri does not stand alone as India’s sacred city. It is part of an extensive and intricate
pattern of sacred places in India. For Hindus the landscape of India is holy; it is a land of sacred
hills, rivers, and cities, webbed with pilgrimage routes. Going on a pilgrimage for a darshana
(visit) to such places has long been an important and vibrant aspect of the Hindu religious
tradition.
Hindus call the sacred places to which they travel as “tirthas” or “fords” or “crossing
places”. Some of India’s great tirthas were indeed fords, where the rivers could be safely crossed.
As a place of pilgrimage, however the tirtha is a spiritual ford, where earth and heaven meet, or
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where one “crosses over “the river of repeated births and deaths - to reach the “far shore” of
liberation. The tirtha like the river ford is the place where the “crossing” might be easily and safely
made.
A tirtha is an earthly place, charged with power and purity. We call it a sacred
space. The term “pure” is used, as “good” and “auspicious”. As for sacred is the sense of bearing
the essence of the Divine, it can be said that in the Hindu view the whole earth is sacred, for it is
the embodiment of the Divine. In Hindu creation myths, the earth and all the plentitude of life
spring from the very body of God.19 Like the body the creation is differentiated in power and
function. Some earthly places reveal the Divine more readily than others. As the Mahabharata20
puts it, “just as certain parts of the earth and certain waters called holy.” The right ear, for
example which receives the mantra of Guru at the time of initiation, is especially pure, while the
feet, which touch the dust, are not. So it is with the land itself Those places most luminous, most
powerful, and most transparent to the heavens are called tirthas where one’s prayers are more
quickly heard, one’s petitions more readily fulfilled, and one’s rituals more likely to bring
manifold blessings.
So a tirtha is a sacred space which is primarily associated with the great acts and
appearance of the Gods and the heroes of Indian myths and legends. As a threshold between
heaven and earth, the tirtha is not only a place for the “upward” crossings of people’s prayers and
rites, it is also a place for the “downward” crossings of the Gods. These divine “descents” are the
well known avatars of the Hindu tradition. Indeed the words tirtha and avatar come from related
verbal roots: “to cross over”, and avatar, ‘to cross down”. It is believed that the avatars descend,
opening the doors of the tirthas so that men and women may ascend in their rites and prayers. The
appearance of the divine in this world is what Mircea Eliade has called hierophany, the “showing
forth” of the Gods 21.
In India it is clear that the Gods have shown forth in thousands of places, some
known and famous throughout India and some visited only by people from the immediately
surrounding districts. The stories of India’s tirthas are told in the popular Praise Literature, the
19. Rig Veda X p 90: Aitareya Upanishad I; Matsya Purana pp 167-71, in Diana Eck’s,
“Banaras: City of Light”, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 1993.p 34
20. Ibid, p 34
21. Mircea Eliade, “The Sacred and the Profane and Cosmos and History: The Myth of
the Eternal Return” in Diana Eck’s, “Banaras: City of Light”, Penguin Books, New
Delhi, 1993.p 35
323
mahatmyas, sometimes called Sthala Puranas, the ancient stories of the place. “The literature
contains a thousand variations on the themes of divine hierophany. Considering this vast corpus of
Indian mythology, which recounts the deeds of Gods and heroes, it is not difficult to imagine that
the whole of India’s geography is engraved with traces of mythic events. It is a living sacred .
geography, a space of divine activities of Gods and Godmen22.
In India the wide ranging popular cults of vegetative divinities (yakshas), aquatic
divinities (Nagas) and Goddesses (Devis) set their seal upon groves, pools, and hillocks long
before the Puranic tales were compiled. Tirthas such as Puri whose core area has been occupied by
the temple of Lord Jagannatha are symbols shaped by geography, and because it is slow to change,
these symbols have had a tenacious hold upon the religious imagination. The particular myths and
stories may come and go; the narratives may be changed or be forgotten; but the hill top, the pool,
the grove remains. (FIG 7.1)
Of India’s thousands of tirthas, a few places and cycles of pilgrimage have risen to
pre-eminence through the centuries. First, there are the seven sacred cities (Sapta puri) which are
said to bestow their highest spiritual goal, liberation. The seven are famous, and known to
practically every literate person. They are Ayodhya, Mathura, Maya, Kashi, Kanchi, Avantika,
Dwarka.
In addition to the seven cities, there are the “four divine abodes” (dhaams) at the
four compass points of India, marking with sanctity the furthest limits of the land. Badrinath in the
North, Puri in the east, Rameshwaram in the south and Dwarka in the west There are 108
“benches” or “seats” (pithas) of the Goddess, each a manifestation of the divine female power
called “Sakti”. Other cycles of tirthas include the twelve places where the linga, Shiva’s emblem,
shone forth in a fiery column of light; the sixty eight places where Shiva’s lingas are set to have
emerged “self bom” (svayambhu) from the earth; and the seven sacred rivers. Some tirthas are
primarily important for the people of a particular region or sect23
For Indians, pilgrimage to the tirtha has been an important unifying force, not only
for sects and regions, but for the wider perception of what constitutes the land of India. Everyone
knows how diverse India is, in race, language, religion and sect. In its long history there have been
few centuries of political unity until modem times. But one thing India has had in common is a
shared sense of its sacred geography.
22. Ibid, p 35
23. For example Pandharpur is a pilgrimage in Maharashtra, Girnar in Gujarat, and

Palni and Tiruchendur in Tamil Nadu.
324
SACRED SPOTS OF INDIA
Afghanistan
Myanmar (Burma)
Bangladesh
Arabian Sea
Bay of Bengal
59
Thailand"
Sn Lanka
SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 100KM
SOURCE: http://www.sacredsites.com/asia/india/india.html
1 Dwarka; Krishna temple of Dwarkadhish
2 Mt. Gimar; Jain temples and goddess temple of Amba Mata
3 Somnath; Shiva Jyotir linga temple
4 Shatrunajaya; Jain temples
5 Ujjain; Mahakaleswar Jyotir linga Shiva temple
6 Sanchi; Buddhist stupa
7 Omkareshwar; Jyotir linga Shiva temple
325
8 Nasik; Godavari river Kumbha Mela site
9 Ajanta caves; 29 Buddhist, Hindu, Jain sacred caves
10 Ellora; Buddhist, Hindu, Jain caves and Grineshwar Jyotir linga
11 Mt. Abu; Jain temples
12 Nathdwara; SriNathji Krishna temple
13 Pushkar; Brahma temple, Savitri temple on hill, and others
14 Ajmer; Shrine of Mu’in al-din Chishti
15 Ambaji shrine (between Abu road and Palanpur)
16 Amritsar; Hari Mandir
17 Govindval; Sikh temple
18 Anandpur Sahib Sikh temple
19 Vaishno Devi; cave of Kali, Lakshmi and Saraswati
20 Amamath; Shiva cave
21 Leh; Buddhist monasteries
22 Jwalamukhi; Shakti Pitha shrine
23 Kurukshetra; Brahma Sarovara, Sannihit Sarovara, many temples
24 Haridwar; Hari-ki-Paixi Ghat, numerous temples
25 Rishikesh; Laksman Jhula, Neela Kantha Mahadeva temple
26 Devprayag; Raghunath Vishnu temple
27 Kamaprayag; juncture of Alakananda and Pindar Ganga
28 Joshimath; Vasudeva temple, Sankaracharya Math
29 Hemkund; Sikh and Laksman temples at Lake Hemkund
30 Badrinath; Badrinath temple and nearby five Badri temples
311 Kedamath; Jyotir Linga Shiva temple
32 Gangotri; Goddess Ganga temple
326
8 Nasik; Godavari river Kumbha Mela site
9 Ajanta caves; 29 Buddhist, Hindu, Jain sacred caves
10 Ellora; Buddhist, Hindu, Jain caves and Grineshwar Jyotix linga
11 Mt. Abu; Jain temples
12 Nathdwara; Sri Nathji Krishna temple
13 Pushkar; Brahma temple, Savitri temple on hill, and others
14 Ajmer; Shrine of Mu’in al-din Chishti
15 Ambaji shrine (between Abu road and Palanpur)
16 Amritsar; Hari Mandir
17 Govindval; Sikh temple
18 Anandpur Sahib Sikh temple
19 Vaishno Devi; cave of Kali, Lakshmi and Saraswati
20 Amamath; Shiva cave
21 Leh; Buddhist monasteries
22 Jwalamukhi; Shakti Pitha shrine
23 Kurukshetra; Brahma Sarovara, Sannihit Sarovara, many temples
24 Haridwar; Hari-ki-Pairi Ghat, numerous temples
25 Rishikesh; Laksman Jhula, Neela Kantha Mahadeva temple
26 Devprayag; Raghunath Vishnu temple
27 Kamaprayag; junctur<p of Alakananda and Pindar Ganga '
28 Joshimath; Vasudeva temple, Sankaracharya Math
29 Hemkund; Sikh and Laksman temples at Lake Hemkund
30 Badrinath; Badrinath temple and nearby five-Badri temples
31 Kedamath; Jyotir Linga Shiva temple
32 Gangotri; Goddess Ganga temple
32 '
33 Yamnotri; source of holy Yamuna river, Shani Prayag temple
34 Almora; temples of Kasar Devi, Jageshwar, Baijnath, Dwarahat, Bageshwar
35 Mt. Nanda Devi; sacred mountain
36 Vrindavan; numerous beautiful Krishna temples
37 Allahabad; Sangam Bath river site
38 Varanasi / Banaras; numerous temples, ghats and pilgrimage circuits
39 Saranath; Buddhist holy place
40 Kushinagar; Holy site where Buddha passed away
41 Gaya; Vishnupada temple
42 Bodh Gaya; Site where Buddha attained enlightenment
43 Raj agriha / Rajgir; Vulture Peak Buddhist site
44 Baidyanath; Shiva Jyotir linga
45 Mt. Parsanath; Jain temple
46 Tarakeswar; Tarakanath temple
47 Navadip; Dhameswara Shri Chaitanya temple, Devananda Gaudiya Math
48 Tarapith; Shakti Pitha temple
49 Calcutta; Kalighat temple and Dakshineshwar
50 Gauhati; Kamakhya Shakti temple
51 Puri; Jaganath temple
52 Srisailam; Jyotir linga and Shakti Pitha temples
53 Tirupati; Govindaraja and Padmavathi temples
54 Tiruttani; Subrahmanya hill top temple
55 Kanchipuram; numerous pilgrimage temples
56 Tiruvanamalai; Mt. Arunachala and Tiruvanamalai temple
57 Chidambaram; SabhanayakaNataraja Shiva temple
328
One of these sacred sites is Puri, the abode of Lord Jagannatha who occupies the
core area of the town surrounded by several deities at the border forming the sacred circle of a
cosmic map called a mandala. Puri is such a sacred space which condenses the whole of India into
a great sacred circle, a geographical mandala.
CONCEPT OF SACRED SPACE IN PURI:
It is believed that the land of Puri is so infused with the divinity of Jagannatha that
a fistful of sand from the seashore is worth a lifetime’s earnings. The correlation of material wealth
with spirituality typifies the temple’s cosmology and worldview, where property, power, ritual and
privileges are linked and energized by a dynamic of sacredness. “When the sacred manifests itself
in any hierophany”, writes Mircea Eliade, “there is not only a break in the homogeneity of space;
there is also revelation of absolute reality, opposed to the non reality of the vast surrounding
universe”24. The revelation of the sacred orients the surrounding space, imbuing it with a sense of
order. On the contrary, “profane ^’’space is homogenous and relative, a conglomerate of “neutral
spaces” where man lives and moves, governed by the ever-changing needs of a secular society.
The city with its divine inhabitants may be likened to the symbolic structure of the mandala. In a
religious or ritual sense, a mandala is a sacred circle that represents the entire universe, its powers,
its inter relations and its grounding centre. A mandala may be painted on canvas, like the vibrant,
teeming mandalas of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition. It may be drawn in the dust of the earth, as are
the rituals circles of the tantrie tradition. A mandala may be constructed in architecture, as in the
symbolic worlds of the Buddhists stupa or the Hindu temple. And a mandala may be envisioned in
the divine plan of a city, as in Puri. All such mandalas share a common symbolic structure. They
show the plan of the entire universe, with its galaxies and its Gods. The borders of the universe are
guarded by fearsome and protective deities. The orientation of the world is emphasized by the
presence of the four or eight directions, who stake out its furthest limits. And at the centre of the
mandala it is a particular God or a particular Buddha who like the still centering- point of the
architect’s compass, grounds the ever-turning, ever-changing multiple world of the periphery. Puri
town with all its divine inhabitants is one such mandala or sacred circle.
24. Mircea Eliade, “The Sacred and the Profane”, New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World, Inc, 1959,p 21.
25. Yaaminey Mubayi’s, “Altar Of Power: The Temple and the State in the Land of
Jagannatha” ,2005, Manohar Publishers, Delhi, p 191
329
INDEX 6. GARUDA 15. PADA PADMA
PILLAR
1. SRI 16. JAGYAMBATA
JAGANNATHA 7. BHOGAMANDAP
TEMPLE (SRI A 17. SATYANARAYA
MANDIR) N
8. KALPABATA
2. SRIKETRASWA 18. SAKSHIGOPINA
RI BIMALA 9. ROHINIKUNDA TH
3. SRI 10. BATA GANESH 19. JAY-VIJAY

