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The Gendered Construction of The Musical Self The Music of Pauline Oliveros
The Gendered Construction of The Musical Self The Music of Pauline Oliveros
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Musical Quarterly
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The Gendered Construction
of the Musical Self:
The Music of Pauline Oliveros
Timothy D. Taylor
385
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386 The Musical Quarterly
Western culture seems to have emphasized the former over the latter.
This, for her, is a problem since she links analytical modes of thought
with masculinity and intuitive modes with femininity, a crucial move
in her feminist system. She writes that the phenomenon of women
becoming composers "may well represent the primary meaning of the
liberation movement in the world today. That is, the recognition and
re-evaluation of the intuitive mode as being equal to and as essential
as the analytical mode for an expression of wholeness in creative
work. Oppression of women has also meant devaluation of intuition,
which is culturally assigned to women's roles."3
She goes on to "hypothesize" that "the emergence of women in
male dominated fields means a move towards the inclusion of intuition
as a complementary mode of activity. Women's emergence is a signifi-
cant evolutionary development towards synthesis or wholeness. Nei-
ther mode is exclusively the province of one sex or the other. The
two modes must be available in any human being, making a more
complete expression available in any field."4
Oliveros's particular brand of feminism is generally known as
cultural feminism, a label that is something of a misnomer since cul-
tural feminism is based on an assumption that differences between the
sexes are primarily the result of biology, not culture. The term was
coined in 1983 by Alice Echols, who chose the qualifier "cultural"
because such feminists believe that they should actively make a sepa-
rate female culture that seeks to revalue underappreciated "feminine"
traits.5 Linda Alcoff offers a more recent formulation of cultural femi-
nism as "the ideology of a female nature or female essence reappropri-
ated by feminists themselves in an effort to revalidate undervalued
female attributes."6 This kind of feminism locates gender and sexuality
as "natural" components of biology that necessarily inform a particular
subject's view of the world. We should thus bear in mind Echols's
criticism that cultural feminists who want to emphasize what they
believe are female traits are buying into the patriarchal culture that
defined those traits as feminine in the first place. Donna Przybylowicz
echoes this point, writing that essentializing sexuality can be viewed
as a way of consolidating the power of the patriarchy.7 Her observa-
tion might be more cogent if the component of identity were shifted
from gender to, say, race. If persons with a different skin color were
"naturally" different, then the dominant culture could (and did) con-
struct those with nonwhite skin colors as inferior.8
Cultural feminists tend to believe that they should make an
environment free of masculine values as they perceive them, and that
specifically female body experiences are powerful forces in constructing
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The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self 387
a female ideology. Thus, art not only can but should represent what is
thought to be feminine. In an interview on 20 December 1991, I
asked Oliveros about this essentialist version of femininity. Is a wom-
an's experience in the world different from a man's, and could it or
should it be represented musically? She replied somewhat evasively:
"Well, that's a hard one. Certainly I think women's experiences are
different. Because of the hierarchy and power structure . . . women
don't have the power and privilege that men have. It's not the same
for women in this society as it's structured now."
This recent statement is not particularly resonant with cultural
feminism, but Oliveros's earlier statements, and some of her music in
the 1960s and 1970s do represent a conscious rejection of much of the
tenets of post-war modem music and an embrace of values that patri-
archal culture has coded as "feminine." Alice Jardine offers a term for
this sort of revaluation, "gynesis," which she says is "a search for what
has been 'left out,' de-emphasized, hidden, or denied articulation
within Western systems of knowledge."9
With this feminist theory in mind, let us consider Oliveros's
music: how Oliveros constructed musical and personal identities; and
how her new musical identity opposes the "official," "academic" music
of the university.10 We will see that Oliveros constructed her new
identity out of an essentialized vision of femininity, combined with
ideas from outside of Western musical traditions.
Oliveros was born in 1932 in Houston. Evidence of her choice
of a different path appeared early when, as a girl, she chose the accor-
dion as her major instrument. 11 Before completing college she moved
to San Francisco to study with Robert Erickson, who was an impor-
tant mentor to many composers in the Bay area in the 1960s. Oli-
veros's compositional career was similar to many contemporary com-
posers in the 1950s and 1960s: she began by writing conventionally
notated works, but gradually changed, expressing, in particular, an
interest in improvisation.
In the mid-1960s Oliveros began searching for new ways of com-
posing. Electronic music served her for a time, but the decisive move
came with her turn to writing meditative, or intuitive, music.12 She
writes in Software for People-her collected writings-of her doodling
during department meetings at the University of California at San
Diego. She saved those doodles and gradually realized that there were
recurring images, particularly one of a circle with a dot in the middle,
which she calls a representation of the "proper relationship of atten-
tion and awareness," the dot representing attention and the circle
awareness.13 Oliveros realized that this figure was an archetypal
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388 The Musical Quarterly
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The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self 389
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390 The Musical Quarterly
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The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self 391
first performers and they are all male. The attributes that Oliveros
assigns the Crow Heyokas correspond to attributes that some feminists
code as masculine in Western culture: aggressiveness, violence, disrup-
tiveness. Oliveros writes in the score that "The Crow Heyokas are
personifications of natural disturbances. Their purpose is to test the
meditators through mockery and distracting behavior. 'He is an upside
down, backward-forward yes-and-no-man, a contrary wise' [according
to John Fire Lame Deer, a Sioux19]. They appear at will 15 to 20
minutes after the meditation has begun. The human mandala is taken
over as their playground. They cannot actually touch a meditator, but
may try in any way to break the meditation."20 The Crow Heyokas
fail, however; Oliveros concludes her score by noting that in the first
performance "The meditators survived the tests of the Heyokas and
continued some ten minutes or so after their exit."
