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• ANDREA POZZO
THE JOINING OF TRUTH AND ILLUSION

•
Jodi L. Q'Toole
History and Theory Program
School of Architecture
McGiII University, Montréal

December 1999

A thesis submitted ta the Faculty of Graduate Studies and

• Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the

degree of Master of Architecture.

@ Jodi L. Q'Toole 1999

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•
for James

•
• AB8TRACT
Andrea Pozzo was an architect, writer and painter spanning
the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The
tocus of this study is on his paintings of perspectival illusions
and his treatise on perspective entitled, Perspectiva
pictorum etarchitectorum published in two volumes in 1693
and 1700. This thesis seeks to understand the work of
Pozzo in Iight of contemporary philosophical debate over
the deception of the senses and their ability to distinguish
truth trom illusion. Pozzo's intentions are examined through
a study of the positions of René Descartes, Galileo Galilei
and other related artists and architects on the technical and

• ethical issues surrounding the deceptive nature of

perspective illusions.

Andrea Pozzo était un architecte, écrivain et peintre dont

l'oeuvre s'étend de la fin du dix-septième siècle j'usqu'au
début du dix-huitème siècle. L'intérêt de cette étude est
centré sur ses peintures d'illusions perspectives et sur son
traité sur la perspective intitulé "Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum" publié en deux volumes en 1693 et 1700.
Cette thèse cherche à comprendre l'oeuvre de Pozzo en
tenant compte du débat philosophique contemporain contre
(a déception des senses et leur abilité de distinguer la vérité
de (Iillusion. Les intentions de Pozzo sont ici examinées à
travers une étude des positions de René Descartes, Galileo

• Galilei et autres artistes et architectes apparentés sur (es

points de vue technique et éthique entourant (a nature
déceptive d'illusions perspectives.
• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
For his inspiring lecture given at Penn State University which
led me to follow my instincts ta study in Montréal, Alberto
Pérez-Gômez deserves an unending amount of thanks. He
has been a truly great professor whose program has
fostered an atmosphere of discovery creating a community
of individuals who aspire ta understand architecture through
a search far passibilities of what courd exist in the world.

Ta recognize a 'teacher:' Katsuhiko Muramato with careful

consideration gives of himself ta nudge his students toward
theïr own understanding of their work and its relationship ta

• the history of making. l, and so many others, have baen

inspired by him.

A special thanks to Louise Pelletier and Greg Caicco for

offering thair valuable insights into our work throughout the
course of the program both in historical research and in
making. Aiso in the productive review sessions attended
by Marco Frascari, Stephen Parcell, Dan Hoffman and Indra
Kagis McEwan, my thoughts were ignited with their
energies. Ta Natalie Bérubé, who has baen a wonderful
support throughout the writing of this thesis and in the final
hours also pravided desperate translation services, 1would
like ta say congratulations.

Don Kunze, 1am proud ta say, provided the initial spark

• and basis of education which prepared me for the jaumey

in Montréal. Equally as important was Dan Willis' patience
and the relentless push. The Penn State Rome
•
program,founded through the hard work of Romolo
Martemucci, ignited a love for the city of Rome still pursued
in this thesis. During times spent in Rome, 1was also able
to witness the thorough care given ta the study of a place
by James Kalsbeek.

Judith Harris Ajello and her family have a beautiful

importance to this thesis exposing me to much of Rome
and many of the small towns in which sorne of Pozzo's
works are situated. The view trom her window overlooked
the Collegio Romano and where the dame of the church of

• St. Ignatius would have towered if it were not an illusion.

For long hours of work, she allowed me sit at that magical
window and dream of these words. 1thank her tram the
bottom of my heart.

1would like to thank the Jesuits at the Biblioteca della

Pontificia Universitâ Gregoriana for alfowing me access ta
their precious archives. Also t 1 carry a necessary
appreciation of the facilities of the Iibraries of the Biblioteca
nazionale di Rrenze and Kunsthistorisches Institutes in
Florence for invaluable research into Galileo's connection
to the arts and contemporary artists. The Biblioteca della
Pontificia Universitâ Gregoriana, McGiII University's
Blackader-lautermann, and McLennan-Redpath libraries t
also McGiII University's Mossman collection at the Physical

• Sciences and Engineering libraryt the library archives of

the CCA, and Wesleyan University library ail provided
access to the manuscripts and texts on this subject including
•
several different printings and translations of Pozzo's
treatise. These resources presented an intimate knowledge
of the architectural treatises on perspective relevant to this
thesis and materials on the surrounding debates. 1must
not forget ta acknowledge the tuition deferment and
scholarship provided by McGili University.

My most sincere gratitude is reserved for my husband,

James, whose passion for making equals only my love for
him and our son, Evan.

•
• TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Appearance 1·7

2 Andrea Pozzo 8·23

3 Light 24-33

4 Perception 34-39

5 Shadow 4043

6 Illusion 44-45

7 Point of View 46-53

8 Truth and Falsehood 54-56

• 9

10
Machines

Frozen Moment
57-62

63-64

Appendix 65-69

Notes 70-80

Bibliography

•
• APPEARANCE
1do not possess such a pertect faculty of discrimina-
tion. 1 am more Iike the monkey who firrnly believed
that he saw another monkey in the mirror... and discov-
ered his error only after running behind the glass sev-
eral times... 1 should like to know the visual differences
by which he [his adversary] sa readily distinguishes the
real from the spurious. 1

The invention of the telescope in the beginning of the sev-

enteenth century called into question, among other things,
the presence of what is seen. In architecture, the disparity
of what is and what is seen had been understood as the
need for optical correction since the Renaissance discov-

• ery of De architectura written down by Vitruvius sometime

prior to 27 B.C. As a distinction from Unear perspective
called perspectiva artificialis, this primitive form of perspec-
tive is known as perspectiva naturalis. Recognizing the
inherent visual distortions in the perception of forrn, build-
ing members had to be adjusted to appear in lideal' propor-
tion.