MAHALAKSMI
11. UCHISTHA 20. BHETAMANDAP
4. UTTAR DURGA GANAPATI A
5. BATA 12. SARASWATI 21. PAKASALA

MANGALA
13. NABAGRAHA 22. BARABHAI
HANUMAN
14. SURYA TEMPLE
330
23. NIRMALYA 43. BADACHDATA 63. KANDU
BANUMAN MATHA NRSIMHA
24. UPABANA 44. HAST! DWAR 64. PARVATISAGAR
25. RAMESWARAM 45. BHYAGRADWA 65. SRI

R LOKANATHA
26. CHAKRA
NARAYAN 46. ASWADWAR 66. JAMESVARA
27. CHATIJRDHAAM 47. PRAHARI 67. BASEL!

HANUMAN
28. KANPATA 68. KOPALAMOCHA
HANUMAN 48. CHHAUNI NA
MATHA
29. NILADRI VIH AR 69. MANIKARNIKA
49. ARUNA SAROVAR
30. BAYUBESWARA STAMBHA
70. VARAHI
31. ADAGDHA 50. JAGANNATHA
SILALILATA BALLAVA 71. SHYAMAKAU
MATHA
32. KOILA 72. SANKARACHAR
BAIKUNTHA 51. NARENDRA YA MATHA
33. TAPOSHI PUSHKARINI

73. MUKTASH1LA
HANUMAN 52. VISHVESHWARI
74. SWETAGANGA
34. ANANDA 53. DOLAVEDI TANK
BAZAAR
54. MAKARDHWAJ 75. UDRESWARA
35. DEVSNANAMAN AHANUMAN ASHRAM
DAPA
55. ALAMBADEVI 76. DAKHINAKALI
36. CHAHANAMAN
DAPA 56. ATHARANALA 77. SIDDHA
BAKULA
37. BAISI 57. BHERGABI MATHA
PAHACHCHA RIVER
78. NARAYANI
38. KASHI 58. SAPTAMATRUK
BISWANATH A 79. SODASAPUTRI
39. FATE 59. MARKANDESW 80. CHARCHIKA

HANUMAN ARA TANK DEVI
40. PATITAPABAN 60. MARKAANDES 81. MAUSIMA

WARA
41. SIN (illAD WAR 82. CHAKRATIRTH
61. PANDUASHRAM A
42. MEGHNAD A
PACHERI 62. NIKUMBHILA 83. GUNDICHA
BATA TEMPLE
331
84. ADINRSIMHA 87. SIDDHA 92. BADADANDA
TEMPLE HANUMAN
93. SARADA BALI
85. NILAKANTHA 88. BILESWAR
94. MUKTIMANDAP
86. IN D RADYUMNA 89. MUKTESWAR A
SAROVAR
90. batamangala 95. MAHADODHI
91. KAPOTESWAR 96. SWARGADVAR
SACRED MANDALA/ZONES
INKER TEMPLE COMPOUND
SEAT OF LORD JAGANNATHA
FEMALE DEITIES SURROUNDING THE LORD INSIDE THE TEMPLE COMPOUND
MALE FEMALE DEITIES (DOMINANCE OF MOTHER GODDESSES AND THEIR SONS)
MALE AND FEMALE DEITIES (DOMINANCE OF MALE GODS AND THEIR CONSORTS)
OUTER TEMPLE COMPOUND
SEVERAL MIXED DEITIES
OUTER BOUNDARY OF THE TEMPLE COMPOUND
DOMINANCE OF MALE DEITIES SURROUNDING THE TEMPLE COMPOUND FROM

