=< HD Toung pao ARCHIVES POUR SERVIR A L'BTODE DE L'HISTOIRE, DBS LANGUES, DE LA GKOGRAPHIE ET DE L'BTHNOGRAPHIE DE L’ASIE ORIENTALE (CHINE, JAPON, COREE, INDO-CHINE, ASIE CENTRALE et MALAISIE). sf Hee REDIGEES PAR MM. GUSTAVE SCHLEGEL Profeweur de Chinois a Université de Laide ar HENRI CORDIER Professenr & I'Boole spécisle des Langues orientales vivantes et & |'Rcole libre des Sciences politiques & Paris, Vol. VIIL. LIBRAIRIE ET IMPRIMRRIE CHDEVANT . J. TLL. LEIDE — 1897.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS BY 8. H. SCHAANK. te 4, Zur Kenntniss der alteren Lautwerthe des Chinesischen, von Dr, Franz Kahnert (Sitzungsbe- richte der Kaiserl, Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, phil. hist. Classe, Band CXXII). Wien, F. ‘Tempsky, 1890. 2. Chinese Phonology, an attempt to discover the sounds of the Ancient Language and to recover the lost rhymes of China, by Z. Volpicelli. Printed at the “China Gazette” office, Shanghai 1896, After Dr. F. Kahuert's attempt to re-establish the ancient phonetic system of the oldest set of Rhyme-tables in K'ang-hi’s dictionary, by aid of the information to be got out of these tables themselves *) and in a phonetic way, we now find in the last mentioned book an endeavour to trace back the sounds of these tables in another, let us say a mathematical, way. The author “took as basis of his work (see p. 9 seq.) the second “get of Rhyme-tables (24 in all) in K'ang-hi, These tables can be “traced back to the Sung-Dynasty and probably date earlier, about “1000 or 1500 years ago, a period when the Chinese paid much “attention to the sounds of their language, and when they secured “the collaboration of Sanscrit scholars, trace of whose work ‘is 1) cf, Toung-Pao, J, p. 420 sag. 26862 8. H. SOHAANK, “discerned in the arrangement of the tables. This is the period “which has been generally studied, as Dr. Edkins assigns his old “sounds inserted in Williams’ Syllabic Dictionary to 1200 years “ago: it is also the furthest period to which we can extend our “researches for the present. Besides, it probably represents the state “of the language before it had undergone great chauges due to the “Tartar conquests. “These tables are arranged according to 15 terminations (they “are said to be 16, but two are amalgamated together), some of “which are also subdivided into open (ff [1 ), and closed (4 |) “sounds, the latter being differentiated from the former by the “insertion of a u as kuan from kan, kuen from ken, ete. Some of “the terminations are single, either open ( ff] FA ), or closed (4 1), “in which case they have only one table '). “Each table is divided into four divisions, each of which contains “characters in the four tones. The initials are placed at the head “of each table so that all the characters in one column have the “same initials. The rhymes are placed in a column at the left of “each table, 20 that all the characters in the same line have the same “tone and final*), The complete table contains 28 columns (there “are 86 initials, but 13 of these are in double series, 2 for each “ecolumn) aud 16 lines: of course there are not characters filling “always each column or line, and in some tables one or more “columns or lines are destitute of characters. This means that given “theoretical combinations of initial, final and tone did not exist “practically in the language. “A glance at these tables in K'ang-hi will make the above “summary description perfectly clear, and the reader will find that 1) The author did not notice a. 0. that the 9th termination (Je) has Avo tables (the 15th and 16th table), but that both are marked with fi) H- Sc. 2) 1 italicize,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONKXTICS. 863 “the terminations (4%), initials, and tones are perfectly easy to “understand; what will puzzle him at first, are the four divisions “disposed horizontally in four tiers, one under the other. They have “nothing to do either with tone, initial, or termination and their “meaning is uot apparent. “Many years ago, when studying these Tables with the valuable “assistance afforded by the directions given in the introduction to “Williams’ Syllabic Dictionary by Dr. Edkins, (the author) came “to the conclusion that as they could not mean any change in “tone, initial or termination, they must indicate a change in the “eowel and that they expressed the various vocalisations with a “common termination. This would not affect the rhyme, as different “ones are given for each division '). By a summary examination of “the characters under each division, with their pronunciation, ac “eording to the Southern dialects, (he) concluded that they were “used to express the simple vowels: 0, a, ¢, ¢ (as in Sir T. Wade's “‘Romanisation). (He) did'not pursue the subject, because (he) thought “the conclusion was sufficiently proved, but latterly, as (his) opinion “was challenged by a friendly critic, who desired complete evidence “for euch an assumption, (he) proceeded with the following enquiry. “In the Tables, (is found) a phonetic material of over 4000 “characters systematically arranged according to initials, finals and “tones. Each of these characters at the early period (the author “‘haa) alluded to, bad been placed in such a position that it had a “whole series of other characters similar to it in one of the above “mentioned particulars. Here (he) had ready formed classes of imilar specimens carefully collected and arranged by the Buddhist + (Mr. Volpicelli) determined to follow up the ions of each class, according as (he) wished to “missionaries . “dialectical vat 1) [ italicize,364 8. H, BCHAANK, “consider, the initial, the vowel, or the termination. For this pur- “pose, all the characters in the tables were written out, according “to the initials in single column, on large sheets of paper, then “(he) searched for each character in Giles’ Dictionary, and wrote “out in 12 colamms, by the side of it, the different sounds assigned “by Parker to 9 dialects and 3 languages ‘). Some of the characters “(rare ones) could not be found in the Dictionary, and others had “pot the sounds marked down for all the dialects; but on the other “hand, some characters had several forms for each dialect, and as “duplicates or vulgar forms have paramount value for philological “purposes, (the author) recorded them all. (He) thus collected a vast “material of over 40,000 sounds on which to base (his) inquiry”. After having compared the above information with his pre- established theory, viz. that the four divisions were used to express the simple vowels 0, a, ¢, #, and, after duo sifting, computation and reasoning, the author arrives at the following conclusion (p. 85): In total: 26 div. in favour, and 17 div. against the hypothesis. All doubtfull cases are considered negative and when a division has no character or only a few characters it is neglected. 1) Canton, Hakka, Poochow, Weachow, Ningpo, Yangchow, Mid-China, Satch‘aan, Peking, Corean, Japanese and Annamese. Bex.ANCIENT CHINBSE PHONSTICS. 365 Mr. Volpicelli says (p. 18): “by terminations (49%) I deuote throughout this essay, only the terminal vowels (in case of a diphthong), nasals, and consonants of Chinese monosyllables, and which together with the medial vowel or diphthong constitute what is generally called final” i.e. the author considers the final (a = rhyme) as consisting of a sound followed by the termination (49%), so that we, provisionally not taking into account the tones, get the following formula for a word according to the author: In the first division # = 4 + A= fH +0+ HH > » second » BHtet# > » third > teo+ B+it The representing of the #§ or termination as being only a u >» » fourth » part of the #4 or rhyme is in my opinion perfectly correct. On p. 18 the author, after mentioning the 9 classes of initials, says the following: “The 8rd, Sth and 7th classes (of initials) are not marked as “goparate ones in the Tables under consideration, but are placed “respectively under the 2nd, 4th and 6th classes, But there can “be no confusion, because K’ang-bi gives directions for discrimating “between them. “We have already stated?) that each table of K'ang-hi is “divided into four Divisions, each containing four lines of characters “in the different tones. Now that dictionary tells us that the characters 1) FF = sowad of w word or character (“7*). FR = entrance, mother or originator of the sound. BEL = feat or rhyme of the wound. The fF (entrance) is, a1 we shall sce afterwards, not the same asthe initial ® ). 8) tee abore p. 962.366 &. H. SCHAANK. “with initials of the 2nd and 6th classes cau only be found in the “I. and IV. Divisions, while characters of the Srd and 7th classes “are only found in the II. and III. Divisions. “Characters with initials of the 5th class are found only in “the III. Division, and mostly in the Tables with closed sounds “(fe Ay"). As this view of the matter, so far as I know, never was stated so clearly and, iu my opinion, so correctly, the author ought to have given proofs; for he must bave known, that exactly in this matter opinions are at variance. Probably the author means the following rules stated in K'ang-hi’s Dictionary: SF wR “Rule for the explication of the order of the divisions”. im A = tt WH RM EF The 2nd and 6th classes are at both the ends (i.e, I. and IV. divisions). mm mR FH HK HF The Srd and 7th classes are in the two middle divisions (i. e. Il, and IIL, divisions). xX B&B He HW F ‘The 9th, 8th, Ist and 4th classes are in all the four divisions. @ F = F * & The 5th class does not occur outside of the III. division. On page 17 we find, after the mention of the Sth class of initials (the weak labials i 43 #f), this important note: “this class (F, F*, V, W) is generally derived from the preceding class (P, P', B, M) by the insertion of a u”. 1) Only in the 16th, 21st and 24th Rhyme-tables we find Sth class initials with open sounds (BH A). Sen.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 367 I should think Mr. Volpicelli might have developed a little more this theory. As we stated above (p. 862), the author calls the insertion of a w as a result of the influence of the 4} [1]; ac- cordingly we may say that the theory is: the p-class can develop into the f-class by the influence of the 4 [. This is especially evident by tho newer set of rbyme-tables. In this set the 5th class (the f-clase) is only found in the III. division of the tables (cont- aining the 4 (1 JE BA), while the 4th class only occurs in the L and II. divisions (containing respectively J 1 JE 34 and § 11 Bi) BA) »), i. © the fclass only occurs in € [J sounds and the p-class in ff [J sounds, It is now generally admitted, that the f-class in Chinese is of relatively recent origin, and that the words now beginning with f etc., formerly had the initials p, etc. Now it appears to me, that the consonants of the 4th class (strong labials, Bt 4 7) P: p', by m, by the influence of the € [1], easily can develop into other sounds. By the articulation of the 4 [J the lower lip is indeed something more or less pulled back, easily causing the labial mutes to become labio-dental mutes, i. . the series: P* p™, D%, m® (made between the upper tecth and the lower lip) which, under some phonetic influences, easily develop into the series: fi f's %) w (labio-dental fricatives). The aspirated f (= f*) easily develops by the (aspirated) pronun- ciation of f itself, into £2). The labio-dental m® is easily displaced 1) TE BA = stymes without medial i. = + wth 7k 2) Further on I shall demonstrate that the same groups of characters can begin as well with the p series as with the f sories (see Rhyme-Table 22), and at the same time that ¢ groupe of characters can have as well p or f as p' or f' as initials (see RT. 3). ‘lio be clear that the group in the old set of R. ‘T., in special cases, may be originated by other influences,368 8. H. SCHAANK, by 0? (see Dr. Kithnert (0. ¢. p. 11), and later ou the value of the initials). By this is explained e.g. the existence of w and } along with m in several dialects *). Proceeding now to the question of the more or less probability of Mr. Volpicelli's theory, I must express at once my regret, that the author bas not tried to explain several signs, classifications and peculiarities of the R. T. and tested them to his theory. We must indeed admit, that in these tables, published by imperial authority, in which so many scholars collaborated, each sign has ite significance, while each deviation from the usual order has a meaning. If wo knew the significance of all those signs and peculiarities, the R. T. must be clear. Dr. Kthnert follows this method, in my opinion the true one. I will just now adduce an example out of many, in order to prove that every deviation, every change in the arrange- ment has a meaning, i.e. offers pitfalls to us. Neither Dr. Kthnert nor Mr. Volpicelli have mentioned the peculiarity occurring in the 1) Only in the Sth table of the newer set the p class alto occurs in the IIL, CAF FA coundsy; this has not escaped the observation of the Chinese, for in the commentary on these rhyme-tables under sub, 4 we find: fi SE BE PL FE FR BY ive. the characters F¥fj HE follow ZA becuase they are influenced by it. (The characters hi E-3 are exactly the characters of the p> class, which, in the Sth table, are to be found in the GP [J division, serving, anslogoar ly with the other definitions ooo eno, to denote aif characters of the p-lass, standing in the IIT. division & [1) of tho bth table). ‘The above commentary was necessary, because in the Srd table of the index to the younger set of RT. (i.e. ZP FE TE Fy) the potas is not mentioned. ‘The che- racter JJf[ indeed oocars on the ssid page of the index and also in the Sth table in the same line with Hf $E. ‘The fact, that the 4th or pclass only occurs in the > [J in the 6th table is, in my opinion, to bo attributed to tho circumstance that the final of that table neutralizes the influence of the > [I]. Hence the above mentioned definition may be translated: “Words with the initials p etc. (4th class) exceptionally ( fA #) cocur in the > PJ (ie. aMer Fill), being induenced by the foal i (. 