Renaissance artists reexamined the visual world interpret-

ing, expanding and eventually disembodying perspectiva
naturalis. During the early fifteenth century, there was an
influx of geometrical manuscripts from Byzantium mention-
ing the art of perspective brought to Florence by Manuel
Chrisolara and Angola da Scarperia. These books con-
tained images of geometric shapes drawn in perspective

• Masaccio. Trinity, c.1426.

Church of Sta. Maria Ncr
vell~ Aorence. ltafy.
with central projection points and finite distance points. Latin
translations were completed between 1410-1415. This cir-
cumstance may explain the proliferation of works in per-
• 2
• Study ofmarked points on
a head projected into hori-
zontal sections trom Piero
della Francesca. De
Prospectiva pingendi. c.
mid 1400.
: ••......
p~
..
-...-.;-;;~
• Galireo Galifei. 5idereas
nuncius. 1610.
spective in this particular region of Italy.2 Although
early attempts at Iinear perspective were not yet
the codified perspective of the Scientific Revolu-
tion, these representations marked a moment in
the field of inquiry which was turning toward lin-
ear perspective and a changing world view pas-
tulated in a scientific representation of a space.
By 1610, the date of publication of Galileo1s short
treatise on the moon and the satellites of Jupiter,
entitled Sidereas nuncius, the publication of nu-
merous treatises on techniques and theories of
perspective drawing resulted in a change in the
conception of space from a heterogenous qual-
ity ta a systematized, mathematical space in which vision
was reduced to the rules of linear perspective. Galileo
Galilei made use of the analytical tools of visual represen-
tation ta understand the new science of what was seen
through his telescope.
A direct relationship between lseeing and knowing l as un-
derstood by Aristotelians was rejected by Galileo in favor
of demonstrable experiments based in a rational explana-
tion of what is observed in Nature. Galileo
---_ .
..
:G
presented a direct challenge ta the Scho-
lastic tradition in his conclusions on the
...
...~
..-
....-.. _._..,.,-
nature of the moon in Sidereas nuncius.3
IIln virtu di prospettiva, ll4 Galileo demon-
strated that the shadows on the surface
• 3

of the moon appeared ta be deep craters, in contradiction

ta the prevalent Scholastic representation of the moon as a
metaphor for purity.5

r
The positivistic quest initiated by the Scientific Revolution
Galileo Galilei, 51dereas
nuncius. 1610. sought ta reduce ail phenomena ta a few ail encompass-
ing rational truths. Reason replaced metaphor
as an explanation for phenomena found in the
physical world. In bath the arts and the sciences,
popular debate concentrated on the distinction
between truth and illusion.6 A deception of the

• senses approached the ethical question of the

ability of the intellect ta distinguish truth in the
physical world. Even in perspective theory. this
question was debatable. While many believed
that optical correction was necessary. Claude
Frontispiece of Les dix Perrault posited in his Ordonnance des cinq
livres d'architecture de
Vitruve, trans. Claude espéces de colonnes la méthode des Anciens in 1683 that
Perrault. (Paris: Jean
Baptiste Coignant. 1673). the eye itself could adjust for perspectival distortions of form.
During this time. the arts and the sciences were interre-
tated in their drive to determine the rules for visual percep-
tion in arder ta understand the fundamental laws govem-
ing the physical world.

ln the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, many scholars

were members of several of the established Academies bath

• for scientific and for artistic pursuits. Galileo was eleded

ta the Accademia dei disegno in Florence in October of
1613 and was already a member of the Accademia dei
• 4

Linceiin Rome. 7 The Accademia deI disegno was founded

by Giorgio Vasari in 1562 to function as an association of
intellectuals. In an effort ta cultivate a higher social status
for artists, the Accademia dei disegno was established as
a center for the pursuit of knowledge in 'drawing' through
the essential disciplines of composition, anatomy and per·
spective.a At the prompting of his former teacher of math·
ematies, Ostilio Ricci da Fermo, Galileo had applied for the
position at the Accademia deI disegno of mathematician ta
teach Euclidean geometry and perspective in 1598.9 Dur..
ing his studies in 1584, it was Ricci who had diverted Galileo

• from medicine to mathematies, particularly toward problems

dealing with measurement. 10 Although GaUleo did not re-
ceive the position at the Accademia, he taught opties pri-
vately in 1601. t1

~.
I!~·
1n the middle of the sixteenth century, Italian mathemati-
l
cians sought a Itrue Euclid from among the many transla-
• 1: .! l ' 1 1
tions of translations then circulating. '2 Many treatises on
\! , 1

\
perspective were based on the copies of Euclid's Optics
The four above figures that were available either conveniently abbreviated or mis-
may be found in Euclid.
The Thil1een Books ofthe translated. ln 1573, Egnatio Oanti published an annotated
Elements. v. 3. trans. Sir
Thomas L Heath, (New version of Euclid's Optics which then became the standard
York: Cover Publications.
Inc.. 1956). pp. 490.481. used by artists and authors of perspective treatises. '3
487, and 361, respec·
tively.

Perspective was being redefined and noted for its geometri-

• cal purposes. The scientific applications of systematizing

vision in the interpretation of observations of Nature be·
came increasingly apparent in the new science. As these
• 5
GuidobaJdo dei Monte. Perspectivae
libri sexe (Pesaro, 1600).
• few tendencies ta represent the viewer within this diagram
Federigo Commandino, Pr%maei
p/anisphaerium. (Venice, 1558).
• Giovanni Battista Benedetti,
Diversarum speculationum
mathematicarom•..• (Tonna. 1585).
purposes evolved, linear perspective, what was
to become projective geometry, began to split
trom its artistic ends marked by the perspective
treatises written by Guidobaldo dei Monte,
Commandino and Benedetti. 14
By the end of the seventeenth century, perspec-
tive treatises mathematically positioned the ob-
server within a section through the cane of vision. Space
was conceived as a homogenous system in which vision
was subject ta mathematicallaws. Although there were a
using only an eyeball, the as yet embodied viewer was
placed within a geometrized, homogeneous space.
Descartes describes a similar understanding of space in
his Discourse on Method, part four:
1took the subject-matter of geometry, which 1conceived
ta be a continuous body or a space indefinitely extended
in length, breadth, and height or depth, divisible into
distinct parts, which may have distinct shapes and sizes
and may be moved or transposed in ail sorts of ways... 15
The mathematical space of the infinite universe and the
positioning of an embodied observer allowed for the re-
centering of man within a system of meaning. Baroque
perspectival illusions sought to recreate the center ot the
universe within unitorm space.
For Descartes, illusions were a sensual obstacle to the
pursuit of truth; the separating of the rtrue trom the 1alser
l
• 6