The failure of the Crow Heyokas shows the importance of Oli-
veros's music as an example of her conception of women's music.
These representations of the darker side of the male character do not
succeed in disrupting the more "feminine" act of meditation, an act,
it should be noted, that is practiced by both males and females but
intended by Oliveros to help its practitioners make contact with val-
ues and feelings often overlooked by most composers.
Norma Rendon, a Lakota, offers an interesting caveat. She says
that Heyokas are male roles in her culture, but she warns that they
are not necessarily disruptive. Their function is to contradict, to pro-
vide balance, so their traditional role in Oliveros's Crow Two would
not be to disrupt, but to provide balance by actively not meditating.21
Rendon also says that crows are not important birds in her nation's
culture.22
As Rendon's qualification of the Heyokas' role suggests, there are
some potential problems with Oliveros's borrowings. Her amalgam-
ation of several different Native American cultures and Buddhism, for
example, tends to reduce heterogenous cultures to a few characteris-
tics, a foible found in many of the anthologies of Native American
writings of the 1970s: the portrayal of Native Americans as a unitary
culture, rather than pluralistic cultures with many different tribes,
languages, cultural practices, and mores.
Of course, artists are not anthropologists, yet it is somewhat
ironic, given Oliveros's objectification of Native American cultures,
that in addition to questioning many of the established formal compo-
nents of Western music, another of her goals is to challenge the
Western aesthetic objectification and commodification of music. Crow
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392 The Musical Quarterly
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The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self 393
Notes
1. Heidi von Gunden's recent paper on Oliveros makes a similar claim, namely that
Oliveros's music can serve as a model for a feminist criticism of music ("The Music of
Pauline Oliveros: A Model for Feminist Criticism" [paper presented at the Music and
Gender Conference, London, July 1991]). Thanks are due to Professor von Gunden
for sending me a copy of this paper.
3. Oliveros, Software for People: Collected Writings 1963-80 (Baltimore: Smith Publi-
cations, 1984), 135.
5. Alice Echols, "The New Feminism of Yin and Yang," in Powers of Desire: The
Politics of Sexuality, ed. Ann Snitow, Christine Stansell, and Sharon Thompson (New
York: Monthly Review Press, 1983).
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394 The Musical Quarterly
8. See Stephen Jay Gould's The Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1981) for a
devastating critique of this kind of racial essentializing.
11. Oliveros's choice of the accordion may well be tied to her ethnicity (as implied
by her surname) and location. But nowhere in her writings does Oliveros refer to a
Hispanic ethnicity that I am inferring here. She seems to have identified most
strongly with her maternal grandmother and namesake, Pauline Gribbin, whose sur-
name is Irish.
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The Gendered Construction of the Musical Self 395
14. For a good introduction to mandalas, see Giuseppe Tucci's The Theory and Prac-
tice of the Mandala (trans. Alan Houghton Brodrick [London: Rider & Company,
19611).
17. The label "Native American" is problematic and seems to vary from one region
and age group to another. I will use this label for the sake of convenience and consis-
tency with apologies to anyone who might find it objectionable.
18. The score is contained in Walter Zimmermann's Desert Plants: Conversations with
23 American Musicians (Vancouver: A. R. C. Publications, 1976).
19. "Sioux" is the white word for this tribe: they call themselves "Lakota," and I will
use this term instead of Sioux.
20. The Lame Deer description of a heyoka appears in Lame Deer: Seeker of Visions,
by John (Fire) Lame Deer and Richard Erdoes (New York: Washington Square Press,
1971), 225.
21. Oliveros, however, insists that her understanding of heyokas is accurate. A col-
lection of tales describing the transformation of Siddhartha to the Buddha includes
one that strongly echoes the role the Crow heyokas play. Joseph Campbell recounts
this story in Hero With a Thousand Faces, a book that Oliveros may well have seen in
her researches into world myth: "[Siddhartha] placed himself, with a firm resolve,
beneath the Bodhi Tree, on the Immovable Spot, and straightway was approached by
Kama-Mara, the god of love and death. The dangerous god appeared mounted on an
elephant and carrying weapons in his thousand hands. He was surrounded by his
army, which extended twelve leagues before him, twelve to the right, twelve to the
left, and in the rear as far as to the confines of the world; it was nine leagues high.
The protecting deities of the universe took flight, but the Future Buddha remained
unmoved beneath the tree" (New York: World, 1971), 32. Like the Crow heyokas,
Kama-Mara and his minions fail, defeated by the Future Buddha with the cooperation
of the "goddess earth."
22. Norma Rendon, telephone interview with author, 11 Oct. 1992. According to
Lakota tradition, a heyo'ka is a man who has dreamt of a thunderbird whose role
becomes one of contradiction, sometimes providing humor. This matches the explana-
tion provided by John Fire Lame Deer, which is the one Oliveros read. More schol-
arly sources of information on heyokas can be found in Frances Densmore's Teton
Sioux Music (Smithsonian Institute Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 61
[Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1918]); John G. Neihardt's Black
Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux (Lincoln: University
of Nebraska Press, 1979); and Harry W. Paige's Songs of the Teton Sioux (Los Angeles:
Westemlore Press, 1970). Thanks are due to Tara Browner who told me of these
works.
23. Oliveros heard an earlier version of this paper at the annual meeting of the
Sonneck Society in Pacific Grove, California in Feb. 1993. After I played a brief
excerpt from Crow Two, she commented privately that the tape quality was poor
and that hearing a live performance would have made the complexities of the music
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396 The Musical Quarterly
audible. Oliveros clearly desires that her music be understood both as an aesthetic
object and as a ritual, or site of community music-making.
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