0. the final of FIL)". Compre HP + — Hh BA ET KE.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 369 sth R. T. ({k $. BA FA). In the I. division, under the initials of the 6th class (34% jf} ete.), we may see there a © after each character, excepting the characters in the JA f& (4th tone) which, however, are printed a little to the right. (In the beautiful new miniature edition of K'ang-hi's dictionary however a © is printed before those characters in the A FM.) Now a © generally means in Chinese the omission of something '), and indicates, in this special case, apparently the lacking or incomplete formation of a sound; eo I fancy the said characters Ko BB. fA. and Wok Ot. OE, OO, are not to be read: tei, tt, «= dzi, si, at, and tsih, t'th, dzth, sth, —zih, but ought to be read: tw’, te’, de’, 8, 2° and th, ta"h, deh, sh, 2h, with an incompletely formed vowel, something like the ¢ in the, or the “neutral vowel” (the so-called English “short u” of but, son, blood). This hypothesis is, besides, confirmed by the fact, that for many dialects the said characters are given ts’, tsz”, sz’ etc. The difference in putting the © before or after the characters also corroborates my opinion. Likewise in the new set of R. T. (which, in my opinion, ought certainly to be studied, in order to understand the old one), the 1) In Sansorit the sign ° is also used in place of something that is omitted. As wo shall soe, that there aro more traces of Sanscrit influence in the Rhyme-tables, the Q in perhaps of Senscrit origin.370 8. H. SCHAANK. same fact is to be noticed, i. . in the 5th table. There, however, are seen. at the corresponding place, varying from the usual ar- rangement, two rows of characters for the first three tones, i. e. one row without special indication and one row printed a little to the right *), that is to say that, besides tai, ts'i etc., aleo occur t+’, te” oto. In the commentary (2¥ #8 PE sub. 5) the following is said on the matter: 34 2% Fr 3 (HGF APL, i.e. “Tho five characters indicated by 3X 3 aleo come after ff (i.e. the final i), although properly not belonging to this final (2 #4)". (““The five characters indicated by 4% @& mean here “the rows of characters printed a little to the right”, as the two said characters are the first two printed to the right in the mentioned space of the R. T.) After having pointed out one of the peculiarities of the R. T., I proceed to consider the value of Mr. Volpicelli’s hypothesis. The somewhat mathematical method of Mr. Volpicelli I shall treat mathematically, i. e. I shall submit it to the axioma: that a theory is false if at variance with one single well-proved fact. Let us call a certain termination 2, then according to Mr. Volpicelli’s theory, the 2A (the rhyme) with this termination is: in the first division = ox. > » second » = ax. > » third >» = ex. >» » fourth » = ix, that is to say the 2 (rhyme) in two divisions cannot be the same, for OX is not equivalent to ax, eX not to ix. Now let us test this proposition to the R. T. themselves, On pp. 862 and 368 I italicized some of Mr. Volpicelli’s sentences on the Rhyme-columne (see above). Hence it is evident, that the author 1) The difficalty to print the () with the double row of characters in the space destined for simple rows, is of course the cause of this different indication.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 871 kuows that column; but he has not seen well, for there are not given different rhymes for each division, In none of the tables the rhyme is mentioned for the IV. division. There must have been a cause for this, Let us examine which cause it may have been. In the 8rd R. T. are given for the III. division the rhymes: TH. AB. 3, FF, and we meet all these characters, except BY, in the IV. division. In the 7th R. T. we find as the rhyme of the III. division a.o. FA], this character occurring in the IV. division. In the 10th R. T. we find as rhyme of the III. division a. 0. the character Jif, occurring in the IV. division. In the 18th R. T. we find as rhymes of’ the III. division a. 0. fil] and $j, both occurring in the IV. division. Tn the 15th R. T. all the rhymes of the IIL. division occur in the IV. division. Finishing with this enumeration, which might be further ex- tended, I think it is sufficiently proved, that the III. division has the same rhyme as the IV. division ') or, resuming the above formula’s, that Mr. Volpicelli’s ex would be = ix or e=i. From this it appears that his hypothesis is false, as well as that of Dr. Kihnert, in which it is equally admitted that each division should have ite different rhyme. The fact I think to have proved, i. e. that the III. aud IV. divisions have the same rhyme, is very important, and, as I hope to be able to demonstrate afterwards, one of the chief seals of the 1) Thorefore it was not accessary to give Rhymes for the IV division.372 & H. SCHAANK, many, with whick the book of rhymes is sealed. But let me first stick to my subject, and come back to Mr. Volpicelli’s essay, be- ginning with testing it again to the column of the rhymes. In the 5th rhyme-table (ffij |) the rhymes are the same as those in the 6th table (4 |), this being equally the case in the 21st (i [1 ) and 22d table (4 [1 ) and elsewhere in some cases. Hence it is clear that the fj FJ and & [1 have no influence on the rhyme (2A), that is to say they are functions of the other part of the sound (7), i. ©. the entrance (iF). Dr. Kahnert defends this opinion and is therefore right; Mr. Volpicelli however is wrong when he says (p. 10): “the tables are arranged according to 15 terminations '), some of which are aleo subdivided into open (fi FI) and closed (4 [4 ) sounds”. The author attributes a. o. the following values to the rhymes (BA) (6. table p. 36): 7L (20th B.-T. Il. div.) Rhyme = song Sa He (2th «> «TL > > =o ie (15th > ) Rhymes Re (16th > +) > Hence we see, that the author cannot say of himself that bis theory is “without the occurrence of duplicates, which deface the reconstruction of ancient finals attempted by other authors” (p. 21). The putting aside of two tables (the 20th and the 16th) as only apparently separated from others (p. 31), is very risked, especi- om, am, em, im = om, am, em, im ally table 20 causes us to expect a pitfall, as it is very different in its arrangement from the other tables. If it had been super- fluous, as Mr. Volpicelli seems to think, it would not have been inserted. Im my opinion we must admit: That characters occurring in two places, accordingly had two pronunciations. Dr. Kabnert 1) [ italicize,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 878 Tikewise neglects this table, which seems very strange to me, as this author himself designates the different pronunciations of the J FB characters. By both authors R. T. 20 is not examined, because all characters of this table occur in table 21 or table 22. Afterwards I shall try to prove, that the rhymes (94) of table 20 are identical with the rhymes of tables 21 and 22, and, as the four divisions in all the tables have the same value, the initials being alike, consequently the difference in pronunciation can only lie in the open [J and closed 1, i. ©. for instance JT in table 20 must be pronounced with the 4 [J aud in table 21 with the BH 1 ete. (When treating of table 20, I shall spesk of this in detail.) M. Volpicelli says (p. 16, 17): “Dr. Edkins is wrong in con- sidering the characters of the Srd and 7th classes of initials as palatale; Julien's alphabete show they wore used for Sanscrit, cerebrala”. The author now names these classes in this way: Srd class: cerebrals. 7th » (cerebral) sibilante. That the well-kuown French sinologue Stanislas Julien should also have made such a conclusion, I do not admit. The fact that in the first alphabet (of Satighapila) the same Chinese characters serve to denote Sanscrit cerebrals and Sanscrit dentals (v. Méthode pour déchiffrer et transcrire les noms Sansctits ete. p. 20, 80) already points out, that it is very dangerous to base minute phonetic researches on similar grounds. Has English f. i, a cerebral ¢ or d, because Hindus, for rather palpable reasons, will express these letters in English words by their corebrals? *) 1) Conf. Whitney, A Sansorit Grammar, § 47a: “fhe modern Hindus are said to “pronounce their deatels with the tip of the tongue throst well forward against the upper874 8, H. BCHAANK. I myself heard Chinese from the inland of the Department Luh-fang ([a MH), who do not possess the guttural conant 9, render this ‘sound in three different ways, when speaking a foreign language, viz. 1. by the guttural nasal ng 2 > > >» surdk and 8. » » labio-dental b* f. i. in the following Malay words: 1. giduh (tumalt) nga-lo. 2. tanggung (security, warrant) tam-Zong. 8. gusti (prince) b*u-si-ti. But we prefer testing the values of those initials to the method followed by us in reading the rhyme-tables and the commentaries, of which method we shall only deviate, when this deviation is justified by the nature of the matter. The Chinese thus call the initials of the undermentioned classes (. Pu & BH): Qnd class: Fy BR EF Sed >) LE FF = tongue-back-sounds. 6th » Pf BA FF = tooth-point-sounds '), 7th =» JE BE Py = (real)tooth-sounds. If the classes 8 and 7 really were cerebrale and (cerebral) sibilants, a8 Mr. Volpicelli supposes, the Chinese composers of the " tongue-tip-sounds. " tables would have chosen the least fit names. Among all sounds the cerebrals are undoubtedly least connected with the teeth or the back of the tongue, and they would by just the sounds one might call, “teoth, so that these sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English “and Modern Greck f4-tounds, The abvense of that quality in the European (especially “the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why, to the car of « Hinde, the latter appen “amore analogous with his linguals (= cerebrals), and he is apt to use lingaals in writing “Buropean words”. 1) Af = the front-tecth, especially the upper.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 875 if need be, Be Pe FF (tongue-base-sounds)'), — Such wrong definitions could never have been given by the composers. I think I have sufficiently proved, that Mr. Volpicelli (to use his own words) has not “critically examined the Rhyme-Tables”, and I shall now proceed to examine whether he has well used his phonetic materials. Let me take f. i. the initials for that purpose. On p. 18 the author gives a comparative table showing dialectical changes in K‘ang-hi’s 36 initials. We cannot treat of them all; 50 we choose the following extract: | 3 Canton-, Hakka- Yang-chow, Mid-China-, Ble and Foochow- Ssiich'uan- and ~ )e dialects. Peking-dialects. 