occupied the main intellectual problems of the seventeenth

century.16 As Alexandre Koyré explained, Descartes' quest
to determine truth trom falsehood was fought in an effort ta
judge the world properly.17 ln his own words, Descartes
phrases it as tollows:

And 1 always had an extreme desire to learn to distin-

guish truth trom falsehood in arder ta have a clear in-
sight into my actions and proceed in this lifa with assur-
ance. 1a

While Descartes was opposed ta illusion in its many forms,

•
perspective treatises by the end of tha seventeenth cen-
tury included the creation of fantastic illusions on any vari-
ety of surfaces. Anamorphic illu-
sions were reconstituted on the
mirrored surfaces of cones, cylin-
ders, and spheras. Even in the
convent of Trinita dei Monti in
Rome, Emmanuel Maignan with
the assistence of Jean François
Jean François Niœron. La Niceron produced two anamorphic
perspective curieuse,
1663 and beJow, and the images along the walls of narrow
fellowing page. Nicéron's
fresco in a haJlwaV in the corridors. One of the paintings was
convent of Trinita dei
Menti, (Rome. 1642). destroyed in an uprising shortly af-
ter the French Revolution. The re-
maining illusion, when viewed tron-
tally, is a representation of the land-

• scape of the straits of Messina in

Calabria. When viewed from a
point with ona's cheek positioned
• 7

against the corridor wall. the hid-

den image of S. Francesco di Paolo
sitting under a tree lifts away from
the scene of his homeland.

Galileo remarked in correspon-

dence with painter Ludovico Cigoli
that although he favored perspec-
tive in painting. he felt that anamor-
phic projections were not appropriate to fool the eye in such
a way.'9 He felt that painting was superior even to sculp-

• ture since using a perspectival understanding of the cast·

ing of shadows and shades, the painter could render a
sculpted surface ta appear perfectly fiat. But it was an·
amorphic projections which contained a severe form of a
deception of the senses which threatened his scientific sen-
sibilities.

•
• ANDREA POZZO
Andrea Pozzo, Self por·
trait, Uffizi Gallery, Flo-
rence. ItaIy.
• for the decaration of irregular sur-
Andrea Pozzo,
Perspectiva pietorum et
architectorum. v. 1, fig. 90
and 91. (London: John
James. ca. 1707)
• he was called to the Piedmontese novitiate of Genoa. A
8
The Art of Perspective does, with wonderful Plessure,
deceive the Eye, that most subtle of our outward Senses;
and is very necessary to be known of ail, who in Paint-
ing would give due Place and Proportion ta theïr Rg-
ures, and more or less Strength requisite to the Lights
and Shades of the Picture.20
Andrea Pozzo wrote the above quotation in the section
entitled IITo the Lovers of Perspective" in Volume One of
Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum, 1693. The purpose
of his treatise was ta enable the artist and architect ta cre-
ate perspectives and perspectival
illusions for stage set panels and
faces. To this end, Pozzo himself
painted illusions of human and ani-
mai figures, architectural designs
and heavenly scenes in churches
ail over northem and central Italy
and the environs af Vienna.
Andrea Pozzo was born on 30 No-
vember 1642 in Trento, Italy dur-
ing the feast of his namesake, St.
Andrea.21 White as a young man
Iistening to a sermon delivered by
aJesuit priest, he was inspired ta join the Society of Jesus.22
Pozzo was a lay brother in Milan for ten years until, in 1665,
possible tirst attribution ta his stage set illusions exists in
the church of S. Fadele in Genos, a macchina for the cel-
• 9

ebration of S. Francesco Borgia.23 It was at this time that

Pozzo immersed himself in the study of perspective. Later
that same year, he was called to Rome by Gian Paolo Oliva,
General of the Society of Jesus, ta cultivate his artistry.
Oliva died before POZZO's arrivai without leaving specifie
instructions for his position with his Roman brothers. There-
fore, as with ail Jesuit novices, Pozzo was put to work in
the kitchen for a period of five months to leam obedience
and humility.24

The eventual cultivation of Pozzo's

• talents in the Society of Jesus pro-

duced a pralific painter, architect
and writer. Pozza's early works on
canvas primarily included papular
Jesuit Biblical scenes. For the
most part, these canvases deca-
rated Jesuit churches throughout
Andrea Pozzo. ·cattura di
Cristo· (ab ove) and narthem and centralltaly. The sub-
·Ragellazione di Cristo·
(below). in the collection ject matter of each canvas de-
of Silvia Borla. Trino
Vercellese.ltaIy. manded scenes immersed in dark-
ness with cantralled lighting. often
by candie Iight or tarch. Sorne of
his tilles include: ffight (rom Egypt,
the Immaculate Conception, the
adoration of the Shephards, the

• Last Supper, the flagellation of

Christ, the crucifixion ofChrist, and
episodes in the lives of Jesuit
• 10

saints, especially their martyrdom. Although it has not been

documented whether Pozzo received instruction tram a
master painter or architect, he certainly was surrounded by
excellent examples of bath fields. Within his own arder in
Rome, Pozzo became intimate with the works of Vignola
and Bemini. In fact they are mentioned in Volume One of
his treatise along with Palladio and Scamozzi as excellent
examples of proportion in architecture. In Volume One of
Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum, Pozzo writes:

.. Perspective never appears more

•
1 ' • ~.":--:--:-~ graceful than in Architecture; for which
Reason 1 present you with that of
..
;.~
.';" ~.- .. James Barozzi, from his country gen-
1 U." erally call'd Vignola; which perhaps is
more in use than any other; and con-
tains the Geometrieal Upright of each
of the five Orders...25

Besides Vignola, Palladio and

The above two images and the first
image on the foUowing page are Fig·
ures 9. 53, and 52 respedively in
Scamozzihave also written excellently
weil of the Orders of Architecture; and
each of 'em have deservedly their Fol-
lowers and Admirers. Thal you might
therefore be enabl'd ta make Designs
in Perspective, afterthe Proportions of
the most celebrated Masters, 1 have
in this Plate given you the Measures
of ail the Orders. as deliverd by them
in their Books.26
The wreath'd Columns described in the Fifty-second
Rgure, being divided into Twenty-four equal Parts, want

•
Andrea Pozzo. Perspectiva pictorum
etan:hitectorum, trans. John James. very much of that Elegancy of Contour, which is visible
(London: John James, ca. 1707).
in those brass Pillars, made by the famous Cavalier
Bernina, for St. Petets Sepulcher in the Vatican. zr
• 11

- ~.t.:6 i. lacomo Barozzi da Vignola more than a genera-

-=- • -~

~;. tian earliar than Pozzo defined the style of Jesuit

churches ail over the world. The facade which
he designed for the church of Il Gesu in Rome
became the model for ail subsequent Jesuit
church designs. Vignola also wrote a treatise
himself on perspective entitled. Le due regole.
-== :
~. ]

Vignolats treatise was published with commen-

1p!!:.;.-:_ _~~ I;_:4__
'~~ tary by Egnatio Danti in 1583. Not since the trans-
lation of Alberti's De pictura in 1500 had there
been the publication of a systematic treaUse on

• perspective.2S Danti. who also published the pre-

Vignola. the facade of the
Church of Il Gesû, Rome
and below a plate 'rom
Vignola, Le due regole.
1583.
viously mentioned annotated version of Euclid's Optics, in-
cluded Euclidian illustrations and mathematical explana-
tions ta further define Vignolats understanding of optics and
perspective.29 Le due regole also discussed perspective
applications ta various architectural elements. Vignolats
description of a geometrical method of producing a per-
spective iIlustrated the use of a distance point.30 This inno-
vation allowed for a means ta determine the acceleration in
perspective without relying on tempered experience. At
the time of the publication of POZZO'S method for drawing in
perspective. the distance point was already taken for
granted in perspectival constructions.

While Pozzo mentioned a list of masters from which to leam

• the most elegant proportions for the five orders of architec-

ture, he did not admit any precedence for his method of
perspective in previously published perspectivat treatises.
• 12

Pozzo mast assuredly must have

,. . ------ [~~ -.T-:
Andrea Pozzo,
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum, v. 1, fig. 2,
trans. John James. (Lon·
don: John James, ca.
1707).
studied the works of the past mas-
ters in the Jesuit libraries. but his
treatise appraached the demon-
stration of perspective through a
! quite different attitude. It was much
C . j more straightforward with clear
examples and a basic accompany-
ing text. Although his commentary in certain instances
strayed from the description of the figure at hand, he did
not indulge in igniting current theoretical debate.

• Pozzo also stated in the introductory section en-

Andrea Pozzo.
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum. v. 1. trans.
John James. (London:
John James. ca. 1707).
titled liTa the Lovers of Perspective" that there
are only a few IIMasters and Books to teach them
[students of perspective] clearty and methodically
the Rules of Perspective-Projections, from the
first Principles of the Art, to the entire Perfection
thereof. Il It was his purpose in this treatise to
show a most basic method ta leam the art of
perspective. The image which was paired with
the text in this section iIIustrated the necessary
items for beginning to draw in perspective: three
books, Vitruvius, Palladio, and Vignola's rules on
the five orders (not his treatise on perspective),
several t-squares, a bottle of ink, wells and pens,

• a straight edge, two compasses, a few sheets of

paper attached ta an inclined drawing surface
It exactly squard, Il a desk and a chair. These
• 13

--- ~
items together
with a careful un-
derstanding of ar-
chitecturai draw-
ing in plan, sec-
tion t and eleva-
tion of the five or-
ders of architec-
ture are the nec-
- -. J-_'.~

! essary prepara-
'::".' ...
.
..
'.
~
~
tion ta learn ta

•
,J • \ '........... ....

" __
'
1

- ~----
, draw abjects in
PlU ST. n Iow).-.~D.'. ~ ..
.
' - - .'w- " . .
~-
1......... , . - . , ........

perspective .
Above is the advertise· Pozzo does not
ment for James' transla·
Uon of Ordonnance in An· mention any other architects or treatises in either volume.
drea Pozzo. Perspectiva
pietorum etarchitectorum.
v. " fig. 2, Irans. John
James. (London: John
James. ca. 1707). Adja·
The English translation of Volume One by John James of
cent is the tiUe page to the
publication advertised
Greenwich printed in 1707 includes an advertisement for
above printed by Ben·
jamin Motte. 1708. James· upcoming translation (1709) of the Ordonnance by
Claude Perrault; but there is only speculation whether Pozzo
himself was familiar with this work. Although it is not docu-
mented, a connection could have been made through ei-
ther of two visitors to Paris who were in contact with the
Jesuits in Rome after their travels. The tirst was Gian
Lorenzo Bemini who was invited to design a facade for the
Louvre but not given the commission. The facade which

• stands today was eventually to be attributed to Perrault.