OUTSIDE
DOMINANCE OF FEMALE DEITIES
The sacred circles formed by the male and female deities both inside and outside the temple
compound surround Lord Jagannatha and dins creating a sacred space in Pari.
332
The holy town of Puri is conceptualized as a conch-shell (sankha), which is
one of Visnu’s symbols. This conch-shell is said to extend partly into the sea and to consist of
seven concentricfolds, the innermost of which is the platform or bedi on which the main Gods of
the temple stands. This area is about 6kms (5 Koshas) of which nearly 3.2kms (1 Koshas) is
submerged in the sea. The other six folds are guarded by sets of Shiva and Durga and include holy
bathing places, hermitages, trees and the sea.(Fig 7.2)
All these places fall into the luminal category of tirthas or fords, where a
“crossing over is possible”. The pilgrims, the residents of Puri, the temple servants and along with
them, the images of the Gods and their weapons circumbulate these folds of the town on certain
fixed dates. For example, every year on the fifth day of the bright fortnight of the Hindu month
Magh (Oct-Nov) a festival called Sriksetra Parikrama takes place, which celebrates the birth of the
conch-shell of Visnu. Sriksetra literally means “the holy field” and refers to the temple town
having the shape of a conch shall, while Parikrama means the act of walking around a holy space
in a specific route.
The participants of this approximately 25Km long walk around the town are the
members of different math as, who move in groups consisting of the devotees of a particular sect.
The participants walk barefoot from sunrise to sunset in a circular and clockwise movement
around Puri, always keeping their right side towards the Jagannatha temple. They halt at certain
monasteries, hermitages and temples located in the fields and in the villages. If the sacred
institution belongs to their own sect, they receive food, which is first being offered to the Gods by
the monks. The temples visited by the participants are mostly dedicated to Shiva and
Mahavira.(FIG 7.3)
Both Gods are regarded as protectors of the seven layers of the town and
therefore their shrines are distributed like watch posts along the border of Puri. In the centre of the
Ksetra lies Jagannatha temple on a hillock called Nilgiri and eight Shiva temples guarding the
eight quarters (Sahis) radiating from it. The hillock is called Nilgiri where the temple stands
(popular belief) and Bada Danda (GT Road) connecting to Sri Gundicha temple being the spine
and the bottom of sankha and Lokanatha (Shiva) is being the top portion of the sankha.
The broad end of the Sankhasetra lies to the west where the temple of
Lokanatha is located and on the tail end (i,e in the east) the temple of Nilakantha is located. The
devotees walk from one temple to the next and show their respect to the Gods. This movement can
be interpreted as a creation of a magical circle around the town which literally gives “birth” to the
conch shell. From a sociological point of view this festival has several meanings. Like the border
itself, the participants, who have become temporary aesthetics, and the hermitages and monasteries
visited by them, are characterized by liminality. The movement along the border establishes a
333
SACRED STRUCTURE OF SANKHASETRA
LOKANATHA
TEMPLE
BHERGABI RIVER
MUKTESWAR
KAPOTESWAR
INDRADYUMNA
BALESWAR
FIG 13
------ SACRED PATH LEADING TO THE CREATION OF SANKHASETRA
^ SOME SACRED SAIVA SITES WHICH FORMS THE SANKHASETRA
• TEMPLES SPREAD ALL ALONG THE TOWN
334
community between the devotees of a particular sect and between the different sects. The most
important effect, however, is the distinction between an inner and an outer space. The inner realm
has a higher value, because it is associated with the city of the Gods and the right side, while the
outer space is linked to the world of the humans and the left side. The religious town extends from
the point core (temple of Lord Jagannatha) and forms an entire web of settlement. The movement
plays a vital role in the form of
----- Circumbulation around the centre
------ Linear movements or ceremonial paths
This concept of sacred Circumbulation is also a part of the ritual in Puri town. It touches
the entire set of guardian deities of the town, and in the process, the shape of the sankha or conch
shell is derived. The sacred circumbulatory path in town of Puri is:
---- Lokanatha
---- Moving along the banks of River Bhergabi
---- Mukteswar
---- Kopoteswar
—Northern compound of Indradyumna
—Baleswar
---- Bay of Bengal
---- Sea Beach of Chakratirtha
---- Then again reaching Lokanatha. (FIG 7.4)
Other folds of the city are marked by processions of sacred images and objects, in
particular by Nrsimha and Sudarshana. They can be classed as linear movements in the town
mainly in the form of sacred ceremonial paths. These paths usually signify the movement of Gods,
people or material during the festival time.
The significant sacred ceremonial paths of Puri town are:
Bada Panda: the Bada Danda or the Grand Road is the path connecting the Jagannatha temple
with the Gundicha. This is the road of Ratha Yatra. Bada Danda is physically the main spine of the
city of Puri where all types of socio-economic activities takes place.
335
SANKHASETRA YATRA OF THE TOWN
▲ LOKANATHA TEMPLE
▲
LORD JAGANNATHA TEMPLE JAMESVARA TEMPLE
A KOPALAMOCHANA TEMPLE
▲
MARKANDESWARA TEMPLE
A KAPOTESWAR ^ MUKTESWAR A BALESWAR
O SIDHYA MAHABIR TEMPLE BEDI HANUMAN TEMPLE
338
The path connecting Lokanatha with Jagannatha is another important sacred path. This path is
used by the image of Jagannatha (Sudarshana) to visit Shiva at Shiva Ratri night.
The path connecting Jagannatha to Swargadwara: This path consists of many subsidiary
shrines associated with Jagannatha. Each fortnight the images of Lord Jagannatha visit these
temples to eat Prasad.
Another important ceremonial path is the path connecting Jagannatha to Narendra Pushkarini.
This path is used during Chandana Yatra.(FIG 7.5)
All these ceremonies are mainly marked as told before by the movement of
idols, in particular, that of Nrsimha and Sudarshana. In three different nights the wooden pillar
called Sudarshana is carried through Puri to some or all of the four ancient hermitages that are
located in the four cardinal directions of the town. Accompanied by a small group of Daitas
(temple sevaks) and carried by a low sub caste of Brahmins, Sudarshana first circumbulate the
space between the inner and outer wall of the Jagannatha temple and then moves clockwise
through different parts of the town. Like the participants of the Sriksetra Parikrama (encircling),
He accepts food from temples of Shiva and Durga, from monasteries and from temple sevaks. In
this way He joins the individual paths and residents of the town to a spatial and social whole,
whose centre is the Jagannatha Temple. Like in the case of the festival of the Sriksetra Parikrama,
one of these circumbulations is associated with the birth of the divine -being, in this case with the
God Balabhadra. (FIG 7.6)
Other circular movements include the festival of Nrsimha on his birthday or of

the lion God of cholera, Badi Nrsimha, during the rainy season, when epidemics are frequent. All
these rituals are supposed to protect the encircled space from evil forces that attack from outside;
that they create a higher valued inner realm; that they join places associated with hermits, ascetics
and Gods to frame a border; that they stress the social bonds between the participants and between
the people and the spaces of the deities; and that they are connected with either diseases or the
birth of divine beings.
These associations between Nrsimha, the wooden pillar, diseases and birth,
allow us to understand two circumbulations that take place during Nabakalebara (rebirth of the
wooden images of the trio). After the holy trees from the forest reach Puri, one piece of wood is
selected and becomes the focus of the Vedic sacrifice carried out by the Brahmins for lOdays
within the precincts of the Jagannatha temple. What happens at the end of the sacrifice is kept
secret, and can only be reconstructed with the few details. At night before the new moon, after the
temple has been purified and closed for the public, the selected piece of wood called Nyasa Daru is
placed on a small cart made by the carpenters of Puri. This cart is then pulled by the Daitapati
337
SACRED CEREMONIAL ROUTES OF THE TOWN
FIG 7.5
SACRED CEREMONIAL PATH CONNECTING JAGANNATHA TEMPLE WITH
— LOKANATHA TEMPLE — SWARGADWARA ROAD
--------- NARENDRA PUSHKARINI __ GUNDICHA TEMPLE

☆
JAGANNATHA TEMPLE
within the limits of the inner wall either three or seven times around the temple. Next day, this
Nyasa Daru is given to the carpenters who cut it into four pieces. At night, everybody, except the
Daitapati, has to leave the temple. The Daitapati then fixes the four pieces of the Nyasa Daru into
the new idols. These at that time, consists only of the raw wooden “skeleton”.
After this the main statue is carried by the Daitapati three times around the main
shrine inside the inner wall, before they are placed next to the old images that stand in a special
chamber. There, the exchange of the life substance takes place. The meaning of this
circumbulation is the following-
First, it is clear that the exchange of the life substance is a dangerous event, which
must be well protected. Therefore, everybody except the persons concerned has to leave the
temple, the doors are closed, the compound is purified and the Nyasa Daru is carried around the
shrine, where the exchange will take place. The Nyasa Daru is being sanctified by the Brahmins
through Sanskrit verses with many different Gods, but first and foremost with the lion God.
Nrsimha, who killed the demon Hiranyakasipu, as this legendary act shows, He is the suitable God
to control demonic forces. Since all pieces of wood brought from the forest are column shaped, the
Nyasa Daru probably resembles the wooden pillar Sudarshana and Nrsimha, who according to the
legend appeared in the pillar.
Second, the whole event has a marked luminal character. The participants are
temporarily excluded from the rest of the society and they are joined in an association that exists
only in contexts when the Gods are ill, are soon to die or are being removed from their thrones.
The circumbulation takes place at night and is kept secret. The objects like the Nyasa Daru and the
new images have not yet reached their final form and they are associated with Nrsimha, who
according to the legend is half man and half lion and who killed the demon on the threshold of the
house between day and night.
Third and most important in this context, the place encircled is a realm of
transition, because the life substance will be exchanged inside the temple. The rebirth of the Gods
is achieved by the combined efforts of the Daitas, Brahmans and the carpenters. According to
different legends, at first a single piece of wood appeared which was later shaped into four images
by the “maker of the universe”, Biswakarma. This original transformation is obviously re-enacted
when the Nyasa Daru is cut into four pieces by carpenters, who are said to be the descendants of
Biswakarma.
The analysis can be summed up by saying that circumbulation creates an

asymmetric relation between inner and outer folds of space. In the context of the Nabakalebara,
when the Gods are said to die, the impure and highly auspicious relation between Daitas and
340
Brahmans are given highest value. Several aspects of these two movements during Nabakalebara
are in opposition to circumbulations in other ritual contexts. This reversal of ritual practices
indicated a change at the ideological level. For example, the circular.movements during
Nabakalebara do not involve beautiful anthropomorphic idols but half finished images or wooden
posts of tribal origin. While many circumbulations of metallic Hindu idols take place during the
day, the movements of Sudarshana, the Nyasa Daru and the “wooden skeletons” of the new images
take place at night. The centre of the circumbulation during Nabakalebara is a place, where the
Daitapatis are supposed to worship the Gods in a tribal fashion by offering them food first tasted
by them. Offering impure leftovers to Gods is just the opposite of the regular form of worship. On
the lower, encompassed level, impurity gets a higher value than purity.
The second important concept of space is identifiable in the rituals of the