3B | kw | KHNg, Y,*%) K, Ch, Ts, Dj, H, Ng, Y, W. Wile | eaBRM. P. BR |g. | K Ch, K. jz | 4. | T,Ch,8. T, Ch, Ts, C. This equalization is in my opinion a collection of mistakes, as is proved by comparison with the results I have come to by studying the old and new R. T., of which I have provided all the characters 8, 0, with the pronunciation in Nanking-, Peking-, Cauton- and Hakke-dialects, in order to determinate the place of the Luh-fung (RE BP) dialect in the range of dialects. For the first two dialects I looked up the sounds in Wells Williams’ Syllabic Dictionary, for 1) Chinese Phonology, p16, Coredrals are pronounced “with the tip of the tongue against the palate as if to pronounce 7”. Whitney, § 45, Cerebrals (= Lingaals) “attered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn backward into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the neual English smooth r is pronounced)”, 1a, § 61: “Lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue reversed into the dome of the palate”, 9) * has the value of the Arabic Aamzah (*), eulyo+ no initial.376 8. H. SCHAANK. the Canton-dialect in Wells Williams’ Tonic Dictionary, while I found the sounds of the Hakka-dialect in a Tonic Syllabary I composed myeelf. A. 0. I found the following principal laws, being of course only applicable in general: I. The aspirated initials in the old R. T. of K'ang-hi') remain in the mentioned dialects aspirates in the high tones. (Mr. Volpi- celli does not give aspirates in his comparative table, as wo have geen above). II. a. The sonants (soft mutes) 9, d, dy, 6, dz and dzy of the old R. T.*) in words with the old first tone ate aspirated surds in the Nanking-, Peking- and Canton-dialects, getting the f/th tone (BR Fs : &. These same sonants, if in the 2nd, 3rd or 4th tones of the old R. T. become surds iv the Nanking- and Peking-dialects and surds in the lower tones in Canton-dialect. ¢. While they become aspirated surds in the lower tones in all four tones in Hakka. (d. and in the Southern Hokkien-dialects they become surds in the lower tones.) Let us take an example out of man; (7th Rhyme-table. I. div. sub fg.) K'angbi ‘Nanking Peking Canton Hakka = Triaog-tsio 2P ff tdung. 1. tung. 5. tung. 5. t'ung. 5. tung. 5. tong. 5. LE @& taung. 2. tung. 8. tong. 8. tung. 7. ttung. 7. tong. 7. SE Hed tdung. 8. tung. 8. tung. 8. tung. 7. tung. 7. tong. 7. A ij tank. 4. tuh.4. (tu.5.) tok. tuk. 8. tok. 8. *) 1) in the present case ln a. 8 YR, 0°. 0 39, 0°. 10 FA, 0. 14 FB, ne, 92 ARF and? 97 Ei. 1, ty pt, tt and ty". 9) vis. a. 8 FB, n°. 7 HE, n°. 11 HF, a. 18 aif, 3) + ie the sign for the 4 [. . 98 $f and n°. 93ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS, 877 Mr. Volpicelli does not give aspirates for the actual value of the old sonants, as we have seen above. Tf he had taken the trouble to look into Edkins’ Mandarin Grammar, he could have read there a. 0. p. 81: “The soft initials are in the Hakka-dialect displaced by aspirates", and “in the Canton-dialeet the soft initials are displaced by hard or aspirated consonants irregularly”. (I think that Dr. Edkins using the word “irregularly” is wrong, my proposition above sub II @ and b being more correct). If Mr. Volpicelli had also examined the new R. T. he would have noticed, that a. 0. the above alluded to sonants in these tables have no characters in the 7 f%, and a comparison with the old tables would have taught him, that those 7 fA old sonants had developed into the respective aspirates. He would then have also perceived, that in this respect the Nanking-, Peking- and Canton-dialects better agree with the new Rhyme-Tables (pu- blished about 1650, (ef. Edkine’ M. G. p. 75), and the Hakka- and southern Hokkien-dialects better with the old Rhyme-Tables (representing a language I think between A.D. 1000 and 1800). (to be continued.) 26ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS BY 8. H. SCHAANK. —@-— I. ‘The earliest history of the Chinese language is perbaps not “unattainable”. Edkins’ Mand, Grammar, preface p. 3. In this second part of my essay I shall try to re-establish the phonetics of the language, which has been codified in the old collection of R. T. in K'ang-hi's Dictionary. This re-establishment, as I already said before, I think best to accomplish by making use of the information found in the R. T. themselves, by availing myself, as little as possible, of the results got by the other method of investigating the value of the old sounds in the R. T. in particular, and of the old sounds of Chinese in general, which method consists in the comparison with cognate languages and the actual dialects, in the testing of old transliterations, the studying of philological works of native authors, etc. *). The results got by the last-mentioned method may serve to test my conclusions. 1) The under-mentioned works follow more or less this method : Sramutas Juxx, Méthode poor déchificer et transcrire les noms sanscrits qui ve reneontrent dans les livres chinois. J. Roxime, Mandaria Grammar, Shanghsi Grammar and the Introduction to illinms’ Syllabic Dictionary, Sect. V. Sinioo-Aryace, ou recherches sar lee racines primitives dane let langacs chinoises ot aryennes, ‘As to other works on this subject, vide last-meationed book, préface p. XI sey., Volpicelli, Phonology, part I. an458 8. B. SCHAANK. The sound of a Chinese syllable is represented, according to the well-known J% {J method, i. e. in order to represent the sound (#7) of a syllable, two characters are used. The first of these characters agrees in the entrance (fi), the second in the final ($4) with the sound to We represented. So the sound of $i (ising) is represented by the characters {f (teok) and FU (kung): tring = tok + ing. In the application of this method there seems to have been some difference in course of time. The finals wa, wan and wang (f. i. in kwa, kwan and kwdng) i, e. the closed [J sounds of the finals a, an and ang (f. i, in ka, kan and kang) are considered by the Chinese as jinale'): whereas wo have already seen *) that in the old R. T. the influence of the open and closed [ *) is not a function of the final, but of the other part of the sound i. e. the entrance (ff). I think, the following may be admitted as tho different elements, used in the old R. T. to designate a sound: 1. The initial PH (36 in number), > vA (open or closed), >» division % (1, I, WI, IV), > tone PAR EEA) > vowel FL CB. B 3H. fia) and 6. >» classifier *) $2 (16 in number). i. e. mathematically expressed: & =f(R+o+ H+ + P+ HH. 1) Seo Wells Williams’ Syllabic Dictionary, Introduction p. XV. 2) See above p. 873. 8) We retain the Chinese oames open [J and closed [J conads ( fF wf and & 11 BiB). ‘They are pronounced, as we shall seo aferwards, in a diferent manner, The latter are vulgarly distinguished from the former by the insertion of aw or 1, f. i, kuan oF haan besides kan ete. 4) Afterwards is will be oi ‘the proper sense of the character same as Mr. Volpicell’s termination, 2. 38. 4, 5. why T do not call 7 termination, bat rather we ©. to put in order, to classify. My classifier is theANOIGNT OHINESR PHONETICS. 459 For the elements of the entrance (49) and the snal (2) I have to admit: FH =f (BR + + & (the I. and IV. divisions opposite to the IL, and Il. divisions) *). BA = f (FP + &F (the L and Il. divisions opposite to the III. and IV, divisions) *) + F + 4%). These propositions will be proved, I think, by the successive treatment of the different elementa. I. THE INITIALS (#f). In the R. T. we find 9 classes of initials. Each class has, as is well known, its own name, serving at the eamo time as a defin- ition of the nature of the sounds put into this class, Besides, all initials have still a peculiar designation, consisting in different small circles printed above the initials. The same initial has the same indication throughout the R. T.‘); we call them indicators. They are called PE} in Chinese *), which name can signify: leaders in singing or indicators of the manner of producing sounds. L) Le: €( div) = f£ (IV div); £ (II div) = (IN aiv,). f (1 div) = f (11 div.); f (IIT div.) = £ (IV dix). ‘anghi's new J.T, these formala’s are: B-E + be va. B= + FP + A Eee n. << + P+ MRD - m. SH -cB+ f+ A OED - Ww. &-(h+ f+ Ao MDB - Le here is fE = Pf. Seo Index to the younger set of R. 1. (Py Ay PY BY FF BA LBD- 4) See for some exceptions later on R. T. 8 5) See p. 4 of the index to the new B. T.460 8. B. SCHAANE. The indicators are four in number, viz: LO, the open circlet, IL. @, the open circlet with a point in the middle, Ill. @, the black or entirely closed cirelet, IV. @, the circlet of which the upper part is open, the lower part closed. The comparative method shows in general, that they have the following meanings: Indicator I: surds, fick, > Tl: aspirates: > k. > II: sonants: > & >» IV: nasals or resonants, » ng. With the surds (tenues, hard consonants) the glottis (or rima glottidie) is open, the breath having no tone; with the sonants (mediae, soft consonants) however the glottis is considerably narrowed or closed: tone is produced '). Now in my opinion, the open circles (©, indicator I) is nothing else bat 8 rough image of the open glottis, while the black (closed) cirelet (@, indicator III) denotes the closed glottis. The fact that the Chinese in their R. T. could give such a clear illus- tration of the difference between surds (k, p, ¢ etc.) and sonants (g, b, d ete.), on which subject European scholars have emitted 60 many contradictory opinions, is not so extraordinary, if we take into account, that the Hiodu’s (Buddhist priests), who helped the Chinese in the constraction of their phonetic system, generally had a clear idea of the matter. So we read*): “The surd consonants are known as aghosa, toneless, and the sonants as ghosavant J) Compare: Dr. B. Bracke, Grundsige der Physiologie and Systematik der Sprach- Iaute, Wien, Carl Gerold’s Sobn, 1856, p. 7, 8, 82, seq. and G, H. von Meyer, Unsere Sprachwerkzeuge, Leiptig, F. A. Brockhaos, 1880, p. 831 seq. 2) Whitney, 0. ©. § 84, 3,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS, 461 having tone; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in ac- cordance with these terms. All alike recognise a difference of tone, and not in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on VivAra opening, or BAMVAFA cloeure (of the glottis), is also recognised by them”. Therefore we think we are authorised to edmit, that the Ist indicator is a graphic representation of vivdra (open glottis) and the IlIrd indicator that of sainvdra (closed glottis). The @ (IInd indicator) I suppose to represent a large © (Ist (surd) indicator), in which a small @ (Ilfrd (eonant) indicator) is placed, possibly denoting: a surd followed by a sonant f. i. & followed by A i.e. the aspirated Now the A not being a sonant, but a surd, this mistake corroborates my assertion, for according to the Hindu grammarians the h is 8 sonant’). The @ (IVth indicator) appears to me (comp. also Dr. F. Kahnert, 0. c. p. 8) to denote the opened position of the interior (posterior) nose-apertures (choanae narium), i. e. the position when the choanse are not closed by the soft palate (palatum molle, velum palatinum), the velam freely hanging down, and the breath being in contact with the nose- and mouth-cavities. Contact-consonants (Verschlusslaute) as p, , ¢ in this case become resonants (m, ng, 0); vowels become nasal vowels. Trying bowever to pronounce fricative- consonants (Reibungsgeratsche) like s, z, v (Dutch v) with open choanae, then we get, according to my individual opinion, the same sounds, but accompavied by a vibration, i. e. r sounds. This r is somewhat different in nature according to the pronounced fricative. A farther explication of these r sounds, I deem unnecessary. Therefore I represent 12) In Sanskrit phonology the diffcalty of the 4 and the aspirates is not yet completely elucidated. (Compare Whitney, 0. ¢. § 87, 65 and Briicke, p. 77, 88 209.)462 8. H. BCHAANK, the open choanae o by (vr) >» > > @ > (er) > > >» 2 (x) >» > > Lo» (r)*). Phonetic values of the 86 Initials. Isr Crass. FF FF. Molar-sounde. Palatal k-class. The initials of this class are generally admitted to be our European so-called gutturals: k, k', g and ng. The name molar-sounds may in some degree be eompared with the Sanskrit name for the same sounds i. e. tongue-root sounds»), these names denoting I think the spot, where the contact of the back of the tongue and the palate, necessary for the producing of these sounds, takes place. Ae the meeting-point of the hard and soft palate (velum palatinum) lies behind the molar-teeth *), we may admit that the Chinese Ist class initials are palatal k etc., i. e f. i, the & lying between the & sound in Italian chiesa and German Stock, or Briicke's &'). The Sanskrit tongueroot gutturals are velar k etc. i, e. Britcke’s &? etc. °). 