Bernini was in the hospitality of Perrault's adversary,
François Blondel, and may therefore have been privy to
• 14
Andrea Pozzo. False cu-
pofa (above), Church of
St. Ignatius. Rome.
Orazïo Grassi. facade and
interiorot the Church of St
Ignatius (befow), Rome.
• While sorne ot his early canvases dealt with perspectiva 1
• in the Casa professa, the
the controversy surrounding Perrault's perspec-
tive treatise. 31 Leibniz was also in the company
of Perrault in 1689 and then proceeded ta travel
ta Rome lodging with the Jesuits while there. Our-
ing that time, Pozzo was painting the dame of
the church of St. Ignatius, four years prior ta the
publication of Perspectiva pictorum et
architeetorum.32 ln the Ordonnance, Perrault also
attempted, as Pozzo, ta have an approach which would be
easy for architects to learn, memorize and apply regard-
less of talent. 33
spaces on a small scale, Pozzo began to paint quadrature,
perspectival illusions on the irregular walls and ceiling sur-
faces in churches throughout northern and central Italy.
From 1676-1680, Pozzo travelled between Torino, Milan
and Como to complete a number of works both temporary
and permanent. He settled in Rome to paint his most cel·
ebrated masterpieces
tram 1681-1702. 34
These included the
nave, dome and altar of
the church of St.
Ignatius, the hallway ta
the rooms of St Ignatius
cappella della Vigna,
and the convent of
• 15

Trinitâ dei Monti, the location of Maignan's an-

amorphic projection mentioned earlier. While in
Rome, Pozzo also painted several canvases and
the iIIusionistic side chapels, altar and dame for
the church of Il Gesu in Frascati including a por-
trait of himself ta the far right in the altar scene.
ln 1702, Kaiser Leopold 1 called Pozzo from
Rome to Vienna. As he travelled for two years,
Pozzo made many more perspectival illusions in
churches and palazzi in Florence, Trento and
Montepulciano.35 ln Belluno, he designed

• the architecture for the Jesuit college. 36

Pozzo spent the final years of his life in
Vienna designing the illusions in the
Universitatskirche, Franziskanerkirche
and in the palazzo Liechtestein which
Andrea Pozzo. side aJtar. heavily influenced the painters of the cen-
Chruch of St. Ignatius.
Rome. trai European Rococo. Pozzo died in Vienna in 1709.37

ln addition to the collage of Belluno, Pozzo witnessed the

construction of his architectural designs in Ragusa, Lubiana,
Trieste, Montepulciano and Trento.38 From his numerous
designs for altars, he executed the elaborate altarconstruc-
tions for both the churches of St. Ignatius and Il Gesû in
Rome.

• Prior to the publication of his perspective treatise r Pozzo

wrote a short book documenting the life of St. Aloysius
Gonzaga, entitled La Nuza vifa in 1679.
• 16

Andrea Pozzo wrote his treatise on perspective in two vol-

umes bath entitled Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum.
The tirst volume became the most widely pubHshed and
translated treatise on perspective written ta date in 1693.
It contained his
method for the cre-
ation of perspective
drawings and paint-
ings tram the plan,
section and elevation

• of abjects
spaces. The format
and

consisted of a textual
description aecom-
panying each figure,
one hundred figures
in total. The text was written in bath
Latin and an adjacent [taUan ver·
sion. Volume two folfowed the
same format for the most part and
had 118 images; but there were
several instances of a series of
images which were without text.39
(above laft and lowar) An·
drea Pozzo. Main altar Published in the year 1700, the second volume included a
and datait. Church of Il
Gasü. Frascati, rtaly. refinement of Pazzo·s method followed by a compendium

•
(above right) Andrea
Pozzo. •Altare dipinto in of his designs for fanciful, proposed and built projeds. Pre-
Frascati,- Perspectiva
pictorum etarchitectorum. sumably for this reason, it had baen less translated than
v.2.
Volume One and of a Iimited distribution.
• 17

While volume one began with a description of the taols

necessary ta create a drawing in perspective, an allegori-
cal image introduced the reader to volume two. The image
was of a perspectival section illustrating a scene of Minerva
and a draughtsman before a symmetrical Doric niche con-
taining a weil with ropes and a pulley. The draughtsman is
drinking fram a vessel offered by Minerva, goddess of
memory. Her decorated shield and spear are on the ground
as are his drawing tools and blank paper. The draughtsman
or painter appears ta require a moment ta drink from the

• waters offered by Memory to proceed in his work. The ac-

companying text is reproduced as follows:

ALLEITORE.
Fina/mente mantego la promessa con mandaralla luee
la Seconda Parte della Prospettiva, sperando, che sarâ
rieevuta con non minor gradimento della Prima, tanto
piu perché in questa spiegasi (per quanta pua fars; con
la voce morta) la piû facile, e spiedita regola di quante
possino darsi in quest'Atte della Prospettiva Perquesto
mi dO a aeder, che chiunque sis alquanto esercitato ne/le
regoIe de/la Prima Parte, sol tanto, che veda le prime figure di
questa seconda, nonawa bisogno daJtro, affendo tutte ne!
medesimo modo fatte, e disposte. Questa dunque é que/la
regoIa faa1issima, che perla pu son'andatoadoperanckJ finbia
ne/l'opere, che ho fatte veder in piti occasioni in Roma, ed
a/trove, e l'ho insegna in brieve tempo, e con pmfitto anche di
moiti di mediocre ingegno. Tema peré che moite persane,
ancofChé clotte in aItriscienze, non anivino ad interderfa, né
praticarfa, a cagione deltaloro impetizia ne/rAfte di Geometria,

• e di Architettu~ che presuppongo giâ notea. chi si pane a

questo studio, essendo questa perappunto la materia, che
compone tutta /a machina, e sostanza de/l'opere fatte in
• 18

prosepttiva; maperchéquesto é un puntaprincipalissimo non

ce.ssaro di ricordarlo perincidenza, 0 appostatamente in aItre
spiegazioni di questo Ubro. Questa dunque é impresa
de'Pittori, ed Architetti, a' quali é indrizzata quest'Opera, che
per esercizio, che hanno nef disegna delle sopradette Alti,
averanno superato la maggior cftfficoltâ di questo studio. Mi
maraviglio pero diaJcuniPittori, che per non voler faticare ad
imparar quest'Atte, la cflSSUadono come affatto inutJ7e per le
figure. Ma s1ngannano molto, importando affaissimo anche
per queste: né vi /asciate perd aggirare dalle loro cfœrie, se
non volete ancor voi inconere in quelli errari massicci, che
nell'opere loro, non senza riso, si mirano. Epure 1Pittori
senza accorgersene non altro sanno colloro dipingere,
che una c%rita prospettiva, ancorché sia composta di
figure umane, perd conviene ad essi ossederbene que-