Nabakalebara. For most of the year Jagannatha resides in his temple, with his brother, sister and
two wives. But once in a year, in the month of Asadh (June-July), He leaves his consorts behind,
and along with His brother and sister goes on a journey to Gundicha temple (Ratha Yatra festival),
which is about 3kms north east of the main temple. Close to the Gundicha is the shrine of Nrsimha.
In the past, the Gods, who are placed in a wooden chariot during their journey, had to cross-a river
before reaching the Gundicha temple. The river which has completely vanished, divided the total
area in to two opposite realms. (FIG7.7a) On one hand, there is the kingdom of the lion God
Nrsimha, whose temple is thought of as the place of the original sacrifice that caused the first
appearance of the Daru. According to the different oral and written legends, the first wooden
images were made by the carpenter God Biswakarma on the platform which is identified by the
local priests within the present Gundicha temple. It is empty throughout the year, except during the
Car festival and traditionally it is conceived of as a place of demons and wild beasts. On the other
hand there is the kingdom of Jagannatha whose temple is the symbol of a well ordered cosmos.
This dual classification of space is appeared to be reduced in the Nabakalebara in two ways. First
the procession of the participants to the northern forest and back to the Jagannatha temple
resembles the journey of the Gods to the Gundicha temple and back to this main shrine. Second the
compound of the Jagannatha temple is divided into two areas which correspond to the spatial
division of Puri in the car festival.
When the four holy trees reach the Jagannatha temple, they are taken to a north
western compound which is located between the inner and the outer wall. This place is locally
known as the “Koila Baikuntha”, which can be translated, as “the place where one gets
emancipation”. It consists of a spacious garden with trees and creepers. Where the area around the
Gundicha temple is separated from the rest of Puri by a river, this garden is set apart from the rest
of the temples with high walls. (FIG 7.7b) Only the Vedic Brahmans, the Daitapati, the carpenters
and some assistants are allowed to enter the compound.
341
TWO SEPERATE SPACES: THE PURE WORLD DEPICTED BY THE TEMPLE OF
LORD JACANNATHA AND THE IMPURE WORLD REPRESENTED BY THE
GUNDICHA TEMPLE.
IMPURE WORLD
FIG 7.7a
312
MENTAL MAP CONSTRUCTED ON THE BASIS OF ORAL TRADITIONS
BRAHMAGIRI
ROAD
FIG 7.7b
PURE WORLD REPRESENTED BY THE TEMPLE OF LORD JAGANNATHA
H IMPURE WORLD CREATED BY THE TEMPLE OF GUNDICHA
THE MYTHICAL RIVER WHICH IS KNOWN TO HAVE SEPARATED THE TWO
WORLDS
343
Like the Gundicha temple the garden is not the focus of any ritual activity. But
during Nabakalebara it becomes a place where the basic wooden images are prepared, the fire
sacrifice is performed and the old idols are buried. Just as the Gundicha temple forms part of the
Nrsimha kingdom, so this wilderness, when becoming the centre of ritual attention, is being
transformed into a territory, controlled by the lion God Nrsimha.(FIG 7.8)This wilderness does not
only reproduce the opposition between Gundicha temple and the Jagannatha temple, but between
the forests, (where the trees are spotted and first worshipped by the Daitas), and the highly ordered
town of Puri. This becomes obvious, when the characteristics of both the places are considered.
Thus, the Darn should stand close to a cremation ground and to a Shiva and or a Durga temple; it
should be surrounded by holy trees and guarded by snakes.
The Koila Baikuntha contains the burial place of the old images of the Gods,
which is watched by a female deity called Samsan Chandi or the “Goddess of the cremation
ground”. Next to the burial place, holy trees and creepers like Sahada and Saali grow. (FIG
7.9)According to one newspaper report dated 17th July 1996 (Sambad), snakes were seen in the
garden when the temple servants started digging a hole for the burial of the old Gods. To sum up
all three places, the Gundicha temple, the Koila Baikuntha and the area of the Neem tree in the
forest, have three things in common: first they are wild spaces in opposition to the ordered cosmos,
second they are populated by Daitas i,e tribal descendants and demons, and third they are ruled by
Nrsimha and therefore suitable for sacrifices.
Within the Koila Baikuntha, the territory is again divided into two realms. One
is the house of sacrifice, called “jaga sala”, the other one is the house of construction, and referred
to as “karusala”. The former house, where the Vedic Brahmans performed their sacrificial
oblations and incarnations, is separated from the Karusala by a wall made of bamboo. In the latter
house, the carpenters work under the instructions of the Daita, who possess documents containing
the exact measurements of the divine bodies. Daita and Badhei (carpenter caste), are of low social
status and their duties are considered to have inauspicious effects. It is said that anybody apart
from Daitas and Badheis if see the Gods in this state will immediately go blind.
The Gods are described as looking terrible with appearance of a “bajra lepa”,
i,e a body struck by lightning. Thus, while the relatively impure temple servants carry out
inauspicious works in the Karusala, the pure Brahmans perform auspicious rituals in the sacrificial
pavilion on the opposite side of the bamboo wall. All other pure and auspicious works also take
place at this side of the screen, like the worship of Laksmi-Nrsimha by the Pati Mahapatra, the
bath of the Nyasa Darn etc.
344
THE PRESENCE OF TWO SEPARATE SPACES WITHIN THE TOWN OF PURI;
THE TEMPLE DEPICTING THE PURE WORLD SURROUNDED BY THE IMPURE

WORLD REPRESENTED BY THE TEMPLE OF LORD NRS1MHA
\XBHARATIPLIR/^ J5ALUKHAND NO 109

KASIHARIPU^,J lO'^ ' T" ^
PURI TO GOP
/ ROAD
RESERVE
BRAHMAGIRI \
ROAD \
FOREST
SAMANG 94 )
30 '
ITI \ SANSKRIT \
university
Irrigation
nmrr ^
.HOSTEL
BAY OF
BENGAL
SIPASURlÛLI
SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 0.12KM
FIG 7.8
345
PURE AND IMPURE SPACES WITHIN THE TEMPLE OF LORD JAGANNATHA
1CM REPRESENTS 0.3KM
ZONE OF LORD NRSIMHA (KOILA BAIKUNTHA); AREA OF DEATH (IMPURE WORLD INSIDE
THE TEMPLE)
ZONE OF LORD JAGANNATHA (PURE WORLD)
FIG 7.9
346
THE PLAN OF A PART OF JAGANNATHA TEMPLEtA ROUGH SKETCH)
SUAR-MAHASUAR NIJOGA
1= JAGAMANDAPA
2=SNANA GHAR
3= KALASA MANDAPA
4= LAKSMI MANDAPA
5= ANKURAROPONA
6= KARUSALA
7= SAMADH1
8= SIALI-CREEPERS 9= DARU GHARA 10= BAMBOO WALL; 11= SAHADA TREE

AND SAMSHAN CHAND1; B=BALABHADRA SU= SUBHADRA J= JAGANNATHA; S=
SUDARSHANA; J/S= JAGANNATHA AND SUDARSHANA
The bamboo screen divides the compound along the north-west/ south east
axis. Thus, the sacrificial pavilion is located in the south east of the Koila Baikuntha and the house
of construction in the North West. (FIG 7.10a and 7.10b) The logic behind this spatial layout
becomes clear when we look at the organization of the temple complex. In the south east comer of
the Jagannatha temple we find the kitchen (pakashala). where enormous amount of food is
prepared everyday. This is the direction of the fire God, Agni, and the fire used in the oven is said
to be the same since the construction of the temple. The house of construction, on the other hand,
is situated in the north western part of the garden. This equals to the position of tire garden in the
north western part of the temple compound. The north west is associated with the God Bayu(the
wind), who is the forest God per excellence, a protector and guide of forest creatures and the forest
counterpart of the God Agni. It therefore corresponds to the overall order that the sacrificial
pavilion where food is prepared and offered to the fire is situated to the south east of the garden,
while the place where the wooden deities are constructed by carpenters and the forest people
(Daitas) is situated in the Northwest. To sum up, the dual classification of space characterizes the
micro and the macro levels, corresponds to the social hierarchy of pure and impure castes and
RELIGIOUS SPACES WITHIN JAGANNATHA TEMPLE
FIG 7.10a
KOILA BAIKUNTHA REPRESENTING THE BURIAL GROUND
IN THE NORTH WEST
HOUSE OF CONSTRUCTION LOCATED TO THE NOTH WEST OF THE KOILA
BAIKUNTHA (ZONE OF GODDESS BAYU)
o KITCHEN (REPRESENTING THE ZONE OF FIRE GOD AGNI WHO IS
CONSIDERED AS A COUNTERPART OF GOD BAYU.
FEMALE GODDESS SURROUNDING LORD JAGANNATHA

9 MALE GODS SURROUNDING LORD JAGANNATHA
O SEAT OF LORDJAGANNATHA
□ NRSIMHA TEMPLE O GUNDICHA TEMPLE
SACRED WATER BODIES
318
DIFFERENT SPACES WITHIN THE .JAGANNATHA TEMPLE:
148
“Li
30
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6
• »
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41 “V *
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-L1?
166
164
""El:Id! :18
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82
250
P5!
ri- Se Q.241
D ZONE OF GOD BAYU (WIND)

SITUATED ON THE NORTH
WEST CORNER
ZONE OF GOD AGNI (FIRE) ON THE
SOUTH EAST CORNER
LORD JAGANNATHA SEATED IN THE

CENTRE SEPARATING THE TWO WORLDS
349
distinguishes between peaceful life preserving deities, on the one hand, and dangerous wild Gods
that protect and destroy on the other.
This sacred space is conceptualized within the temple as well as the town with
ritualistic fervor. Outside the temple various complexes and routes have been categorized and
created as sacred, by the inhabitants of the place (sahi people). Utilization of the sacred space can
be well explained in regards to the car festival of Lord Jagannatha.
RATH YATRA AND THE SACRED SPACE OF THE CITY:
The reference to Car festival is available in various religious scriptures like those
of the Buddhists, Jains and Hindus. Many scholars consider Jagannatha as a Buddhist deity. It is
generally believed that the temple was built on a Buddhist pagoda. The car festival according to
General Cunningham is the once-conscious reproduction of the tooth festival of the Buddhists.
Puri was probably the place where the famous tooth relic of Buddha was worshipped and it is
believed that the wooden image of Jagannatha. contains these relics. The Jagannatha cult is the
universal cult and not caste specific. The many rituals of Jagannatha is handled by Daitas who
claim to be the descendants of Viswabasu, the tribal who first worshipped Him.(FIG 7.11)
The precise time when the Grand festival of Ratha Yatra started as part of
Jagannatha cult is not known. It is believed that during the reign of Anangabhima Deva, when the
temple was renovated, the concept of Ratha Yatra was propagated. The entire Ratha Yatra was
symbolic humanization of God. This annual festival has now acquired a grand scale and has
become the identity of the town of Puri. The most splendid of the innumerable festivals celebrated
round the year in the holy city of Puri, the Ratha Yatra is the grand culmination of a series of
celebrations spread over the summer and the monsoon months.
Each year three new chariots (Ratha) are constructed for the car festival.
Construction of chariots begins on the day of Akshay trutiya (April). Near the entrance of the
temple complex, the assembling of chariots begins. About 175 carpenters including helping
assistants and specialist team of carpenters who have hereditary rights to build the chariots start the
carpentry work of different parts of the chariots along Bada Danda. The construction of chariots
completes in two months time.
The Grand Road is the most populous road of the town whose morphology and
entire planning changes during the Ratha Yatra festival. The construction of the chariots starts near
the southern side of the main entrance to the temple i,e Singhadwar (Lions Gate). (FIG 7.12) The
logs of wood are stored at different go downs along the Bada Danda, after purification acts. The
shops which are present on both sides of the roads are temporarily shifted and many are closed to
350
RATHA YATRA FESTIVAL AND THE TOWN
GUNDICHA
TEMPLE
K.UMBHAPADA
NOR A PDBHKARI RAMCHANDISAHI
MANGALASAHI BA LAGANDIS AHI
WOMEN’S COLLEGE
GRAND ROAD
SHOPS ARff
TEMPORARILY SHIFTED
JW.GANNATH
t\mple A MOST IMPACTED AREA
RESTRICTION IN HEAVY VEHICULAR