1) Bracke (0. ¢. p. 67) thinks # and s combined with wowlar r posible. On the combination of consonants with another sort of r (Jeringeal r, Keblkopf-itterlant) soe Briicke, 0. ©. p. 69. The (or) may in some degree be compared with the Dutch 1, which is distinguished by 4 tinge of vibration from the German w and English ». The w in Dutch only oscars be- fore vowels and r, and this wor is always pronounced or in dialects. In German the w is mostly dropped before r (fi, Dutch wraak (vengeance) German Bache). In Boglish the in sor is mute (write, wrong ete.) since the end of the 16th century (see Wilhelm Vietor, Elemente der Phonetik, Heilbronn, Gebr. Henninger, 1887, p. 161). 2) Compare Whitney, 0. 0. § 89, «. 8) Compare v. Meyer, 0. 6. p. 89. 4) Compare Bricke, 0. ©. p. 44. 5) Compare Bracke, 0. o. p. 76.ANCIENT CHINKSE PHONETICS. 463 The frequent development of the R. T. initial & into English ch ao in Peking-dialect, pleads also for a palatal & sound'). We therefore get, following the Chinese definition, the undermentioned values for the tials pertaining in this class. LOR = ki. e. Briicke’s k! 2 OR =k > > Bh 8. @ a aes > >» gt 4 OR =ng> > -t The 2nd, 8rd, 6th and 7th classes of initials, we think beet to treat together. These classes are called: *) 2nd class: Fy BA PF = tongue-tip-sounds. 8rd > F LL FF = tongue-back-sounds. 6th > Pi BA #F = tooth-point-sounds. 7th =» JE BE FF = (real)tooth-sounds. Besides the above names of the said classes, the commentaries give, however, still more *), viz: the Srd and 7th classes stand in the II. and III. div. > 2nd » 6th >» > » » Lo» IV.» In the R. T., moreover the 2nd class stands above the Srd class and » 6th >» > » > 7th » From these given facts‘), we think ourselves authorized to infer the following equation: class 2: class 3 = class 6 : class 7. 1) Compare Bracke, 0. . p. 66 and 78. 8) See above p. 874. 8) See above p. $6. 4) Perbaps the passage entitled ie JE HAN BR at gives an explication of the 18 initials of these four classes, bat 1 do not onderstand the sense of the atid passage,464 8. H. SCHAANK. Calling the result of the exertion of an organ /, we may infer from this equation, that: class 2 : class 8 = f (tooth-point) : f (teeth) and class 6 : class 7 = f (tongue-tip) : f (tongue-back). From the names of the classes we derive that: class 2: class 8 = f (tongue-tip) : f (tongue-back) and class 6 : class 7 = f (tooth-point) : f (teeth). Now we are allowed, I think, to read the above mentioned equation: class 2: class 3 = class 6: class 7 like this: f (tongue-tip + tooth-point) : f (tongue-back ++ teeth) = f (tooth-point + tongue-tip) : f (teeth + tongue-back). As one way observe, in this value of tho classes the casential organ, occurring in the definition ie put first. As with all sounds in general, the tecth always play a passive part with regard to the tongue or the breathing forming the eounds, or to both of them, we must admit, that the difference between cl. 2 and 6, and between cl. 8 and 7 consists in an other exertion of the tongue (the active organ), and as in cl. 2 and 8 the tongue is put fret, we must suppose in these an infenser exertion or complete contact producing contact-eounds '), and in cl. 6 and 7 an incomplete, im- perfect contact producing fricatives '). We therefore admit, that the 2nd and Srd cl. contain contact- consonants and the 6th and 7th cl. fricative-consonants. Let us first consider the second class i. e. f (tongue-tip + tooth-point). 1) See above p. 461—463,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 465, It is clear that this only can havo in view the dentals *). In class 6: : f (tooth-point + tongue-tip), we think we may recognize the dental sibilants, while the comparative method also gives the sounds ‘#, teh, dz, ¢ and z. The three former sounds consist of dental and a dental sibilant. S and 2 are single dental sibilants *), i. ©. fricatives (Reibungegeratische), formed by an incomplete contact of the organs. As well in class 8 and class 7, we have got as working elements: the teeth and back of the tongue. Now the dorsal ¢ etc. sounds are indeed formed by @ contact of the tip of the tongue with the lower front-teeth, and s contact of the back of the tongue with the palate *), but the difference in audible effect between dental and dorsal ¢ etc. sounds is ao slight, that we are not allowed to admit, that these would have been mentioned in the R. T. as separate initials. If however, wo take into account, that the comparative method has discovered @ mouille element in the initials of the Srd and 7th classes, we do not hesitate to admit that SF (teeth + back of the tongue) denotes sounds formed by an operation on the teeth (i.e. @ dental) followed by a “mouillation” i. 0. y'. This y' is indeed a fricative formed by an incomplete contact of the back of the tongue and the palate ‘). The difference between the 3rd and 7th class of course consists in the sibilant element of the last class, 1) Bricke’s t* ete, see 0. 0, p. 87. te, 3) Compare Bricke, 0. ¢. p. 87. 4) Compare Bricks, 0, ©. p. 47 sq.466 8. H. SCHAANK. Therefore in my opinion we get as values of the four classes: TI class: dentals. I » mouillé-dentals. VI > dental-sibilants. VII > — mouillé-dental sibilants. f. i, IInd class: t. Ulrd >» vy. Vith > ts. Voth > tay. Woe see that t : ty = te : tey (see p. 464). After this digression we therefore admit: 2up Crass. FH HF Tongue-tip-sounds. Dentals. 5. O Mt = t Britcke’s t. 6 OMB =r > th 2. @H=d > aw 8 OF =n > at Sep Crass. H EF Tongue-back-sounds, “Mouillé” dentals. 9. © Al = ty Bricke’s t'y!. 10. © HR = ty > thy! 1. @ Rady > ay. 12, @ Mh = ny > ny,ANOIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 467 4ta Crass. HAR FF Strong labial sounds. Labials (Bilabials). 13. © $f = p Brtcke’s p'. 4. @B=p > ph 1. @ i =-6 >» Bi 16. @ Wj * " mo» ms Sra Otass. BF Weak labial sounds. Labio-dental fricatives. 17. O 3 = f Bricke’s f? 1. ©OB=f >» fh 19. @ = 0 or Dutch o%. 20. @ HK = (vr) ') or (v*r). By the articulation of the > 7 Pp’, p®, BY and m! developed into p*, p™, 5? and m??). In my opinion these sounds in general differ too little from each other as to be regarded as separated initials. In the L, Il. and IV. divisions of the # FJ sounds the p? ete., accordingly remained equal to p' etc. (considered as equal’); only in the III. division *) other sounds have been originated. The comparative method gives us here f etc. These may easily develop out of p* etc., when by some reason (we shall later see which) the weak labio-dental contact is broken, @ narrow opening between 1) See abore p. 463, 2) See above p. 367. 8) See above p. 866.468 8. H. SOHAANK. upper lip and lower teeth giving birth to the related labio-dental fricatives f2, f%, 03, (vr). The f* (= fh) easily becomes f, for f and A only differ in the width of the mouth-opening. Hence f also can change to 4. The difference between v and fis unknown or nearly unknown in many languages, f. i. German), while I myself always heard f in the West-Frisian dialects, where Dutch has v. As to (vr), this easily develops into Dutch w, English w and German w; while m? can become b* and 5! by a little mistake in articulation. The mentioned facta may serve as a phonetic explanation of the following survey: ‘The ancient contact-consonants...... | pt Develop by the influence of the 4 [1] into | p* These sounds, hy the originating of an | pe] at] mt pelo aperture between upper lip and lower teoth, develop into... . . cece ee LPP] 8 | (0%) Actually being in general in: The Nanking dialect ceeeee | S/F | S| w Bog) >» Peking > >lof>fwo » > Canton > .......eeeee fo] o]>|m > Amoy > cece eee ee fal al ALO f\fle > > Hakka dialects *) .. . >| >|» | w (Germ) Aye of the f class initials. Dr. Edkins (Mandarin Grammar, p. 68 seq.) says: “We are told (Li-shi-yin-kien, vol. 2, p. 6) that a priest of the Tang- 8) Cf. Bricke, 0. 0. p. 84. 8) See my: Loch-foeng-tialet, Leiden, 1897, Chapter VI.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 469 dynasty (620-907) named She-li <> Fi] formed (the eystem of initials) but (a. 0.) without the (four) characters: Bi (13) BH 14) He (20) FE (19)...." “Tn the Sanecrit alphabet there is no /, and in the fifth cen- tury words afterwards placed under the initials f, v, were pro- nounced with p, 6. Thus Hf fuk $f fuk, had for their phonetic valne at that time the Sanscrit syllables put, dud, and were changed for other characters by later translators of the Buddhist books when aiming to express the Hindoo sounds accurately, shewing that the power assigned to these characters had changed in the interval. Many other words now pronounced f and v, may be concladed from various sources to have been formerly heard p, so that f is perhaps of comparatively recent appearance among Chinese sounds”. Following the guidance of the Buddhist translations, the deve- lopment of the f-class was completed in the seventh century of our era’). We think it ie admitted to say, that in the time, when the system of initials was made, the characters ZF Hy if Hf], occur- ring in the first attempt, have represented the old initials p', p", b, m. These four characters, getting respectively the initiale 72, 7*, 1, m, it was necessary to add four new characters to represent the initials p', p", 0 and (or) io $Y, BB, BE and Hf). 1) Compare Bakins, M. @. p. 84. 2) As the complete merging of f in older p, takes us back to an age contemporaneous with the old poetry (B.C. 1100, compare Wells Williams, Syll. Dict. Introd. p. 30) the ‘sdding of these four characters became perhaps necessary when the initial system was ap- plied to another dialect,470 8. H. SCHAANK. Gru Crass. BB BF Tooth-point sounds. Dental sibilants '). 21. © Ff = to Britcke's c', 22. © ff = te > tteth. 28. @ Bi =de >» der. 24. @ AD = (er)*) or (s'r). 25. @ Fh = (er)*) or (er). The double occurrence of indicator III in this class, leads me to suppose, that initial 25 is the sonant of initial 24. From the comparative method it is evident that N°. 24 has the value of «, N°. 25 that of z. According to what is said on p. 462, this » and z with indicator IV have the above mentioned values. 77m Crass, TE fF Real front-teeth sounds. “Mouillé” dental-sibilants. (eve p. 466, and 6th class.) 26. © JAR = tay Britcke's stety!. 27. © ¥ 28. @YR = dey > dary’, 29. O BE = (ery or (e'r)y'. 380. @ HH = (erly or (z'r)y'. tly > thathy!, 1) Bee above p. 466. 2) See above p. 463,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 47 87a Crass. Of PF Throat-sounds. Guttarales verae (Kehlkopflaute). Bracke, 0. c. p. 7 seq. 31. © BB =* 82. @ fH =: 88. © $% = + (Arabic Hamzsh) 34. @ Hig = ~ (Open-choanae hamzah). ‘As wo have seen (page 461), the A is considered by the Indian phonologists as a sonant, therefore the initial $2 must represent h. 0 Now taking tone in the sense of noise or sound, I think, they have regarded the « as the surd of A (i has a sound, the « has no sound) '). Initial 81 being called an aspirated A, I think it must represent a strengthened, more sounding h, something like the Arabic z *). Initial 34 is, I think, the 82nd, but articulated with open choanae, i. e. a nasal initial merely becoming a nasal infection of the following vowel, turning it into # nasal vowel. We might call this initial the Chinese anusvara. The arrangement of the indicators in this class is, as we may observe, quite different from. the usual arrangement. Now we may ask: Is it a mere accident, that the eurd ¢*) occurs in the Ist, ive. the common surd column, > aspirate h in the 2nd, i.e. the common aspirate column, » aonant + in the 8rd, i.e. the common eonant column ‘), 1) A comparison with the modern dialects shows the greater probability of initial 88 being the Arabic hamazah (valgo wo initial) than initial 82, 2) Compare Bracke, p. 9, 77, 98. 8) Compare Briicke, 0. ¢. F. 9. 4) Compare Britcke, 0. c. p. 98, Arabic Hamsah = closed (sonant) glottis.472 8. H. SCHAANK, or have we to admit a knowledge of Arabic phonetics by the composers of the R. T.?') 9re Cuass. 2 AB Half tongue, half tooth-sounds, Dental L-class. I think the Chinese name hes to be understood thas: The sounds are formed by an imperfect contact of (apper) front-teeth and tongue f. i. a I-contact *). . ‘The comparison with modern dialects takes away all doubt. We therefore get: 35. © 3 = | Britcke’s at. 36. © FJ = Ir or (i'r) see p. 462. The 86th initial under determinate influences gave birth to the peculiar 'rh (or eul)-sounds (of ff, Ef, —. ete.) in the Mandarin- dialects *). In former times charactors as Ff and A (both occurring in the old R. T. under the 86th initial) aleo had this r-initial, as still now-adays is the case in some dialects of the Mandarin ‘). “This Chinese r is not pronounced with the tip of the tongue, bat with the central part of that organ. It has no vibrating ring, so that the letter r has been avoided by continental writers, who have preferred J as ite symbol. It is not unlike the English r”*). Hence it is not o lingual (cerebral) r, but a tongue-back r°). 