• sta rego/e, specialmente a que/Ii, che hanno occasione

di far opere grandi, mostrando il loro sapere nel
digradare, e col/ocare le figure ne'piani, nel dar forza, 0
debolezza all'ombre, ed a' colon, a particolarmente per
nobilitar l'opere loro con beffe composizioni di
architetture, a/trimenti non solo non saperanno far
queste, ma non petranno far casa grata a persone
intelligenti né ancor nelfo scorcio di una figura. Dovete
per tanto sforzarvi di ben penetrare la forza di questa
rego/a nelle prime /ezioni, ne/le quali abbiamo gettati /
fondamenti delle piû brieve, che non si sia posta al
principo, sappiate che cio é stato fatto appostatamente,
per non rep/icar piti volte il medesimo, e per non
ossuscarla figura, 0 la mente de' Scholaricon moltiplicita
di linee, e diparole. Che se poibramate approsittarvi in
brieve tempo in quest'arte, non perdate tempo in sofe
speculazioni, né in voltar carte, ma mettete mano al
compasso, a alla riga con operare, e cosi awerrâ, che
vi sentirets spronare di passar sempre piu avanti, non
solo per disegnare le figure di questo libro, ma ad
inventame delle migliori, conforme il talento, che vi sara

• stato communicato da Dio, alla cui gloria la vostra, e fa

mia qualunque fatica offeriremo.40
• 19

ln summary, Pozzo was relieved that the second volume

was finally published for the method was aven easier ta
construct than the tirst volume. He also made an effort ta
record his many works executed in Rome and
elsewhere. He established that this book was
written for the exercise of painters and architects.
If the reader had followed Volume One, he or
she may understand the method in Volume Two
in the tirst several figures. Pozzo made them
purposefully not ta repeat information in as few
words and lines as possible attempting not ob-

• Andrea Pozzo, -Altare

fatto a Verona- (above)
and •Altare dipinto nella
chiesa dei Collegio
Romano, - Perspectiva
pietorum etarchitecturum.
v.2.
scure neitherthe figures themselves northe mind.
ln Volume Two Figure four, he recorded what was
apparently his working adage, "above ail, the wise
need few wards. Il Finally, he encouraged the
reader not speculate over the figures but to take
compass in hand and begin to understand
through practice.

Although Volume Two continued to demonstrate

a method for perspective drawing, it also con-
tained perspectival images of many more of
POZZOIS architectural designs. This volume be-
gan with a more difficult figure than the tirst vol..
ume, a four columned symmetrical archway. In
Figure four, there was a demonstration of the

• section through the cane of vision using a man

looking at four freestanding pilasters in space.
ln the text, Pozzo elucidates this method of de-
• 20

riving perspective. He describes two eyes, one at your eye

level and one at your feet. The tirst would show the corre-
spondences between the heights or elevations to the sec-
tion through the cane of vision. The second would show
the correspondences of the plan ta the section through the
cane of vision. Figure tive iIIustrated these correspondences
using the four pilasters. This image was followed by dem-
onstrations of the correspondence between elevation, plan
and perspective drawings using strings ta associate the co-
incidence of points. Figure eleven was a simple diagram
of a square listing the rules to construct this type ot per-

• spective and insuring that they are easy to follow and study
as a reference.. The rules presented the direct measure..
ments and system of correspondences to perform and un-
derstand perspective with a minimum of drawing.

Pozzo continued with more difficult images, pieces

of architecture, pedestafs, doorways, bases, tilted
objects, capitals, pediments and ruins.. Pozzo even
reproduced images tram his tirst volume furthering
describing the construction of the taise dome of the
church of St. Ignatius.

Pozzo created more designs for altars, sorne which

had been or would be constructed and others for
the sake of textual debate such as the "Altare

• Andrea Pozzo.
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum, v. 2.
1I
capriccioso. This altar in particular possessed sorne
fanciful elements. The supporting columns followed
a curving fine creating a bulge near the base. In the
• 21

text, POZZO explained that the ar·

chitect should be allowed to explore
his or her imagination without be·
ing bound to traditional rules of
form making.

Three designs for the facade of San

designs for the facade of
the church of San
Giovanni in Laterano are corn..
Giovanni in Laterano in
Andrea Pozzo.
posed as three buildings in a single drawing: one frontal
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum. v. 2. and two facing each other flanking the tirst. Although Pozzo
did not get the commission for the project, he also included

• a rendered plan, section, and elevation of each design.

The tirst volume of Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum

was not bound ta the second. They existed independently
which fortunately allowed the tirst volume ta be translated
and extensively published throughout the world. The Je·
suits even translated a copy into Chinese by 1737 for dis·
tribution in Asia. 41

The original texts of bath Volumes One and Two were pub·
lished by Giovanni Giacomo Komarek in Rome in 1693 and
1700, respectively. Komarek also published two transla·
tians of the tirst volume: an Italiant German version and an
Italianl French version bath in 1700. Another German transe
lation paired with the original Latin text of volume one was

• published in Vienna in 1706 by Jeanne Boxbarth and

Conrado Bodenter. The latini English translation already
mentioned was published by John James of Greenwich in
• 22

London in 1707 with engravings reproduced by James Sturt.

And finally Giuseppe Castiglione (Pechino) published a
translation into French and Flemish in Brussels in 1708.42
The number and rapidity of there translations testifies to
the success and popularity of Volume One of Pozzo's trea-
tise.