MOVEMENT
ENTRY TO THE TEM
HAMPERED
MAJOR AREAS OF SETTLEMENT CONCENTRATION
Figure 7. 11
351
STORAGE OF WOOD FOR CHARIOT BUILDING ACTIV ITIES
GRANQ.fiOAD
HADGADIASAB1
CARPENTRY ACTIVITIES ARE COfÊNTRA
PATHURAJ SAW
PAPUDIA
TEMPT, E
SUAR SAW I
OFLORD
JAGANNATHA
LOCATION AND ASSEMBLAGES OF CHARIOTS
KHUNTIA SAW
Figure7.12
352
clear the roads for construction works. Restrictions are imposed on the movement of heavy
vehicles and the temple area becomes heavily crowded. Many small pujas and festivals are carried
on in many of the sahis before the Ratha Yatra. The carpenter builds different parts of the chariot
separately and assembles the whole near the main entrance. Specific rituals are performed in all
comers of the road before the chariots are brought. The chariots are placed along the south eastern
part of the temple after a sacred ceremony is performed there. They are constructed along the
North West part of the temple. This same pattern of construction is followed in the Temple of the
Lord Jagannatha, during the Nabakalebara festival. During this time the wooden Gods are also
constructed along the north western part of the temple, just like the rathas which are constructed on
the north western part. Thus the entire town planning is guided and executed in consideration to
the festivals of the Lord and the temple is one of the most'important parameters in determining the
morphology of Puri town. All the festivals of the Lord are intimately related to one another and
whatever activities are carried on inside the temple is also carried on outside the temple in different
parts of the town, influencing and changing its morphology in every occasion.
HOLINESS AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE: UTILIZATION OF SACRED SPACE;
The festival is also known as the Gundicha Yatra, Ghosa Yatra, Navadina
Yatra, Dasavatara Yatra and by a variety of other names. For the devoted and believers, it is
considered the most auspicious occasion A glimpse of the Vamana, the dwarf form, an incarnation
of Lord Jagannatha, is sine to ensure emancipation and release from the cycle of birth and death.
Yatra is an essential part of the ritual of the Hindu system of worship. Yatra literally means travel
or journey. Normally, it is the representative deities of temples more popularly known as Utsava
Murti in south and Chalanti Pratima or Bije Pratima in Orissa, partake in these journeys. The Yatra
for the Ritual Journey takes two forms - one involving the short circumbulation around the temple
and other involving a longer journey from the temple to some other destination. The Yatra is
considered as an important part of festivities and ceremonies of each temple and is considered as a
special and sacred occasion. Ratha Yatra being unique among all Yatras is the grandest festival of
the supreme divinity who has manifested himself in the Kali Yuga to emancipate humanity and to
relieve them from their sufferings. Lord Jagannatha is identified fully with Krisna, In his original
manifestation as Nilamadhava, he was worshipped in a sacred Nyagrodha Briksha or banyan tree.
The branches of the tree had spread for several miles and any one entering this area was instantly
emancipated and was relieyed of the travails of the birth and re-birth. In fact, the influence of
Yama, the God of Death, is supposed to have been curtailed in the sacred city of Puri - Sriksetra
on account of the presence of Lord Jagannatha and therefore it is also called the Yamanika Tirtha.
353
A glimpse of Lord Jagannatha on the chariot is considered to be very
auspicious and saints, poets and scriptures have repeatedly glorified the sanctity of this special
festival. The sanctity of the festival is such that even a touch of the chariot or even the ropes with
which it is pulled is considered enough to confer the results of several pious deeds or penance for
ages. In fact, there is a famous Oriya song which says that on this occasion, the chariot, the wheels,
the grand avenue all become one with Lord Jagannatha himself.
The Ratha Yatra festival to a great extent affects the city life of Puri town. It is
the major festival of the town which takes place along the Bada Danda Road (Grand Road) which
is the biggest and major road of the town. The Grand Road is the main hub of the town and
remains always crowded with shops, hotels as well as the pilgrims and locals. But during the Ratha
Yatra festival the entire area bears a new look. All the shops were temporarily shifted to make
room for the free movement of the Chariots. The Gundicha temple, where the Ratha Yatra ends is
located at the extreme end of the Grand Road. This festival entirely alters the sacred space causing
morphological changes of the urban space. The congregation of people is noted along the
Gundicha temple and near the main temple of Lord Jagannatha. The highest gathering of people
can be seen near the Dolabedi near the Snana Mandapa, the place which is just a few minutes from
the temple of Lord Jagannatha, as one move towards the Gundicha temple along the Grand road.
(FIG 7.13) This sacred circumbulation of the trio along the Grand Road fulfills the essence of
Yatra as well as on the other hand provides an opportunity for the non Hindus to have a view of
Lord Jagannatha. The tooth festival of Lord Buddha in Kandi also resembles this festival which
also marks the utilization of the sacred space within the urban structure.
The movement of the Lords from their temples which resemble the pure world
into the sphere of the impure world (Gundicha temple) also shows a intermixing of two different
realms and enhances the sanctity and sacredness of the town.
SNANA YATRA FESTIVAL AND THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE TOWN:
Snana Yatra festival indicates the bath ceremony of Lord Jagannatha and the
entire area encircling the Grand Road attains a new look. Though not very popular like Ratha
Yatra, this festival greatly alters the physical space by changing its sacred realm. (FIG 7.14)
During this time the congregation of people is observed near the Snana Mandapa
located on the western comer of the Grand Road, where this festival is celebrated. Though not very
popular yet it had great religious significance. Though the shops are periodically shifted but this
shifting is restricted only to shops near the Snana Mandapa. The temple area which is the growth
pole as well as the major sacred hub is linked with various sites in order to evolve numerous sacred
spaces and to show their relationship with one another. Here the sacred space shifts from the
354
LOCATION OF RATHA AND CONGREGATION OF PEOPLE DURING RATHA YATRA
CONGREGATION OF PEOPLE DURING THE