1) In the new R. ‘T this clase has also another arrangement then the usval ove. The system of initials in the new R. T. is diferent from that of the old R. T. Our indicator 1V has fi. 6 different forms. %) Compare Bricke, 0. c. p. 40 seq., and v. Meyer, 0. c. p. 888, 8) Hee the ancient voles of these ’ré-soands in the following R. T. © See Eékins, M.@. p. 86, 38. 5) Seo id, p. 84. 6) i. ©. ¥, Meyer's r* (compare 0. ¢., p. 886 and 889).ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS, 478 Later on it will be clear, in what manner initial y and W (English w = Bricke's uw'), which do not occur among the above mentioned $6 initials, are also comprised in the Rhyme-Tables. Tho initials are arranged nearly in the order of the Sanskrit alphabet *), Tho Sauskrit arrangement is: gutturals, palatale, linguals, dentals, labials, somivowels £. i. 1, sibilants, aspiration i. ©. hy and: surds, surd aspirates, sonante, sonant aspirates, nasals *). IL OPEN axp CLOSED FJ. (BH AL, & 0, compare note 8, p. 458.) We denote the 47 [1 by a cross + before the syllable. So f. i, tha is the sound in the 4} [11, ka tho same sound in the Ce F1 is defined in Chinese dictionaries *) to be: “that from which words proceed, and at which food enters”. This can only mean, as I should think, the middle part of the pharynr, that is to say the spot where this is narrowed i. ©. behind the tongue‘). (As there are nasal sounds the opening of the mouth must be ex- eluded; moreover the mouth is called fF in phonetic definitions). The closing of thie passage ({J), which we might call “post- lingual-pharynx-paseage” can only be effected by the most back- ward lying part of the tongue (the tongue-root) *). 1) cf, Baking, M. G. p. 68, 9) of, Whitney, 0. ©. p. 2. 8) Compare Wells Williams, Syllabic Dictionary, p. 881. 4) Compere v. Meyer, 0. ¢. p. 81. 5) Der mssewlus Ayoglosme sieht den ZongenkSrper so nach inten Ainab, dase dor hhintere Theil dee Zangearickens gewSlbt gegen den Schlundkopf hingedringt wird (compare v, Meyer, 0. 6. p. 147).474 8. H. SOHAANK. If one produces the vowel u (German 1) the root of the tongue also nears the backside of the pharynx, i. e. an incomplete £> is formed '). ‘If the tongue-root is brought further backward, the breath has to go through a narrow passage and canses a friction (= fricative) *). If the tongue-root is still further brought backward, 80 as to com- pletely shut off the breath, the 4 [1 is formed. I think however, that with € [only a relative closing, causing a narrowing, and hence a friction is meant: the completely closed [J being indeed formed too difficultly for occurring as an element in » language. These considerations afford us some insight in Chinese phonology: I. The peculiar 4 [1 -position of the tongue has most simi- larity to that required for producing a &, and indeed in the modern dialects the closed [J mostly occurs with &?). Il. If the tongue is moved backward, the lower jaw also makes a slight backward shift, so the Jabiale (or bilabials) can develop into labio-dentale (see p. 867 and 468 s0q.). III. We might call the 4+ [ -position an exaggerated u-position. Hence it is not strange that one hears tka nearly as kua or kwa (English w = Briicke’s xw!), i. e. an u followed by a w, formed by the passing of u to the next vowel (kua = kuwa = kwa). As the influence of the > FJ causes a sound nearly equal to English w, words with initial w can be placed in the R. T. under the & [J 1) Compare v. Meyer, o. c. p. 206: Wird der Aindere Theil der Zange dem Gaumen- eegel und der hintern Schlandkopfwand so genihert, dass dem Laftetrome nur eine enge Darebgangsspalte bleibt, jedoch nicht eng genug, um cin Reibongegeriusch ru veranlassen, to gelangt die Luft aus dieser Spalte in einen weitern Hoblraum, welcher ewischen dem vordern Theile der Zunge und dem gegoniiberliegenden ‘Iheile des Gaumens Gbriggeblicben ist, Wird dann bei dieser Gestaltong der Mundbohle cin Ton in der Stimmritze angegeben, to erhilt dieser den Vocal-character ». 2) See last note. 8) Of all initials the Let and Sth classes (i, ¢. # and Aclasses) oocar most with closed [1 in the old B. 7.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 475 sounds of the 33th and S4th initials (see page 470, 472), for: £. i, tea is nearly the same as suwa = wa. ta» >» > > » suwd = wa. Probably the closed [ formerly non-existent in Chinese, has been originated in later times, while at prosont it is again much less frequent than in the old R. T. Under which phonetic influences the closed [} may have boon originated, a comparison with a somewhat analogous phenomenon in European languages may show us, viz. the insertion of an u in ; Ttal.: buono, Spanish: bueno, (Latin: bonus), >» auolo, >» aul, ~—>—solum), Ill. THE DIVISIONS (PY SF). Each R. T. is divided, as we have seen before, into four divisions, placed above each other. We have called them the I, IT, III and IV divisions, taking them above downward. In the new sot of R. T., the signiticance is evident if wo compare these R, T. with their index (seo p. 459, note 3 and p. 367, note 1). ‘We see, that the divisions contain: I. div: open [J sounds without medial i f, i. ka. i> >» Ff >. with > i> Ba TH. » closed [J > without » i >» tha, IV. > >» ff > with > i > tha, The significance of the divisions in the old R. T. is in my opinion a little more intricate. We think however, to be authorised 1) Compare v. Meyer, 0. ©. Drittes Kapitel, Mouilliren, p. 851 seq.476 8, H. SOHAANK. to admit also sounds with medial i in the old R. T., viz: that the I. and II. divisions contain sounds without medial i, the III. and IV. divisions sounds with medial i. The I. and I. divisions are here opposite to the Ili. and IV. divisions. Farther it was evident to us (see p. 366) that the classes of are arranged and put into the tables in the following way: If we put the sounds, indicated above with and without medial i, after these values, we should ouly obtain different values for the four divisions of the 2nd and 4th columns, f. i.: I. div. ta, tea, I. > tys, teya. TIL > tyia, teyia. IV. > tia, tia, The difference between I. and Il. divisions, and between III. and IV. divisions consists here in y (an sesential part of ty and (ey). Tn order to got @ difference in sound in the divisions for all classes, I think it necessary to admit, that the other classes of initials in the II, and III. divisions also get after them the value y as an accidental part; hence, if keeping our just mentioned example, we think we have to give our survey in the following manner:ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. Aly Divisions, In this survey the 4 divisions are different, and moreover all syllables, occurring in the same division are rhyming. Besides, the rhymes (2) of the DI. and IV. div. are alike. which must be the case as we saw on p. 871. As the Ill. and IV. div., in other words f, i, kyia and kia, have the same rhymes, consequently the y does not belong to the final, but to the entrance. On page 459 I gave the following formula’s: * =f (8% + FH + & (the I. and IV. div. opposite to the II. and TIL. div.)). a- f (PR + SF (the I. and I. div. opposite to the IT. and IV. div.) + PY + #R)- ‘With regard to the preceding remarks the following example may serve as an illustration of the significance of these formula’s: Divisions. ff (entrance) + BA (final) = 7 (sound) I k +o «@ = ka 0 ly + a = he m ee ee Iv k + i = kia. Testing our representation of the matter to the resulte obtained by others, it is in my opinion corroborated by the following: I. Mr. Volpicelli admitted a vowel i for the IV. division i, e, our medial i.478 & H. SOHAANK, IL. Volpicelli's ¢ (II. div.) may be originated from our yi (f. i. in Ayia) 4). If. Dr. Kahnert saw himself compelled to admit the existence of a “mouillé” in the II. and IV. div. i, ©. our yia and ia fi, in kyia and kia, IV. Words like #ya may develop into kia by the wearing out of the y. Hence we see that many II. div.-characters of the old R. T. have got » medial ¢ in the Nanking dialect). In other II. div.-characters the y is totally disappeared *), Words with initial y can be placed in the II. and Ill. divisions of the 33th and 84th initials, (see p. 471, 478) for y, being a sonant: sya = ya, ¥ya = ya ote. Here it is the fit place to come back to development of the initial p-class into the initial f-claes (see p. 467). In the closed [J sounds, in which this development gevorally takes place (see p. 866), the syllables as ko, Aya, Ayia, kia with the initials of the p- and ‘f-classes would be thus: L. div. tpa. IL > tpye. IIL » tpyia and +/yia (see later on R. T. 22). IV. > tpia Hence it is clear that the closed [J is indeed one of the causes of the development, but tp has to be followed also by yis is tp not followed by yi, it is not displaced by +7. 1) We may point out here, that of the 7876 III. division-sounds examined by Mr. Volpicelli, 8867 (i. ©. about 43 9) have an i, oe: WB Rw. ee He BB. HB. a8. BR. St. nen Be, tt, &. oR. BW, BmANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 479 Chinese “mouillé” sounds. There are many indications, that the medial i and the mouillé- sounds in Chinese are of relatively recent origin *). As sounds like zy, py, fy, Ay and ly may be considered as separate initials as well as ty and ty, and this has not been done, we are perhaps authorised to infer that at the time of the drawing up of the system of initials (see above page 469) only the t-class and the ts-class could be followed by a y. In the first system of initials the ivitials N°. 12 4§{ = ny and N°. 28 YR = dey are lacking?). As phonetically n and dz are easily subject *) to the “mouillé” process, it is very strange that ny and dey did not occur in the first attempt of the initial eystem. Therefore I believe, that at the time of making up this system all n's and dz’s wore already followed by y and that only afterwards the original n and dz were re-originated by the woaring out of the y- The correlates of #9 and HR viz. Je (N°. 8 = R. T. n) and 4 (N°. 28 = B. T. dz), originally representing ny and dey, getting respectively the initials n and dz, two new characters had to be found for the words, in which y had remained intact *). As J among all consonants most easily becomes a “mouillé” sound *), probably 3 (35th initial) may also have represented formerly ly. As (tr) is in my opinion still easier to be’ followed by y than J, it is possible that the S6th initial ( FJ ) has formerly represented (inys tr, only occurring in two different characters of the R. T., hes perhaps been re-originated by the dropping of the y out of the 1) On the phonetic origin of the medial i and the “mouillé” y, aealed Meyer, 0. ¢. Chapter “Mouilliren”. 8) See Edkins, M. G. p 68. 8) See Briicke, 0. c. p 70 seq., and v. Meyer, 0. 0. p. 861 seq. 4) On « similar change in the p-olass see p. 469. 5) See note 8.480 8. H. SCHAANK, initial group (Ir)y. As after the 96th initial only 3 (two different) of the 70 charactors of the R. T. are without y, i.e. occur in the L. (and IV.) divisions, it is very difficult to ascertain the ancient value of this initial by comparison. With (tr) the forepart of the tongue is indeed flatter than with J (85th initial), 90, if = y fol- lows, mistake of the articulation is easily made, by which (Ir) disappears (Canton-dialect), or develop into » related sibilant (Nanking- and Peking-dialects), or even into the related contact sound n (Iny in Nanking-dialect usually becomes j (j as in jamais), > » Peking-dislect >» > th (as 2 > azure), > » Canton-dialect > > y (y 8 > year), > » Hakka-dialect >» > —y (y> » year) or ny (Briicke's n'y*). In the RB. T. y after the initials is much more frequent than in the present dislects, it has often been dropped or replaced by a medial i. Studying the eet of new B. T., we seo that there has come = great separation between the ty- and the tay-class, viz. the ty-class ia never followed by a medial i, the tey-class is aloays followed by a medial i '), This separation is not strange, as sounds like ty (= ¢'y') and tey (= t''y!) easily develop into others. Although a dental (¢*, t's!) may be followed by = y, this is easier with a dorsal *) 1) Only in the Bth table they oocar otherwise. This is pointed ont in the “BY BA EE, sub. 8, 7 and 9, viz. aS © F hh RM HK, BF ; ma OF a i i.ANCIRNT CHINESE PHONETICS. 481 (e, #64), Sounds like #s'y', ¢e*hy! ote. easily develop into #°(s*x'), #(e4y')h ote, At prosent tty! also has become ¢%(s%y!) in different dialects '), When we compare the old R. T. with the new ones, we get in general this survey, as far as regards the “mouillé” sounds: old R. T. ka, kya, kyia, kia become new R. T. ka, kia, kia, kia, > >» ta, tya, tyia, tia > >» > ta, tya, tya, tia, > > tea, taya, teyia, teia > > > — tea, tyia, tayia, teia, which sounds are thus mentioned in the tables: Old R. T. New R. T.