While the considerable influence of the Jesuit missionary

Andrea Pozzo.
PefSpectiva pictorum et
brotherfood had a great deal of influence in this phenom-
architectorum. V. 1, fig. 30
and 62. respectively. enon, the unprecedented success of this perspective trea-
tise over ail others has also been

• II'. ' "

-
-
=~-
~
.. .. .
..,:,~

:.1-.,11 -:: ..,.. .

'1111'111

~~.;
~

"il ~ .',
attributed to the ease with which
this method may be followed and
learned which was precisely
Pozzo's intention. At the very least,
..
~
~-~

- -.,

• l!-ji: the English translation went even

'

~: -=_,'. .~'. further ta present a straighttorward

Ir:·
~-----=-=--=
.. !"~ task to be accomplished by mak-

I~LU ing the translation of less sugges-

tive vocabulary than the original texte
1 :

i: ;~

!~~ 'lA'.·' John James was a member of a ntripfe partner-

1
1 •
-- !-:.. -
,
ship" with Hawksmoor and Sir Christopher Wren
in the Office of Works. According to Joseph
1 • : _. . . . . .

Rykwert, theïr approbation of Pozzo's text is Rrather

. . .
+---'~
~
•
in the style of the Venetian censors llmprimatur'."43

•
'
r.:
.~......
, James had altered the meaning of passages in
I\,..~-···-· -'~
,
• _ _ .,...--
1
.• 1
severai instances allowing for a less potent ver-
. . . _...-; ,. • ~ t ..... t sion of the original. The most poignant example
• 23
Andrea Pozzo, detail Ulus·
trating the line between
the existing architecture
and his painting. Church of
Il Gesu, Frascati, ltaly.
• ure.
•
is in the translation of the subtitle
to Figure Thirty. The original Latin
text reads, Optica projectio a3dificii
Il
ION/CI; ubi de modojugendi fictum
cum vero. Il James translated the
section as follows, "An IONICK
Work in Perspective; with the Man-
ner of reconciling the fictitious to the
11
soUd Architecture. While that is one interpretation of what
Pozzo may have meant, Pozzo uses the phrase œdificia
solida to signity 'solid architecture' in the Sixty-second Rg-
Another translation reveals a broader sense to this pas-
sage. The original Latin may be translated as 'the manner
of joining the fictitious ta the reaft true. This understanding
1
of Pozzo's text embodies the contemporary debate over
the distinction between illusion and truth. Considering
Pozzo's position within the Jesuit order in Rome, it is more
likely than not that he would allude to these controversial
debates. This quotation takes on particular importance in
conjunction with his numerous executions of his perspec-
tive method. The subtlety of joining truth and illusion was
actually accomplished by Pozzo in Jesuit churches ail over
Italy.
• LIGHT
•
tiUe page of GaJileo GaJUei,
5idereas nuncius, 1610.
Leonardo da Vinci,
drawings of the moon, ca.
1510. Traced by the
author tram Steven F.
Ostrow, ·Cigoli·s
Immacolata and Gafileo's
Moon Astronomy and the
•
Virgin in the Early
Seicento Rome: The AIt
Bulletin 78, 2. (1996), pp.
218-235.
24
The centre of the eye is the centre of the crystalline
humour.44
Prior to the publication of Sidereas nuncius by
Galileo in 1610, the constitution of the moon had
been the subjeet of many theories linking the
material of the moon to a complex world view of
that period. The apparently irregular nature of
its surface then had to be reconciled with the
image of the heavenly spheres as perfects orbs..
ln de Cee/o, Aristotle discussed the moan as a
flawless and, therefore, reffective surface. What
was seen ta have been diseolourations to the
naked eye were thought to be reflections of the
planet Earth.45
ln Leonardo da Vinci's notebooks cirea 1510, he sketched
the surface of maon as highly irregular.46 These drawings
did not attempt to represent a perfeet cirele and were poked
and marred in sueh a way as ta resemble
~~ the features of a portrait. His images were
W in contradiction to the prevalent metaphor
in which the maon was a symbol of absolute
purity. 'As pure as the moon' was the
metaphor that the Roman Catholic church had been using
as a representative analogy for the Immacufate
conception.47
ln attempting to explain the moon's spots while maintaining
• 25

its smoothness, other theories were developed in addition

to Aristotle's reflective orb. The moon was thought to be
translucent with different internai densities. Francis Bacon
even suggested that the moon was composed of vapor
seeming to have darker areas like that of clouds. 48

Ali of these theories were dashed with the publication of

Galileo's findings through the telescope in 1610. Galilea
was ta demonstrate with scientific clarity that the moon was
a satellite much like the Earth with craters and mountains
acrass its surface•

• Galileo made sorne of the most brilliant discoveries of his

time and was the father of modem science, but he was
actually nat an avid experimentalist. It was his ability ta
look at Nature with fresh eyes which gave him an insight
inta the mathematical basis of the world. 49

The ancient Aristotelian cosmogony had divided the laws

goveming celestial and sublunar world hierarchies. The
Earth was a unique creation unto itself, while the heavens
refleeted the perfection of a spiritual worfd arder. Galileo,
on the other hand, believed with the modem scientists in
the 'oneness' of matter.so These views were in clear
Galileo Galnei. 5idereas
nuncius. 1610. contradiction to the powerful doctrines taught by the faith
of the Roman Catholic Church. For this and other reasons

• to be mentioned rater, Galileo was eventually confined ta

his own house in Arcetri; but untif his trial 1633, he managed
ta have many controversial works elude initial censure by
• 26

practicing the art of dissimulation. or intellectual prudence. 51

ln Sidereas nuncius. GaUleo presented his knowledge. Iikely
gained through his relationship with the Accademia dei
disegno and with Guidobaldo dei Monte, of the way in which
Iight shades a smooth surface and the
behavior of Iight, shade, and shadow.
From this understanding, he concluded
that the moon had a varied surface. His
observations were convincingly compiled
in a Itframework of explanation which
aspired to geometrical certitude. U52 Galileo

• Galilea Gafilei, moon

sepia wash in Le Opere di
built upon his awareness of chiaroscuro
Iighting conditions and even converted his
findings into height calculations.53