FESTIVAL
SNANA MtfNDAPA
LOCATION OF RATHA
ip m**® MAIN ZONE OF

CONCENTRATION
OF THE CROWD
FIG 7.13
355
CONGREGATION OF PEOPLE DURNG SNANA PL RM.V1A
__
CONGREGATION OF PEOPLE DURING THE r
FESTIVAL [
\ m ■■ i —.....
SNANA MANDAPA GRAND
ROAD
MAIN ZONE OF
CONCENTRATION
OF THE CROWD
FIG 7.14
356
temple side towards the Snana Mandapa, leading to the creation of another sacred space
out there. The utilization of the various parts of the Grand Road for various festivals and the
respective arrangement of the shops, settlement, rest houses on the basis of it is a clearly indicates
that the religious factors solely controls the basic layout and pattern of the urban structure of Puri.
SAHIS: THE GUARDIAN OF THE SACRED COMPLEX OF PURI;
The sahis or the lanes of Puri are considered as the guardian of the sacred
complex and the sacred space of Puri. Each of the sahis has a headman who is known as a sahi
nayak. The nayaks of the sahis play an important role in organizing dance dramas and cultural
performances related to various themes of the sacred scriptures. Just as the sevaks of the
Jagannatha temple have specific duties to perform as codified in the Record of Rites, the nayak of
the sahis as well work on the order of the Gajapati King in their respective sahis. Here the entire
planning is made in accordance with the working of the Jagannatha temple. It has been pointed out
that the sahis which are located close to the Jagannatha temple are inhabited by the sevaks of the
temple and there are also minor temples, monastic houses, lodging houses, sacred trees and tanks,
youth organizations called Jagaghar and Akhadas scattered in different sahis throughout the town.
These nayaks of the Sahis work in order of the Gajapati king and on their advice they organize
Sahi Yatras to pay tribute to the Lord as well as the other subsidiary shrines spread all over the
town. The nayaks of the various sahis show their acts in front of the Gajapati king in Balisahi as
well as in front of the Jagannatha temple before starting the Sahi Yatra. So this Sahi Yatras are
linked to the temple of Lord Jagannatha.
The Sahi Yatra of Puri is partly militant but its theme is religious. Taking the
themes from the Ramayana, the Sahi Yatra is performed in the month of Chaitra (April) on the day
of Ramnabami. In fact in the true sense, the term ‘Sahi Yatra’ is a folk drama. The responsibility
of organizing these Sahi Yatras rests on the respective Akhadas and Jagagharas established in each
street. These street plays are characterized by various types of Odissi music and dance. Gotipua
dance and other acrobatic forms are also organized. The most attractive feature in Sahi Yatra is
the grand procession. This type of procession has close similarities with the Ramlila of Varanasi.
During these festivals fire works, lighting of torches and candles, singing of songs, beating of
drums are arranged along with the decorations of the places of worship. The star attractions in the
Yatra are the characters of the Rama, Ravana, Parsuram, Hanuman, Sugrib, Angad etc. The Sahi
Yatra is famous for its Naga and Medha dance. Naga symbolizes valour of the Orissan soldier,
while Medha dance of the Kalika preserve the classical dance form blended with marital arts and
techniques.
At present, there are about 80 units of skilled and trained youths under nine
important Akhadas located in Kalikadevi Sahi, Matrimandapa Sahi, Harachandi Sahi,
Markandeswar Sahi, Baseli Sahi, Kundhaibenta Sahi, Dolamandapa Sahi, Bali Sahi and
Goudabada Sahi of the city who participate in the play.
The sole aim of the festival (Mohatsav) is to present the hidden gloiy of the
long living tradition of the Sahis and put them in one platform to show the dramatic form of the
age-old living culture of Puri.
The sahis of Puri are conceptualized as sacred by the people and the sebayats of
the temple who utilize these areas and make these lanes and by lanes sacred by various sacred
ceremonies, rituals and customs, thereby extending the sacred space and creating a sacred urban
morphology.
The different sahis are not separate entities. They are connected with one another
in various ways. The seven principle sahis (mentioned before) perform this festival in relation with
one another. As per the system, one Sahi prepares an act and presents it in the streets of another
Sahi. Hundreds of youths exhibit their acting talent and physical skill during the progress of play
procession. The play starts from Kalikadevi Sahi that presents the act pertaining to the birth of
Rama, and another Sahi follows the next scene. On the Sahi Yatra day the procession proceeds to
the temple and after having a darshana of Lord Jagannatha adorned in Ramavesha (dressed as Lord
Rama) visits the various mathas and collects some contribution from each of them. They even visit
the other sacred shrines spread all round the various sahis to offer prayers and return back to their
respective sahis. (FIG 7.15)
This sacred circumbulation starting from the Jagannatha temple and then spreading
outwards to the various sahis reinforces the relationship that exists between the paramount deity
and the subsidiaiy shrines as well as the people of the town.(FIG 7.16) These mythic and ritualistic
relationships are responsible for preserving the sacred tradition of the town thereby shaping its
morphology on a spiritual basis. These cultural centres i,e the various sahis who host a number of
subsidiary shrines uphold their importance which has helped to conserve the sacred space outside
the realm of the Jagannatha temple.
Apart from these various small Yatras are also organized by these sahi people to
strengthen the cultural bonding between the people of the various sahis in the form of Dola Yatra,
Rakha Bandhan Yatra etc. (FIG 7.17) These various festivals and Yatras beginning from the core
area towards the surrounding land has been an attempt to bring the entire town under the sacred
complex of the temple. This will definitely help to increase the forces of the spread effect of the
centre and reduce the backwash effect of the ignorance area. This would ensure the economic
development of the town on the basis of its religious activities thereby evolving the concept of
economic space within the sacred space.
358
SAHI YATRAS OF THE TOWN
BRAHMAGIRI
ROAD
BALI SAHI---------* DOLAMANDAPA SAHI KUNDAIBENTASAHI
------------ HARACHANDI SAHI MARKANDESWARA SAHI
----------- MATIMANDAPA SAHI
FIG 7.15
SACRED SAHI YATRAS OF THE TOWN:
359
SOME SACRED SHRINESVtSITED BY THE SAHI PEOPLE DURING THEIR YATRAS
FIG 7.16
3G0
SACRED CEREMONIAL ROUTES OF PURI
FIG 7.17
RAKSHA BANDHAN YATRA — -RATHA YATRA
CHANDANA YATRA — DOLA YATRA
TEMPLE OF LORD JAGANNATHA
3 61
The central area where the urban structural development is very much satisfactory is
surrounded by the ignorance area which deserves a special mention as it also contributes to the
morphological growth of the town.
DEVELOPMENT OF IGNORANCE SURFACE IN PURI:
At Puri, the entire adjoining area around the temple has developed and prospered with
the growing popularity and progress of the temple of Lord Jagannatha. So the built area
surrounding the temple i,e the hotels, the shops etc have prospered greatly in comparison to other
parts of the town. Not only that, the temple of many subsidiary shrines which have sprung up all
round the main temple have earned popularity compared to the temples which are situated far
away from the main temple.
The great prosperity of the central area has its adverse effects as well. The shrines
situated at distant places away from the main temple have not gained popularity though they are
very much significant and no less important than the main temple. Not only that as one moves
towards the outer periphery the areas are hardly known by the people and are very much ignored.
(FIG 7,18)This ignorance surface increases as one moves away from the centre towards the outer
boundary of the town. The core and ignorance area also coincide with the pure and impure space
of Puri. (TIG 7.19 and 7.20)
Since the temple is the main source of income of the town, major thrusts are given to
the upliftment as well an improvement of this area whereas the area outside the core is totally
neglected and ignored.
The Shiva and Sakti shrines spread all over the town is considered to be the
protectors of the Universal Lord. So these temples are no less important in the religious cultre than
that of the Lord Jagannatha temple. The various temples of the guardian deities are compared with
that of the Jagannatha temple and perception graphs have been drawn by taking into consideration
the varying perception of the local people, tourists and pilgrims of Puri. Though the local people of
Puri knew about some of the temples, the tourists are totally unaware of them which can be
discerned from the lower trend of the perception curve. This basically shows the extent to which
these significant temples are neglected and faces pilgrim’s unpopularity. So it can be said that
these temples need special care and protection from the Government and other organizations to
preserve their glorious heritage. (FIG Ifl)
The graphs reveal the miserable conditions of these temples of Puri. Here it can be
said that these Gods have been regarded as the guardian deities of Lord Jagannatha (Shiva, Sakti
shrines). But these protector deities really are in desperate need of protection and preservation.
362
PERCEPTION OF THE TEMPLES OF PURI BY THE PILGRIM TOURISTS, LOCAL
PEOPLE AND TOURISTS
z 0 “ Hv mo 73mu
JAMBESWAR
LOKENATH
MARK ANDES WAR General Trend of

Perception Curve Pilgrim Local Tourist
KOPALAMOCHANA
tourist People
SWETGANGA DAKSHINAKALI -----------------------------------
INDRADYUMNA SYAMAKALI ------------------------------------
UTT ARAKALI
COMPARED WITH SHIVA SHRINES GUNDICHA -----------------------------------

NARENDRA-
PUSHKARIN ------------------------------------
RAMCHANDI
J HADES WARI -----------------------------------
COMPARED WITH SAKTI SHRINES

a.
uj
V.
N
O
0
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o
lii
a h_02
to
O
5
O
n
O
N
o
*■
°
General Trend of —I---------

Perception Curve Pilgrim Local Tourist
tourist People
BEDIA HANUMAN -----------
NURSINGHA ----------- COMPARED WITH OTHER
TOTAGOPINATH DEITIES
COMPARED WITH SAKTI SHRINE
FIG 7A
SOURCE: PRIMARY SURVEY 2007-

2008
BISESWARI
MARICHIKA
BARAH I
ALEI
PANOPRIYA
363
SPREAD OF THE SACRED SPACE FROM THE CENTRE TOWARDS THE PERIPHERY
AT PURI:
FIG 7.18
364
EXPANSION OF IGNORANCE SURFACE AT PURI
PURE AND IMPURE SPACE IN PURI:

■-^SHARATipUR / ÂLUKHAND
KASIHARIPU^,'' yji^S ~ '
PURI TO GOP
/ ROAD
BRAHMAGIRI :mple AFLWA

ROAD
SAMANG )
mangrtaghat ri
SANSKRIT!
UNIVERSIT
SWETAi
( 7 IsA Y OF
BENGAL
SIPASURI
THF. POPULAR AREAS REPRESENT THE PURE WORLD
IGNORANCE AREA REPRESENTS THE IMPURE WORLD
SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 0.12KM
3B5
Their preservation will really help to upgrade the standard of the town as well as maintain its
significance as a sacred space. (FIG 7.20)
Popularity zonation mapping is usually done to predict the most popular zone of a
given area, to find the actual area of influence of the town. At the temple town of Puri, the Lord
Jagannatha temple is centrally located and as we have already seen that the major economic
activities are all concentrated around this central region. Infact the entire urban spread occurs from
the centre. So it is understandable that the central area is the most popular portion of the town. To
prove this fact, popularity zonation mapping has been made which clearly shows as one move
away from the centre popularity gradually decreases and there has been increase in the ignorance
surface of the town. The pattern closely follows the distribution of pure and impure area as
well.(FIG 7.21)
SACRED URBAN MORPHOLOGY OF PURI:
If we consider the Sankhasetra as a mandala which comprise of several concentric

circles the morphology of the town can be conceptualized and analyzed from another perspective.
The temple of Lord Jagannatha which is the central point of the town and from
where growth of the entire town starts remains surrounded on all sides by several guardian deities.
In the temple of Jagannatha, the trio is placed at the centre of the temple and is surrounded on all
sides by various other deities. A close look at it will show that the three Lords are encircled by a
ring of female deities followed by a ring of male deities. These are Sakti and Shiva shrines that are
regarded as the protectors of Lord Jagannatha. At the temple compound, inside the sanctum one
can see the pictures of female as well as male deities on the walls which form a close circle
encircling the trio. Not only that, this arrangement of the sacred sites can also be seen in the entire
town.(FIG 7.22)
Likewise the temple of Lord Jagannatha, the temple itself is surrounded by eight
sacred circles spreading outwards from the core area;it comprises of Sakti and Shaiva shrines
which are placed at the peripheral zones creating a sacred circle protecting the temple of the
Universal Lord. The temples of the guardian deities are placed at nodal points in such a way that if
all these sacred shrines are joined it will create a sacred mandala guarding the main temple.
Thus the morphology of the town is organized on the basis of the eight sacred circles
or mandalas which cover the entire town with the temple at the centre. So the total town is a sacred
space with temples spreading evenly all over related to one another. The presence of these Shiva
and Sakti temples as well as the temple of Lord Hanuman and Nrsimha in the peripheral zones
truly indicate that the entire town morphology has evolved following the sacred hierarchy. The
3GB
POPULARITY ZONES OF PURI
POPULARITY ZONE
HIGH
MEDIUM
LOW
FIG 7.21
367
CREATION OF SACRED RING WITHIN THE SACRED URBAN SPACE:
@ KOPALAMOCHANA BATAMANGALA
f JAMESVAR A SYAMAKALI
# MARKANDESWARA A DAKSHINA KALI
Q YAJAN NRSIMHA Jk CHARCHIKA