*) IV. THE TONES (ff). Evidently in the old R. T. there have been mentioned four tones for each syllable, for in each division 4 characters are put the one under the other. The tones and their values have however 1) See on these phonetic transitions Bricke, o. e. Abschnitt VI and VIII, v. Meyer, 0. 6. p. 856. 2%) As one may observe, we retained the old values in the new R.T. The other classes of initials follow the s-class,482 8. H. SOHAANK. nowhere been notified. Iu the new R.T. the 4 tones F® | + A are mentioned, while there is also a description of the difference in intonation (se Jp PY BE }-). Edkins (M. G. p. 18) saya: “The native name for tone is #, sound, The names 9 | - A were given when there were but four tones in the language, about A.D. 500. They were so chosen that each name exemplified its own class”, i. 0. the character 4® had the 4 tone > >» b»> b> > » £r»> > > >» ARr»~r>A> The Chinese like euch definitions. We think we ought to take these names as follows: the 4 f was not only the tone of the syllable 4, but aleo the tone, that was pronounced in an even (7) manner, with other words: when the names for the tones were fixed, the tones were intonated as implied by these names, and A, f, 4, A denote, I think, that the tones were pronounced ss follows: : 2B FR with AE voice i, © even intonation, EPR > £ > >» rising intonation, EP > ZH > > departing, falling intonation, AFR > A >» entering intonation. As entering may have the sense of disappearing. I think the composers of the system meaut with this name that the breath ceases (disappears) '). If one wants to say kam, kang or kan, but stopping short the breath immediately after producing the m-, ng- or n-contact, one will not produce kam, kang or kan, but kap, kak 1) “Discontinuitit in der Expirationsbewegung”, compare Britcke, 0. «. p. 99.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 483 or kat with occlusive (prohibitive) b, 9, d or p, k, t'). Outwardly these p(b)-, H(g)- or #(d)-contacts are respectively perfectly indentical with the m-, ng- or n-contacta. If the sound-producing breath ceases somewhat earlier, instead of kam, kang and kan only ka (with longer or shorter a) is heard, and if the ceasing of the breath is caused by closing of the glottis, kas (usually written kak) is produced). This + is the 4th tone final of the R, T. syllables ending in vowels in the other tones. Consequently it is phonetically possible, that in Chinese f. i. kop and kas are originated by an older kam, as well as kat and kas out of kan, and kak and kas out of kang. According to Dr. Edkins’ theory this then must have taken place about 2000 or 2500 years before Christ *). Although the possibility of this opinion is not ex- 1) Compare f. i. Bracke, 0. o. p. 88, ¥. Meyer, 0. 0. p. 887. 2) So it is pouible, that £. i. 2 (F) comes from an older taf (compare Eakins, ‘MG. p. 87), and te ($Y) from an older tang CT)» phonetio clement of 47). 8) Dr. Baking, M. @. p. 88 20q.: “The general resalt of (the) researches into the early form of the language, is that there wore at first only two tones, 7 and JA, or perhaps three AE, fe and A. Ir the former, it is the same thing as saying that there were at fint no tones at all, for the long tone embraced words ending in ay, =, m and the vowels, while the short tone appropriated the finals &, ¢, p. The diference of tone then resolves itself into « difference in vowels and consonants, According to this hypothesis « new fone is formed once in 1000 or 1600 years. The scond or fF FEF dates from B.C. 1000, The third or FH, from A.D. 950. The fifth or - , from A.D. 1300”, id, p. 86: “The rhymes of the Shi-king, Tao-teh-king and Yib-king, and sabsequent books of poetry give the means of investigating the old language to the 11th centary B.C. ‘Among other writers on this subject, a recent editor of the Shwoh-wen ff 3, named BRE R ‘Twan-Yah-Ts'ai, states that, “it appears on examination that in the Chen, ‘Win and Han dynasticn (B.C. 1100 to A.D. 960), there were but three tone-clames, the third or FEY, teing not yet formed. Under the Wei- and Tein-families, A.D, 200 to 400, many words in the Snd and 4th tone-clases, united to form the Srd, which then es ite first appearance, At the same time, many words in the 28 PAF passed into ‘the other three classes, and the four tone-classes were thus completed”. He adds “Form- erly words wore arrange into great groupe, The fst contained the modern 7fS fA484 &. H. SOHAANK, cluded and the impossibility is not easily to be demonstrated avai- ling us of Chinese authorities "), I still believe, basing myself on the results laid down by Prof. G. Schlegel in his Sinico-Aryaca, that the finals k, p and ¢ have always existed in Chinese, having been combined with ng, m and n only on account of the mentioned phonstical reason. The proposition admitted by Mr. Volpicelli *) that the terminations k, p, ¢ are but shortened abrupt forms of ng, m, n is already called by Dr. Edkins (M. G. p. 254) an “er- roneous view” and is not “according to the views of the native philologers”, being contradicted by the most renowned of them Twan-yuh-te'ai ( Bt Be HR) and Ku-yon-wou (HR HE Be). V. VOWELS (4). In my opinion FY has in the R. T. the sense of the opening of the mouth*). In each R. T. the F{ is mentioned. There are four different f*, viz.: BPA. ORAL. SPA one fi FA. These, acoording to my view, have the following significances: BB FA. the broad mouth, as for producing an @ sound (a as in Ital. ballare), and fiF; the sooond, the modem fe fF and J PAF. ‘The tone-clam called came into existence at the time when the Shi-king 4 was written, That called E> HBR, was formed under the Wei- and Twin-dynastics” ”, 1) Tradition averibes the invention of the Chinese characters to Tr'ang-bich AF 3, who lived before the time of Yan and Shan, in the reign of Hwang-ti, said to be B.C. 2600. (Compare Kakins, M. G. p. 70). 2) See o. ¢. note 9, p. 16 vit: “T leave out the terminations £, ¢, p, found in the Ju Sheng of the southern dialects because, sooording to the views of the native philologers, ‘whose system I follow, they are but shortened abrapt forms of ag, x and m”. 8) See also Dr. Kahnert 0, « p. 24 10q., compare fF] YZ = front-toeth.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 485 $% FAL. the narrow mouth, as for producing an O sound (0 as in Engl. lord), 31 FA], the protracted mouth, as for producing an i sound (i as in German wider), 483 FAL, the compressed mouth, as for producing an @ sound (u as in German Muth '). Now the PA denotes, according to us, the vowel following after the part of the sound already fixed by us (seo: Initials, [J, and divisions). We now get, according to the R. TT, the following values of the syllables (I take the example in the open [], I. div., initial 4; all other cases are analogously formed): 4st olsssifier-sounds = ko + 1st classifier. 16th > =ko+16h » » 2nd > =ka+ 2d > rd > =ku+ 3rd > 4th > =ku+ 4th >» 5th > =ki+ 5h »> 6th > =ka+ 6th » 7th > =ku+ 7th » . 8th > =ka+ 8b » 9th > o-+ 9th » 10th » ko+ 10th » Ath » =ki+ ith » 42th > =ku+1%h >» 413th > =ku+ 13h >» 14th > =ka+ ath >» 15th > o+ 15th >» 1) Dr. Kabnert 0. 0. p. 24 seq. shares this view with an alteration. He admits that tho PE] denotes the position of the lips for producing «, 0, i and , while the I, 11, TIE and IV divisions respectively designate the position of the cavity of the mouth for ‘#, If the position of the lips agrees with the position of that cavity, perfect vowels; if however the position of the lips does not agree with486 8. H, SCHAANK. ANCIENT CHINES® PHONETICS. After the vowel 4] we admit the classifier $f as last part of the sound (syllable), if f. i, the 9th classifier = m, the value of the syllable ko + 9th classifier becomes ko + m = kom. (to be continued). the position of the rfect sounds are produced. Hence Dr. Kabnert gets in every division a different vowel different rhyme, being this, as we already saw, the fault of his hypothesis (ee above p. 871). 2) Provisionally we give the number 16 to the clussifer ff, later on it will be ovidont, that this classifier at present is superfluous, hence that there are only 15 classifierswa OCF Bh FR Toung pao ARCHIVES POUR SERVIR A L'BTODE DE L'RISTOIRE, DES LANGUBS, DE LA GROGRAPEIE ET DE L'BTHNOGRAPHIE DE L’ASIB ORIENTALE (CHINE, JAPON, COREE, INDO-OHINE, ASIE CENTRALE et MALAISIE). ¢ REDIGKES PAR MM. GUSTAVE SCHLEGEL Profewear de Chinois & I'Université de Leide ar HENRI CORDIER Profewear & I'Boole spéciale des Langues orientales vivantes et & Boole libre des Sciences politiques & Paris, Vol. IX. LIBRAIRIE ET IMPRIMERIE OLDEVANT E. J. BRILL. LEIDE — 1898.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS BY 8. H. SCHAANK. I. Continued from Voi. VIII, page 457. + VI. CLASSIFIERS (47%). In order to find s sound in the Rhyme-Tables, it is easiest to look ap the table agresing in 4% with the sound inquired for, having then restricted the inquiry to a small quantity of tables. Therefore I translated #25 by classifier (see Vol. VIII, p. 458, note 4). In the old set of R. T. there are 16 classifiers, divided in fy and 4p classifiers. The following list gives a survey of these classifiers, according to the arrangement of the R. T.: re a 8 | Wi | ab 4 16") | Ah 6 9 | me > 8 2 | Be > 7) 10| R | ws! 3s |@i>6 u | # j> 8 4 | Ml > 1 wily | Jo 4 5 | Jbl > 2 } 3 @ |>s| 6 | i | > ola | ae | js 7 imles| fas] mol. 2 2) See note 2, p. 486 in Vol, VITI. 2) Also represented by the synonym. Hh.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 29 In the #4 BA Gk EE we find the following enumeration of the classifiers 4 5% 1 ite Fy 12,3, 12, 6,11, 8 » Ap 1, 2, 3, 18, 8, 15,10» A 5, 6, 7, 14,16, 2, 9 >» Ap 5, 6, 7, And afterwards thus: dice | Py seo 12 > Ap B> > > > 6> |° > 2 11> > 8 8 > | > 4 4 > > 5 lee > 4 16 > > 6 13 » > 5 2 > » 7 3 > > 6 15 > > 7 10 > > 8 9> > 8 Tn the last list the classifiers have » regular arrangement with regard to fy and Ap, which is not the case in the R. T. Probably these names fq (in) and #f (out) have their cause in an older systematization; what they really mean does not appear *). As, however, they have not been mentioned in the R. T. in their 1) As far as the characters of the classifiers are comprised in the tables, we find the fA clasifirs in the I. and I11. div., the Ap ctasisiers im the TI, div. 330 8. H. SCHAANK. correct arrangement, I suppose they have only been used with regard to this older systematization in order to make obvious the connection of the R. T. with it, Which systematization may here be meant? The last arrangement of the classifiers has much similarity with the R. T. of K'ang-hi arranged in the old order"). We may here, however, go still further. On each page of the R. T. is, as is well-known, a column of rhymes; moreover, beside this colomn, there is often another row of characters. If we look at these characters, it is at once clear, that they are with little alterations the characters serving as finals in the Kwang-Yun ( if #4) *). If we now place the Kwang-Yun finals, occurring as rhymes in the R. T., after the classifiers in the last mentioned order, we get the following list, clearly showing by its regularity the connection of the R.T. with the Kwang-Yun: classifier 4 1, 2), 8 @ >» i]s | 4, = >» 5/8168, > 7] 4 | 9 (0), 1, > 6] F | 12, 14, 15, 16, > | & | 17, 18, (20), (21), 28, 24, > 8 | B | 22, 25, 26, 28, 80, >» |e | 32, 38, 34, > iif 3 © 1)35, 36, 37, > 16) = > 18] vy | 38, 39, 3 > 2] 8 | 40, 42, (43), a > $8] & | 44, 45, e) > 15] F | 46, 47, > >» 10] B | 49, & > 9 50, 52, 54, 57%). “T) Compare Volpicelli, 0. «. p. $6. 2) Compare Dr. Edkins, Mand, Grammer, p. 69, and Volpicelli, 0, c. p. 88, table. 8) The nals in parentheses are found in the column to the left of the Rhyme-column.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 31 This list is undoubtedly very usefal for the restoration of the Kwang-Yun-phonetics. We will here only treat of some points. Traditional respect, as well as commodity in use made, in my opinion, choose the ancient Kwang-Yun finals for the Rhyme-characters, altering them only as far as necessary with regard to the more modern language of the R. T. Where to the left of the Rhyme- column a second row of characters is given, this will denote that two finals of the Kwang-Yun had become one. The Kwavg-Yun- finals lacking in the above list had disappeared as separate, and were spread over different finals '). As the IV. division has no Rhyme-characters, and many of the Rhyme-characters of the III. division being found in the IV. div. (see Vol. VILL, p. 371), I am inclined to suppose that no words as kia etc. occur in the Kwang-Yun, in other words: that the IV. div. has developed out of the III. div.: the IV. div. being therefore the youngest. Consequently the composers of the R. T. could not take Rhyme-characters for the IV. div. out of the Kwang-Yun; but the composing of new Rhyme-characters for the IV. div. is evidently considered unnecessary, the III. and IV. div. having the same thyme. The 36th initial (/r) has no characters in the IV. div. of the R. T.; while neither T, T, D, N, P, M and L have IV. division-characters in the closed []. If it may be granted that the IV. div. (fi. Aia) has developed out of the III. div. (f. i. Ayia), then it is perhaps not too hazardous to admit (comp. Vol. VIII, p. 478) that fi. an original ka first formed kya, this developing into Ayia), while out of kyia kia may have grown; in other words, that the chronological order is: ka, kya, kyia, kia or I. Il. III. IV. division. Might this perhaps be the solution of Kiang-Yung (7. 44 )'s diction: 1) That the Kwang-Yon langoage difers from that of the R. Tis moreover evident from the fact, that tho ZA, pf in the Kwang-Yon only has #, p, # as finals, whereas the Innguage of the R. T. may in that tone also have © as Gnal (see Vol. VIII, p. 483).32 8. H. BCHAANK. —FK. HERK SF am, AF 1 ie The I. div. is great, the II. div. is great in the 2nd place, > TIL » » omall, » IV. > » the smallest, which Mr. Volpicelli wante to connect with the vowels o, a, ¢ and i? *) Perhaps — in connection with the Chinese ideas of great and old (original) — the translation is: “Phe I. div. is the oldest, then the I. div. camé, the II. div. is new, but the IV. div. is the youngest”. The order of the finals of the Kwang-yun is an approach to the order of the Sanskrit alphabet (Edkins, M. G., p. 69); which is the role influencing the order of the classifiers in the R. T. is an open question to me. When determinating the Values of the classifiers, it must be borne in mind that these with regard to the peculiar Chinese writing-system were as clear to the eyes of the composers of the R. T. as the significauce and pronunciation of 100 (one hundred) is to us Europeans. Examining the definitions in question we first read (43 A. ® &): 3H i BOR Ae. RL Ce i. @. the classifiers 4, 18, 8, 10, 12, 11, 8, 2 and 9 are corres- ponding to the A ff, or those having a fourth tone. As in the R. T. the other classifiers also have a fourth tone, we think we may admit that this role refers to the older systematization of the Kwang-Yun, in which only these classifiers have a fourth tone, 1) Comp. 0. ©. p. 96. I do not see the connection,ANCIBNT CHINESE PHONETICS. 33, words with final vowel having no A f& in this older dictionary ‘). Hence the meaning of the Chinese defivition should be: the said classifiers end in consonants, This opinion is corroborated by the Present pronunciation in the southera dialects, where the final consonants of the syllables mentioned under these classifiers are: 4,18, 3, 10, 12, 11, 8, 2, 9, ng, ng, ng, m, ng, 0, », ng, m. To this also correspond the definitions *): ii — fy Gil 3 i.e. the two classifiers 2 (Affi) and 8 (#}) follow 4 (3H), and WL Fd F ie. tho classifier 12 (77) is = classifier 18 (4 ). More- over 2, 8 and 4 and 12 and 18, as belonging together, have been placed in the same space in the index to the old R. T. As the values of the classifiers we now admit the found values without anything else, so: cl. 4, 18, 3, 10, 12, 11,8, 2 9 = ng, ng, Dg, ™m, ng, 0, n, ng, m*). Another definition says: Jk Oe OR OF. MRR He io the 5th cl. (yf) has no daration, the 6th cl. (##) is expelled, is laid out, which in my opinion must mean: the 5th cl. is silent, the 6th cl., connected with it), is pronounced. For the given syllable on p. 485 (Vol. VIII) we got the fol- lowing values: 1) Comp. above p. 81, note 1. ») se Wh BS By Hl BE. 3) Raking, MG. p 254: “Macsicho of Shas-hing followed Ke-yenwa in studying the ancient sounds of the Yib-king, and the tables of the tonio dictionaries, See Fy BA 0a BAB BE FH. Te soos wm and p, now lost from mandarin, be describes clearly as labials, pronounced by shatting the mouth He states that in Centon province they are still pronounced”. 4 This in consequence of the opposition.34 8. H. SCHAANK. 5th cl-sounds = Ai + 5th cl. 6th =>» ~— = ka + 6th » From the definition we infer that cl. 5 is mute, consequently the firet value: ki + Sth ol. = &i + nihil = Ai. (Therefore cl. 5 = nihil after i). Now we think the meaning of the definition is: the dl. 6 = i, i.e. the vowel belonging to the 5th cl. (Syllable ka} i = kai). A following definition says: 5 3] BE HR i.e. the 15th (Jf) snd 7th (4) classifiers are slightly mixed. In the values on p. 485 (Vol. VIII) the syllable is with the 7th cl. = ku + 7th cl. > » 5th cl. = ko + 15th » In connection with the definition, I think it admissible, that the value of the 7th cl. = nihil after u, and the 15th cl. = u. Conse- quently: syllable cl. 7 = ku, syllable cl. 15 = kow. As to the other classifiers, not mentioned in the definitions, I think likewise admissible to suppose the value nihil, i. 6. Ith classifier = nihil after o (value Vol. VIII, p. 485 = ko). th » = » » Of » » » » » = ko) Mth oo» = >» » a@( > » » » » = ka) Substituting the values of the classifiers thus found io the formula’s on p. 485, we provisionally obtain the following values of the said syllable: Ist cl.-sounds: ko + nihil = ko. 16th =» ~—ko + nibil = ko. and >) ka + ng = kang. ard > ku + ng = kung. 4th o>» ku -+ ng = kung. Sth =o») Ki nihil = ki, 6th => oka fi = kai,ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 35 7th cl-sounds: ku + nihil = ka. 8th > ka tn = kan th > ko+m = kom loth >» ko+m = kom, litho o>) kita = kin, 18th => ku f+ ng = kung. 18th = >a tng = kung. Mth => ska + nihil = ka‘), 1th =») ko fa = kon. From this list it is directly evident that the question has not yet been solved, as we are not allowed to admit that diferent classifiers would give the same sounds, as it is the case here, the Ist and 2nd cl: both giving the syllable ko, the 8rd, 4th, 12th, 18th all kung, and the 9th and 10th cl. both kom. ‘The difference between these equal syllables has therefore still to be determined. We will now try to do s0. Ko (lst and 16th classifiers). The cl. 1 and 16 have both been comprised together in the Ist and 2nd R. T., and have evidently become one. A trifle how- ever denotes a former difference, i. e. in R. T. 1 in the super- scription is put: {f 4% Xf, in R. T. on the contrary: ff Hy Ab A. The meaning I cannot determine, as the value of Xf and FY is not yet clear to me. 1) Dr. KGhoert as well as Mr. Volpicelli here admit a diphthong: with the former oar £a would sound saw (with its variations), with the latter #00, kao, bo, bio. This is not to be inferred from the definitions. [f it were a dipthong, it would have been strange that in the deflsitions or arrangements there is not to be found any analogy between cl. 14 and 15 (eyllables Aex and fox of Dr. Kihnert). The I. division *) of the 14th classifier gives in several Hakka-dialects characters with the sound o (0 as in Lord, 0 as in go, oF ny have 0 (a8 in 20, Ane, crow). ©) The other divisions are of little account for the restoration of the vowels, asy and medial i easily alter the original vowels.36 8. H. SCHAANK. Moreover we have to advance the following: In the index to the old R. T. we find after the classifiers 1 and 16 put together: Py & $F BK i. 0. among these occur $f and Ht. From the DS A+ =F BA GK it in evident that $F and gH are op- posite to each other as analogous sounds, the former in the open 11, the second in the closed [J]; consequently the just mentioned sentence could be translated: ‘Among these are open and closed [J sounds”. As, however, in the Ist R.T. belonging to these classifiers are found open, and in the 2nd R. T. closed [J sounds, this trans- lation neither gives an explanation, therefore we have to look out for another. The sentence fy Gy >» kang » > >» — king, 4th > > hang > > > kang. Traces of these pronunciations are indeed found in the present dialects; least clear however this is the case with'the 4th cl., showing words daring the development of the closed [J (see Vol.VIII, p. 474) may have been thas: fA = common, ordinary sounds Af = uncommon, extraordinary, sounds, 1) The two characters are in the new R, respest jeators of the open [J sounds of the Sth final and the closed [J sounds of the 8th final, In my opinion, however, they have nothing to do with open and closed [J sounds. {Pf (closed [J ) has only been chosen, because there are no charscters with the open A of the 8th final.38 8, H, SOHAANK. only fow traces of a pronunciation kang. Nevertheless we ought to remember that the cl. 4 has only closed [J sounds, by which circumstance the u-sound has become prevalent (seo 'p. 87). With the: 18th classifier I have not found any indication, so the value of the syllable remains for this classifier ung. So there remains the 12th classifier (R. T. 20). Already at first sight the peculiar arrangement of this table is obvious (see above Vol. VIII, p. 872, 878). Only in the IT. div. there are characters, while those of the Ist, 4th and Sth classes of initials also occur in table 21 (open [J sounds) and those of the other classes (3, 7, 9) in R, T, 22 (closed |] sounds). We shall only treat of the guttural class here; this being clear, the others will be clear also. In the table under the characters of this class is put: “open [J sounds”, this cannot moan that those characters are here “open [J sounds, as they already occur as such in table 21, but that they are closed FH sounds in R. T. 20, while otherwise (in R. T. 21) they are open J sounds. This becomes clear by the superscription of the 20th R. T. = BA 4 mF, i. e. open and closed [J sounds"). The gutturals being given in the first column of the table, 4 fj mf would have been clearer, but this construction is incompatible with Chinese syntax. I think that the sounds in the jiret (i. e. the 20th R. T.) are the common, those in the R. T. 21 and 22 the uncommon pronun- ciation of the given characters). My opinion, that the difference between classifiers 12 and 18 can only consist in the [1], is con- firmed by the fact, that the rkymes in the R.T. belonging to these classifiers (j. e. R. T. 20, 21, 22) are alike (cp. above Vol. VIII, p. 878). 1) In the edition of the R. . of the 7th year of SEP Hf, chiefly followed by me, there is pat A A wp: im the edition of the 20th year of * HB: it is, as in the text, He & oF 2) Compare one Vol. VII, p. 476.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 39 Kom (9th and 10th classifiers). R.T. 15 (i. ¢ the lat table of classifier 9) does not afford indications; so the value remains kom. R. T. 16 (i. e. the 2nd table of the 9th classifier), however, has a peculiarity: at the right top corner, i.e. at the beginning of the table, the character Fis printed. Now this does not mean, that this character belongs to this table and consequently has to be pronounced om; if this had been meant, the space in which this character is placed, would have been filled up, as anywhere else!) with circlets (©). I think it cannot mean anything else than that the characters of thie 16th table may also be placed in the 18th R. T. of which the character -F is the first; in other words: the characters of R. T. 16 have a value corresponding to kan (R. T. 18) along with the common value kom (R. T. 16), i. e. the characters of R. T. 16, all in the TIL. div., have a second value agreeing with the III. div. of R. T. 13. Therefore I am convinced that the character 32, placed in the same way in table 16, cannot mean anything else than: the cha- racters occurring in the second half of this R. T. have still a third value, agreeing with the value of the IV. div. of R. T. 15, of which 2° is the first character (see later on R. T. 16). Tn the same way as for the characters in table 16 there has been referred by “F to table 18, with table 17 (cl. 10, value kom), the character fff refers to table 18 (value kin). So wo get here beside the value tom the value kin. Hence it is evident that already in the old R. T. the well- known wearing off of the final m (and p) to final n (and ¢) is stated. Now it is also clear why in the index on the old R. T. classifier 8 has been combined with cl. 9, and el. 10 with cl. 11; 2) See fi, RT. 94, IV. di 1b nd class of initials.40 & H. SCHAANK, likewise the definition [lj jag BR SR Aa #H BA. i. cl. 8 (LL) has a slight view of cl. 9 (ja), a8 cl. 10 (BR) of cl. 11 (3), for: 8 cl-sounds = kan 9 cl.