0 LOKANATHA TEMPLE Jk MARICHCHA
• CHAKRA NRSIMHA Z\ UTTARA KALI
0 BED! HANGMAN Jk ALEI
0 ADI NRSIMHA LORD JAGANNATHA TEMPLE
d>MALE PROTECTORS C FEMALE PROTECTORS
FIG 7,22
368
construction of the temples of the guardian deities at the boundary zone reflects the creation of
sacred space according to religious systems. The entire planning of the town is based on religious
methods.
The sea which is situated as the boundary of the town is marked by the presence of the
temple of Lord Hanuman nearby, since it is believed that He restricts the entry of the sea water
inside the temple of Lord Jagannatha. Hence the temple of Bedia Hanuman (a Very important
temple of Puri) is located near the sea coast. The construction of all the temples is guided by
historical and religious myths which create valid and viable religious morphology of this sacred
site. (FIG 7.23)
The morphology of a town is usually guided by many principles such as

concentration of economic activity; availability of resources, capital etc; but here the religious
structure is the guiding principle behind the morphological set up of the town of Puri making it a
sacred urban space. It is because religion is the major capital generating resource at Puri.
All the major zones of economic activities are centered round the core area which
is considered as the most sacred location, followed by areas around the seashore, which is the
second most important sacred zone of the town. The sahis (colonies) are built in such a way that
they are connected with the core area and the sahis are also named after the Gods and
Goddesses.(FIG 7.24)
Every town is planned on the basis of certain parameters. The religious town of Puri
is planned on the basis of its religious parameters highlighting the sacred spots and connecting
those places with the main sacred area of the town. Thus the entire area can be thought of as a
sacred space created by the people, who considered this space to be holy, auspicious and sacred.
Thus the entire town morphology can be studied on the basis of the sacred space, which gives a
new identity to the town, as the greatest religious institution.
It’s very rare that the entire morphology of a town is developed on the basis of its
religious beliefs, which makes this place distinct from all other sacred sites. Every bit of planning
and arrangements of the town are made focusing on the temple of the Universal Lord Jagannatha.
Sacred Space is one of the modem concepts of space in geography. It is resultant

of interactions between physical space and mental construction influenced by the myths of the
area. The sacred space has a great impact on the culture, socio-economic conditions, food habits,
business etc. of the existing population. Sacred space also supports our oldest tradition of unity in
diversity by attracting pilgrims and tourist irrespective of caste and creed. So, Puri, one of the
369
HANUMAN TEMPLES SURROUNDING THE MAIN TEMPLE OF LORD JAGANNATHA
^ TAPASWI HANUMAN (NORTH GATE) ^ KANPATA HANUMAN (WEST GATE)
^ PHATE HANUMAN (EAST GATE) ^ PRAHARI HANUMAN (SOUTH GATE)
^ MAKARDHWAJA TEMPLE ^ SIDHYA MAHABIR TEMPLE
☆ BEDI HANUMAN TEMPLE
FIG 7.23
370
MAJOR ZONES OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITYAT PURI:
SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS Q.3KMS
MAJOR ZONES OF TOURISM INDUSTRY
GOVERNMENT SECTOR
FIG 7.24
371
important sacred spaces acts as an embodiment of the essence of the term “sacred geographical
space.” Its effect upon the physical and socio-cultural landscape is interesting.
It is observed that the signs and other symbols of worship such as tanks, trees etc
related to certain sectarian and ritualistic considerations are needed to be classified for
differentiating one from the other. If the various shrines and the figures spread along the entire
town are considered it can be said that they have a certain locational significance which also can
be related to certain sectarian and ritualistic considerations. Certain terms like “sacred centre”,
“sacred cluster” and “sacred segment” have been used to indicate firstly, the location of one
shrine in relation to the other and secondly for the precise analysis of the complexities of the
sacredness of Puri which shapes its morphology.
In the course of the geographical survey of the various shrines the smallest unit
of worship, represented by an image, river, tank, or tree can be referred to as “sacred centres”. A
sacred centre represents a single spot where a sacred performance takes place. Such a sacred centre
may be variously located. It may be isolated as observed in die case of the town of Puri, where the
various sarovars are spread in a haphazard manner. Though they exist in relative isolation with the
main sacred hub yet it follows a general pattern in its locational characteristics. The various sacred
sarovars can be seen evenly spread surrounding the main temple area (Markandeswara Sarovar in
the north, Narendra Pushkarini in the north east, Indradyumna in the east, Swetaganga Sarovar in
the south). These sacred centres are arranged in such a way as they are surrounding the main
sacred hub. (FIG 7.25)
But the sacred centres can also be seen in a cluster of many other sacred centres in its
adjacent neighbourhoods. Such arrangements can be observed in the case of a number of Shiva and
Sakti shrines temples which are observed in the various sahis of the town in and around the
isolated sarovars. The major Saiva shrines are the Lokanatha Temple in the west, Kopalamochana
temple in the south west, Jamesvara temple in the south, Kapoteswar in the east, Baleswar in the
north east, Mukteswar in the northern fringe and Markandeswara in the North. (FIG 7.22)
Simultaneously the Sakti shrines are also arranged in a similar pattern with the
Saiva shrines to uphold the glory of the female Goddesses. The various clusters of sacred Sakti
shrines that are observed in Puri are the Uttarakali temple in the north, Syamakali temple in the
south, Dakshina Kali and Alei temple in the south east, Charchika and Marichcha in the east,
Batamangala in the north west etc.(FIG 7.22)
This arrangement of the Shiva and Sakti shrines is a clear indication of the fact
that Puri was once a Saiva-Sakti pitha and the various temples of these Gods and Goddesses have
been constructed along the border areas of the town by the kings of the various dynasties in order
372
SACRED SAROVARS OF THE TOWN
O MARKANDESWARA SAROVAR [ J SWETAGANGA SAROVAR
O NARENDRA PUSHKARINI ^ J INDRADYUMNA SAROVAR
MAHADODHI OR THE SEA BEACH OF PURI
☆
LORD JAGANNATHA TEMPLE
FIG 7.25
373
to preserve the sacredness of these peripheral areas. In due course of time various local Goddesses
has been found to be intruded within this pantheon to evolve multifaceted cults within the sacred
framework of the town.
The central location of the Jagannatha temple shows that the Visnu cult was a
later imposition within the sacred pantheon of Puri and because of its immense popularity and
economic prosperity it had turned in to a sacred hub. To denote such a combination of sacred
centres around a dominant sacred centre, the term “sacred cluster” can be used. Usually such
sacred clusters are under a single set of priests. They may also be characterized by a single set of
sectarian deities. There are notable exceptions however to this rule.
In Puri we notice sacred centres devoted to Vaisnava-Saiva-Sakti cults. But non

Brahminical deities (Nrsimha and Hanuman cult) can also be found in addition to the Saiva and
Vaisnava deities. In a cluster of sacred centres, however, the form of worship is usually modified
according to the dominant sacred hub. For example, since the Vaisnava cult is the dominant sacred
centre in Puri, the rites and rituals are centred and continue in accordance to the temple of Lord
Jagannatha inspite of the existence of Saiva Sakti cult in close proximity. Although the various
other cults are spread all over the town an attempt has been made to link them with the sacred
growth pole in the centre to show the influence of the central sacred space upon those sacred
clusters.
For this reason, the Saiva, Sakti, Nrsimha and Ganapati cult spread all over the
town have been linked with that of the main temple and they were given the designation of
guardian Gods and Goddesses protecting Lord Vishnu from all cardinal directions. Thus the
morphological arrangement of the town and location of any site is on the basis of the sacred
growth pole at the centre with which they are linked both directly and indirectly.
On another locational and organizational level, two or more clusters forming a

continuous segment may be termed as a “sacred segment”. At this level the group of Saiva
temples form one sacred segment; the Sakti temples would form another, the Nrsimha temples
would form a third followed by the fourth segment represented by the Hanuman temples. On the
segmental level, the combination and compromise of different types of symbolic representation,
the various types of sectarian deities, and several orders of priesthood find full expression.
In Puri various sacred segments can be observed in the form of various types of
symbols or emblems of divinities and deities. There are magnificent images of the Sun-god,
various manifestations of Visnu, as well as mystical idols represented by the Saiva and Sakti
shrines. There are sacred trees(Nibumbila bata) inside the temple precinct, sacred garden (Koila
Baikuntha where the deities are buried), as well as sacred sarovars that receive occasional
374
worships from the pilgrims and tourists. In addition to all these sacred centres, there are almost
countless deities represented by stones, images, engravings, and paintings which are enshrined
here and there on the walls of the temples, under the tree etc. All of these add up to make the
sacred segment and represent Puri as a crowded city of deities.
Considering from the view point of the representation of the sectarian deities, all the
five principal sects of Hindus-Vaisnava, Saiva, Sakta, Nrsimha, Ganpatya- are represented.
Though the segment is particularly brought under the Vaisnava cult, the other sectarian deities are
not neglected, but they are brought under the same fold by relating them to the central God. The
sacred centres devoted to the remaining sects are located in close proximity to the Visnu sacred
centre and are worshipped without much sectarian discrimination. Thus focusing on the central
deity and relating it with the sacred shrines all round the borderland the sacred space of the town
has been emerged forming its'own model of urban morphology which is mostly religious in
character.
IMPORTANCE OF PURI’S SACRED CENTRES: A CONCLUSION:
The mean centre of an area indicates the growth point from where the actual
development of an area starts. This area is characterized by the concentration of major economic
activities as well as the greater proportion of the population. The mean centre for the town of Puri
is calculated and the temple of Lord Jagannatha is found to be very much closer to the mean centre
of the town of Puri. It is the mean centre of the town surrounding which the total urban growth is
dependant. The Standard Distance Measure shows that the highest concentration zone of temples is
found in the high density area located around the mean centre. As one moves away from the mean
centre the concentration of the temples decreases. This clearly proves that the entire development
of the town is dependant on the centre which is the lifeline of the town. The entire morphology and
planning of the town is centred round the temple of Lord Jagannatha. The mean centre shown on
the map shows the major zones of the concentration of the temples surrounding the hub area and
the outer periphery is the ignorance surface where the forgotten temples exist. It is this temple in
the centre which is the source of economic growth for the entire town Puri can be described as a
place whose morphological development and growth is dependant on its sacred temple of Lord
Jagannatha.(FIG 7.26 and 7.27)
All the elements of the town i,e the shops selling necessary Puja items, temples,
sahis, as well as the cheap dharamshalas, are concentrated along the temple area. The sebayats who
work in the temples are all settled in close proximity. To establish a strong connection with the
central space these sevaks arrange various Sahi Yatras (mentioned above) and festivals from time
to time. The other sacred shrines which are spread all over the town are linked with the central
deity by various ceremonial routes and circumbulations in order to sustain them. The various
375
MAJOR ECONOMIC ZONES ACCORDING TO STANDARD DISTANCE MEASURE OF
PURI:
KASIHARIPUI
AILWA
HOUSING
COLONY
SANSKRIT
UNIVERSI1
tRIGATTON
♦“AND*
WATER BAY OF
WORKS
Rd , BENGAL
SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 0.3KMS
CM 123456 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
DISTANCE IN CM
ZONES OF CONCENTRATION
XC=8.13CM YC=7.05CM
OF TEMPLES
M=MEAN HIGH
LOW
FIG 7.26
MEAN CENTRE AND STANDARD DISANCE OF TEMPLES AT PURI:
UHHAWBUfllW
3
BAY OF
Z BENGAL_____
1 SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 0.12KM
0
CM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 g 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 lg 19 20
DISTANCE IN CM
ZONES OF CONCENTRATION OF TEMPLES