-sounds = kom or kan 11>) = hin 100 > = kom or kin. Now using the above mentioned explanations to correct the values on p. 485, Vol. VIII, we get the following survey of the syllables in the first div., sub fi: R.T. 1, latand 16th el: ko or ko (c0e p. 85) > 2 5 tko > ko > » 35) > 8, 2nd els kang > king > » 98, 87) > 4, > > . fkang> king > » 88, 87) > 5, ari.» kung> king » » 88,87) > 6 >» > ykung> king > » 88,87) > 7, 4th > flung» +kang > » 88, 87) > 8 Bth > ki >» 84) > % > > hi >» 84) > 10, 6th » kai >> 34) >i, > > thai >» 84) > 12, 7th » tku >» » 85) 18, 8th > kan > > 88) >, > > kan >» 38) > 15, oth > kom > » 38, 89) > 16 > >» kom » kan > » 38,39) > 17, 10th » kom > kin > » 88, 39) > 18, Ith » kin >» 88) >19, > > ykin > > 88) » 20, 12th » ykung> kung (in R.T.21) » » 38,87) > 21, 18th » kung > » 38, 87) > 22, > > ykung > » 88,87) > 28, lth > ka >» 35) >» 24, 15th >» kou > » 85)ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 41 The common, usual pronunciation is put in the first place. From the above survey it is evident that the values are different in all tables. With this all clements of the Chinese sounds in the old R. T. of K'ang-hi have been restored. I hope my endeavour may be proof against criticism, though I dare not flatter myself to have found everywhere the true value in a question, where a sinologue as Dr. Edkine, after tens of years, “only drew on outline expressing the chief features”. As one may observe, we have made a grateful use of Dr. Kahnert’s attempt to discover the ancient’ phonetics of the old R. T. Mr. Volpicelli’s method we do not consider of great value; letting alone the fact that he has not critically examined the R.T., in other words that he has considered many unlike sounds as being alike, his method would only then be of great value, if he had proved that the dialects used by him were “daughters” of the language represented in the R. T. I think, however, to be authorised to admit that some of these dialects cannot boast of a nearer relationship than that of “sister's childern” to the said language. The baso of the old R. yon (early in the XI. century) and the T’ang-yun (VIII. century), may perhaps be traced back to the lost dictionary Ts'ich-yan (carly in the VI. centary)'), but the settlement of the Chinese in Kwang-tung dates at least from the beginning of or era*). .e. the Kwang- The Kwang-yan dictionary had originally a system of 206 finals, which afterwards (XIII. century) were reduced by Lieu Piing-shui to a little more than one hundred. His system, with slight variations, has continued in use to the present time. The finals may be still 1) Cf. Bakins, M. G., p. 67, 68. In the introduction to Wells Williams’ Syllabic Dictionary, p. XXX, it is said that the Kwang-yan dates from the V1Ith century. 8) See f. i. my “Kongsi’s van Montrado”, Batavia 1908, p. 11.42 8. H. SOHAANK. farther diminished one half by not counting differences in tone ') (ef. Edkins, M.G., p. 68). If we now admit, that the simplification of the Kwang-yun-finale in the XIIIth centary was something having nothing to do with changes in the language, then indeed the language of the Kwang-yun would not be older than at utmost the beginning of the Vith century. Further it has been pointed out however that the language of the R. T. is different from that codified in the Kwang-yun. The language of the Kwang-yun has f. i. only &, p, ¢ as finals of the 4th tone, while in the R. T. aleo the final * is possible in this tone (see above, p. 31, note 1). Dr. Edkine says (M. G., p. 77, On the parent stem of the Mandarin and other dialects): “As Latin which was once spoken over all western Europe became the mother of several modern languages, so the dialects of modern China may be supposed to have grown out of an older colloquial language spreading over the whole country. Differences of dialects were noticed indeed as early as the Han-dynasty (206 B.C.—A.D. 25), and a work of that time still extant, Fy =, records many examples of such variations. But it speaks of words only, saying nothing on sounds. There is no information in the common books on sounds of any local differences in pronunciation, till after the T’ang-dynasty. They must have existed to some extent, bat they are probably beyond the reach of inquiry. In the absence of such information, there is room for the hypothesis that in the firet centuries of the Christian era, a common dialect was spoken throughout China with trifling local differences”. The age of the language codified in the old R. T. is as yet not exactly to be fixed. On page 377, Vol. VILL, I estimated it between A.D. 1000 and 1800, basing myself upon the following reasons: 1) Compare above p. 80.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 43 Dr. Edkins (M. G. p. 76) says on various grounds: “‘a period extending from about A.D. 1000 to 1500 witnessed the formation . As in the R. T. there are already to be found traces of the modern pronunciation, asf. i. the of the modern mandarin pronunciation development of the final m (and p) to n (and ¢) and the * as a final of the JA fA, the language of these R. T. cannot be. older than A.D. 1000. The year 1800 was fixed as the other limit in In the dictionary Chung-yyen-yin-yun (FH Jit 2} 8A) by Cheu-teh-ts'ing ( Ji} ff fff). a writer of the Yuen, or Mon- golian dynasty, A.D. 1264 to 1868, the mandarin pronunciation is this way given with great accuracy. The final m of the old tables is retained, but there is no trace of the finals #, t, p, in the fourth tone (cf. Eakins, M. G. p. 87, 74). In the R. T., as we have seen, the finals £, t, p still occur. The lack of the fifth tone (fF 2P fA) in the R. T. aleo pleads for our opinion, as this tone dates from A.D. 1800 (cf. M. G@. p. 89). Probably the R. T. only date from the last part of the mentioned period or some years afterwards as, according to Dr. Edkins, the change of final m to n did not occur till the 14th contury (M. G. p. 84) '). I hope that this IInd part of my essay may have made the motto: “the earliest history of the Chinese language is perhaps not unattainable” a little more probable. From the above it is ap- parent that the older Chinese phouetic system was probably much simpler than that of the R. T. 1) T had already written the above lines, when I received the “Recent Researches apon the Ancient Chinese Sounds by J. Edkins. D.D.” (Chinese Review, vol. XXII, 2°. 8). Hore I find the confirmation of my proposition about the recent origin of the R. T. The aathor says (p. 665): “When I was in Peking I purchased copies of Kin-dynasty di From these... I foand that the whole system of the K'anghi tables hed been constructed by the Ni-Chi Government, while they raled North Chins. They may be said to date from the 12th century. There was new work on the tables in the 14th century, but very little was done afterwards”, ionaries.44 8. H. BOHAANK, Thus may be of later origin: IL. The closed [J sounds (see Vol. VIII, p. 474). IL. The “mouillé” sounds and the medial i (see Vol. VIII, p. 478). TI. (As a result of IL): the Srd class of initials, i. e. ty ete. from older ¢ etc. (2nd class) and IV. the 7th class of initials i.e. f.i. tey from older ¢s (6th class). V. The 6th class of initials, i.e. f etc. from older p ete. (5th class), (see Vol. VIIE, p. 468). VI. The tones (see Vol. VIII, p. 488, note 8). Moreover the 8th class has assuredly partly developed out of the Ist class, i.e. A, A’, © and * from older &, &, g and ng (com- pare Edkins, M. G., p. 84). Phonetically it is possible, that te ete. (6th class) has developed out of ¢ ete. (2nd class), (compare v. Meyer, 0.c., p. 356). As to the development of sonants into aspirates and surds, see p. 876, later on R. T. 8 and China Review, vol. XXII, p. 595; and as to changes in the finals ibid. p. 568 and above p. 477 and 484 '), 1) The complete merging of f in an older p, and of A in an older A, takes us back to an age contemporaneous with the old postry. A great narrowing of the range of the hissing letters 4, ¢, 2, 24 ote, is a mark of the same period. At that time, ch was pro- ably lost entirely in ¢, and dj in d. Tho researches of native scholars, and the existence of dislects like the Amoy and Swatow, without an f, and with a contracted ch and s, tend to this conclusion. To that earlier era in the history of the Chinese language, belongs the dropping of final letters from a host of words spelled in the Kwang-Yun with vowels only. The rhymes of the old poetry require that many words now spoken in the f fAF and other tones, should be read in the A , Which implies that euch words once ended in a consonant” (Wells Williams, Syll. Dict, Introd., p. XXX seq).ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 45 I. Our work would not be complete if we did not give a survey of the different R. T., especially because in the Ind part of our essay all tho explanations of the tables have not yet been exhausted. For the sake of brevity we only give the value of the syllables of the first initials of every class '), while farther on these classes of initials have only been indicated by their successive numbers. Moreover only the usual value of the syllables has been given; the other values are indicated above each table, while as to the value of the tones is referred to Vol. VIII, p. 482. ‘The spaces left open in the R. T., we leave open also, while the spaces, in which are circlets (©), but no characters, have been marked ‘‘no characters”. This distinction meaus in my opinion: the values corresponding to the open spaces are contradictory to the phonetics, while the spaces marked with “no characters” mean that for one or more syllables, with the corresponding values, there were no characters *). . In the Rhyme-colamn and to the left of it, the figures refer to the finals of the Kwang-yun (see p. 30);, those in parenthesis refer- ring only to the 4th tone-rhymes. 2) Of the 8th, i. 6, Aclass, wo take the $8nd initial A. ‘of only one syllable already causes « space to be Glled up with circlets (see above p. 89).46 8. B. SCHAANK, Rhyme-Table 1. Classifier 1: FU = nihil. fy 4. Classifier 16: 4 = nihil. 4p. Open or Closed [J sounds (see p. 35 s0q.). Vowel = O. \(28) II |(22, |(80)| lyio 28) Iv 1 | | ; po to ko pyo tyo kyo hyio | teyio | pyio | tyio | kyio | bio | tsio | pio | tio kio Rhyme-Table 2. Classifier 1: St = nihil. fy 4. Classifier 16: fi = nihil. Ap 6. Closed or Open [J sounds (see p. 85 seq.). Vowel = O. 9 i z 9 8 | 6 4 2 1 3 8 7 5 3 I] (86; Ho | tho | tto | tpo | tto | tko | {ss Big 87 | tlyo | thyo | tteyo ttyo | tkyo (28) TIL |(22, (80), tlyio | thyio | Hayio | fpyio | ttyio | thyio | | tyio » | Iv | | thio | fisio tkioANCIENT CHINESE PiloNETics. Rhyme-Table 8. Classifier 2: #8 = ng. Af 7. Open [7 sounds. Vowel: A or I, see p. 87. Ang or Ing. at 2 E Opal aaes) 6 4y[ 29] 14 7 5 7 = _ II] [40] lyang | hyang | teyang | pyang | tyang | kyang TI | 48 | 42| lyiang | hyiang | tsyiang| pyiang | tyiang | kyiang Iv ling | hiang | tsiang | piang | tiang | kiang Rhyme-Table 4. Classifier 2: #38 = ng. Af 7. Closed [1 sounds. Vowel: A or I, see p. 87. Ang or Ing. —<— 9 8 6 4 1 Time 8 | L = mo m= IL] | 40 | Nochar-| thyang | ¢tayang tkyang acters TIT | 48 | 42 |Nochar-| thyiang| ttsyiang tkyiang Iv acters | thiang | ttsiang tiiong 1) Above the column of the aspirated initials k‘, t', ty‘ and p' is put the indicator ‘of surds (compare p. 460). This means in my opinion that the characters of these initials may be pronounced with these aspirates (to which the column refers) as well as with the surds respectively related to these aspirates, viz. k, t, ty and p. In the edition of the 20th year of x a these deviations are not found.48 8. H. BCHAANK. Rhyme-Table 5. Classifier 3: 4 = ng. fy 6. Open [1 sounds. Vowel: U or I, see p. 37. Ung or Ing. 1] | u| | tayung M1) | 44| lyiung | byiung| tsyiung| pyiung | tyiung | kyinng rv | | hiung | teiung Rhyme-Table 6. Classifier 8: 4 = ng. fy 6. Closed [1 sounds. Vowel: U or I, see p. 87. Ung or Ing. “I| [45 {Nochar-| thong ; | : ] kung tl | acters Ut} | 44 |Nochar-| +hyiung | tkyiung Iv | acters | 1) TW or Ts, Ts'y or Tey, see R.T. 3. 2) Of the 8rd class of initials only the Oth 1 (FAA) iv placed in this R. T. Although there are no characters with this initial, the indication was necessary in order to point out, that the III. division has the value dy etc.ANCIENT CHINESE PHONETICS. 49 Rhyme-Table 7. Classifier 4: 33 = ng. fy 1. Closed [7 sounds. Vowel: U or A, see p. 87. Ung or Ang. Zz v eee 1|2|1| flung |thung |fteung |tpong |ttong | kung 0 m1] | 8 | flyiung | ¢hyinng] ttsyiong| ¢pyinng| ttyiung | tkyiong : ‘tfyinog Iv| thinng | ttsinng . Rhyme-Table 8. Classifier 5: [f =-nihil. jy 2. Open [ sounds. Vowel: I. 2 ; 6 =| g 9 | 8 | ° 3} i a GS) pki | tat 1 | teyi ur | 8/16) iyi | hy | toyit (48)|17) Iv! nit | tall 1) Tw or Ty, Te'y or Tey, see B. T. 3. 3) P* or p, see RT. 8. 8) See p. 369.