■I^B HIGH (X) TO (X+1SD)
LOW (X+1SD) TO (X+2SD)

monasteries noticed all over the town is linked with that of the temple of Lord Jagannatha by
various ritualistic procedures and activities. The various agricultural fields located in the peripheral
zones of the town supplies the necessary vegetables and food items which were used to cook the
food of the Lord and needed for the necessary rituals within the temple.
Thus a core periphery relationship is very well noticed in this temple town, where
the entire area and the majority of the population are dependant on the temple for their livelihood
and sustenance. It is the religious hub which serves as an economic hub leading to the
morphological development of the town of Puri.
The arrangements of the various shrines all over the town and inside the temple
preserve the culture of the land and thereby safeguard the core area which in turn built and
sustained the morphology of the town.
So it can be said that the entire morphological development of the temple

town of Puri is dependant on the temple of Lord Jagannatha and its surrounding deities. It is of
utmost importance to study the temple of Lord Jagannatha in particular, to know how this temple
has been able to hold the economy of the town and contributed to its growth and development. Not
only the temple itself, but also the workers (sebayats) need special attention as they are the major
human resources of the temple. How much the temple has been successful in maintaining the
living standard of its people must be analyzed as growth and development of a town are not
possible without any regards to its people. Equal opportunities must be given to every section of
these temple workers. Special incentives must be given to the sebayats and every facility must be
provided to them. This can only prove the success of the temple in maintaining its subjects that
will greatly benefit the economic growth and prosperity of the town.
The morphology of any place as stated above is defined by the arrangement

of roads, settlements and concentration of economic activities. (FIG7.28.)In Puri, the entire urban
morphology is based on religion. An observation of a particular religious ceremony greatly
influences the entire arrangement of roads, settlements, shops etc and thereby remodels the
morphology of the town. This is inherent in the religious methods and practices.
Every sacred shrine, every religious spot must be taken care of and measures
must be taken to improve their standards. The Government must take proper conservation
measures to preserve these sacred sites upon which the entire growth of the town is dependant.
Innovative Heritage Business City, which is the forthcoming mission of the town, can only be
achieved if all the heritage spots spread all over the town are taken care of and preserved.
378
MAJOR ZONES OF SETTLEMENT
MAJOR ZONE OF SETTLEMENT SURROUNDING THE TOWN ; THE
•
FIG 7.28
GROWTH POLE OF THE TOWN
37fl
The administration of the Jagannatha temple must be made more systematic
and organized. The temple of Lord Jagannatha itself must be managed properly. The system of
darshana and pradakshina must be modified along with the temple atmosphere, Darshana must be
regularised and monitored for the pilgrims who come here with great hopes and aspirations.
The sacred roads which are very much significant, must be renovated and
proper care must be taken of the drainage and sewerage system by the Municipality. The various
Sahis (colonies) which are the organizers of many religious Yatras are characterized by narrow
dirty lanes and by lanes. These sacred roads must be renovated and must be made broader. The
congestion of the roads must be taken care of and steps must be taken by the Government as well
as the Municipality to improve the condition of these sahis.
The tourists, the major source of income of the town, who come here every year
in great numbers, must be greeted with a hospitable atmosphere both at the town as well as the
temple. Every facility must be available to them in the temple as well as in the hotels. Their entry
to the temple must be made smoother and convenient. The hotels must be provided with facilities
like timely supply of water, electricity etc. The beach area must be kept clean and secured so that
the pilgrims as well as the tourists do not face any kind of trouble. The town has to be made
attractive along with the temple of Lord Jagannatha, so that increasing tourist flow may contribute
to the sustainable development of the town.
Continuous urban spread, economically, could only be achieved if the ignorance

surface of the area is reduced and the popularity area increased. Puri, the temple town, is culturally
one of the richest heritage spot of India. Here the town morphology is developed totally based on
religious parameters. Every area of the town has significant historical background and religious
traditions which are very rich and vibrant. This town is blessed by numerous sacred spots, sacred
shrines, landmarks and roads which shaped the morphology of the town. The entire geography of
the place is identified on the basis of its sacredness and sacred spots which had led to the creation
of sacred urban morphology. In order to uphold this sacred tradition and the cultural uniqueness of
Puri, various administrative measures with proper planning need to be executed- both by the
Government and the inhabitants of Puri.
380

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CHAPTER : 7

SACRED GEOGRAPHY OF PURLITS MORPHOLOGY

2. Wittfogel August Karl. “Oriental despotisms comparative study of total power”

4. Giddens,A, “A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism,”Vol l,Power,Poverty

1) it lies central, atleast in'terms of its accessibility;

5. Murphy,E,Raymond, “Central Business District: A Study in Urban

6. Burgess,E.W, “The Growth of the City:An Introduction to Research Project,”

7, Hyot, Homer, “The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighbourhoods in

INTERNAL MORPHOLOGY OF INDIAN CITIES:

The internal structure of Indian cities is the result of geo-ecological, socio-economic

8. Harris,CD and Ulman,El, “The Nature of Cities”, Ann.Am.Acad>Pol.Soc.Sci.242,

The concept of growth pole was developed by Francis Perroux-a leading

The American economist, John R. Friedman, has developed a concept

10. Hirschman,O,Alberto, “The Strategy of Economic Development”, Yale University

11. Willis Katie, “Theories and Practices of Development”, Routledge Perspectives on

13. Kevin J. Christiano, et ah, “Sociology of Religion: Contemporary Developments”,

14. Weber,Max ,”The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism”,Dover

According to Myrdal’s concept of cumulative causation the growth pole of a region

People’s perception of space is one of the things to consider in order to

Human behaviour is affected only by that portion of the environment that is

DEVELOPMENT OF IGNORANCE SURFACE IN PURI:

This feeling of "sacred" invokes a connectedness, a presence of the blessing of

Sacred spaces present creation to us as a window to this kingdom of God, a glimpse of

SOME SACRED CROSSINGS OF INDIA;

23. For example Pandharpur is a pilgrimage in Maharashtra, Girnar in Gujarat, and

SCALE: 1CM REPRESENTS 100KM

1 Dwarka; Krishna temple of Dwarkadhish

2 Mt. Gimar; Jain temples and goddess temple of Amba Mata

3 Somnath; Shiva Jyotir linga temple

4 Shatrunajaya; Jain temples

5 Ujjain; Mahakaleswar Jyotir linga Shiva temple

6 Sanchi; Buddhist stupa

7 Omkareshwar; Jyotir linga Shiva temple

9 Ajanta caves; 29 Buddhist, Hindu, Jain sacred caves

10 Ellora; Buddhist, Hindu, Jain caves and Grineshwar Jyotir linga

11 Mt. Abu; Jain temples

12 Nathdwara; SriNathji Krishna temple

13 Pushkar; Brahma temple, Savitri temple on hill, and others

14 Ajmer; Shrine of Mu’in al-din Chishti

15 Ambaji shrine (between Abu road and Palanpur)

16 Amritsar; Hari Mandir

17 Govindval; Sikh temple

18 Anandpur Sahib Sikh temple

19 Vaishno Devi; cave of Kali, Lakshmi and Saraswati

20 Amamath; Shiva cave

21 Leh; Buddhist monasteries

22 Jwalamukhi; Shakti Pitha shrine

23 Kurukshetra; Brahma Sarovara, Sannihit Sarovara, many temples

24 Haridwar; Hari-ki-Paixi Ghat, numerous temples

25 Rishikesh; Laksman Jhula, Neela Kantha Mahadeva temple

26 Devprayag; Raghunath Vishnu temple

27 Kamaprayag; juncture of Alakananda and Pindar Ganga

28 Joshimath; Vasudeva temple, Sankaracharya Math

29 Hemkund; Sikh and Laksman temples at Lake Hemkund

30 Badrinath; Badrinath temple and nearby five Badri temples

311 Kedamath; Jyotir Linga Shiva temple

32 Gangotri; Goddess Ganga temple

9 Ajanta caves; 29 Buddhist, Hindu, Jain sacred caves

10 Ellora; Buddhist, Hindu, Jain caves and Grineshwar Jyotix linga

11 Mt. Abu; Jain temples

12 Nathdwara; Sri Nathji Krishna temple

13 Pushkar; Brahma temple, Savitri temple on hill, and others

14 Ajmer; Shrine of Mu’in al-din Chishti