Galileo Ga/ifsi 3 (1892).

p.4S. Galileo transcribed his sketches of the
Below Cigoli's two rough surface of the moon directly using the
sketches of the sun (16
September 1611) folfowed projection trom his telescope onto paper.
by Gafileo's sketch of the
sun (1 October 1611) From those sketches, using a delicate
(traced by the author).

sepia wash, Galileo rendered the image

of the moon to match the subtleties seen
through his telescope. The washes were
'painterly' with roundness and mass unlike
the flatness of the engravings in Sidereas
nuncius. With at least six layers of wash
to each image, the wash provided less

• exaggeration than the engravings which

were ultimately to accompany his printed
text. Gathered together with these
• 27
., : washes at the Biblioteca nazionale di
,--
.. 1,'_
(0
Cigoli's drawings by
compass of sunspots to
Galileo, (30 June 1612)
traced freehand by the
author).
Ludovico Cigoli. ceiling of
the Capella Paulina in the
•
Church of Santa Maria
maggiore, Aome.
• the ·purityt of the moon meant to the Virgin. 57
Firenze are diagrams of astrological
horoscopes and lunar heights.S4
Also at the Nazionale are the pages of
correspondence between Ludovico Cardi (called Cigoli)55
and Galileo on their discussion of the discoveries that the
two men were making through their telescopes. Solar
renderings in these notes resemble diagrams of
observations rather than accurate images. The letters date
trom the years shortly after the publication of Sidereas
nuncius. It was Cigoli who convinced Galileo to
publish his works in the popular Italian dialect
ratherthan in Latin.56 During this time, Cigoli was
painting the ceiling of the Capella paulina in the
church of Santa Maria maggiore in Rome (1610-
1612) for the Borghese Pope, Paul V.
ln this painting, Cigoli represents the Virgin
characteristically standing atop the moon, her
symbol of purity; but Cigoli·s moon was
represented depicting the surface he had seen
through the tefescope, with craters and mountain
ridges. Although it is not a precise representation
of Galileo·s observations, Cigoli created quite a
controversy which led to the redefinition of what
Cigoli also wrote his own treatise on perspective
• 28

entitled, Perspettiva praetica in 1613. It was never published

and contained a section on the 'Rve Orders of Architecture.'
Similar to Galileo's educational background, Cigoli was
taught mathematics in the Medici court by the same
instructor, Ostilio Ricci. 58 He apparently had knowledge of
the works on perspective by Albrecht Dürer, Daniel Barbaro,
Leonardo da Vinci, and Guidobaldo dei Monte.59

Cigoli's perspective in the ceiling of the Capella paulina uses

the device of more than one view point similar to the work
of Lomazzo to achieve a "more lucid exposition."60 This

• technique avoided extremes in distortion when

viewed trom multiple positions throughout a room.
His perspective was, in the end, somewhat
distorted in itselt, not creating the proper
diminishment for accurate human proportions.

Galileo was also in close contact with Guidobaldo

dei Monte, perspective theorist and
mathematician. Guidobaldo invited Galileo in

Guidobaldo dei Monte,

September of 1593 ta Monte Baroccio near
Perspectivae libri sex,
Pesaro, 1600.
Urbino to consult with him on his as yet unpublished treatise
on perspective entitled Perspectivœ libri sex.6t ln 1594,
GaUleo travelled to visit his wealthy correspondent. They
had been in contact on vanous interests including visual
science and astronomieal pursuits since 1588.62

• ln this time ot a shifting world order, the Jesuit mission

sought in both science and art ta re-center man within a
• 29

controlled system. This surrogate world order resulted in a

geometrized space referring to a mathematical totality. The
placement of man at a specifie point within the whole
recreated a center for man with the possibility of meaning
found in the unfolding of the perspective artwork. Within
the system, infinity was understood as the mast concrete
expression of the existence of God. Jesuit propaganda
'ide of the Caunter-Reformation built upon man1s
understanding of the sensuous and specifie to grasp the
religious directives in a universal mathematical world arder.

• Propaganda 'ide was based on a question of convincing

the spectator through the use of the visual image to reach
an understanding of religious truth. The Jesuit goal for the
Counter-Reformation was sought through evocative art with
an emphasis on the visual in order ta reach the widest
audience with their message. The extensive missionary
endeavors of the Jesuits led them to lands which did not
share a common European language yet the perspectival
image offered a leamed geometrical truth.

Visualization was the method employed to understand onels

inner spiritual faith for the Jesuit brothers. Their work began
through participation in the outline for instruction presented
in the Spiritual Exercises written by the founder of the
Society of Jesus, St. Ignatius of Loyola. The Spiritual

• Exercises are divided into four weeks although each week

may last for more or less than seven days. Through aseries
of internai spiritual milestones, the exercitant progresses
• 30

through a process of visualization ta reach a personal

understanding and compassion with Christ and the martyr
saints.

Ignatius asked each man to contemplate places, events,

and persans using a most concrete sense of the imagination
each day. For example, Ignatius wrote in the Spiritual
Exercises:

The ftrst is a mental ima!]e of a place. It should be

noted al this point that when the meditation or
contemplation on a visible abject, for example,

• contemplating Christ our Lord during His Life on earth,

the image will consist of seeing with the mind's eye the
physical place where the abject that we wish ta
contemplate is present.63

Ignatius invoked each sense independently to proceed

through a place and understand it intimately within ane's
self. Ignatius writes of this clearly on hell:

This is a representation of a place. Here it will be to see

in the imagination the length, breadth, and depth of hall.
Ta see in the imagination the great tires, and the souls
enveloped, as it were, in bodies of tire.
Ta hear the wailing, the screaming, cries, and
blasphemies against Christ our Lord and ail His saints.
To smelt the smoke, the brimstone, the corruption, and
the rottenness.
Ta taste bitter things, as tears, sadness, and remorse of
the conscience.
With the sense of touch to feel how the flames surround

• and bum the souls.64

This type of commentary is typical ta open each day with

• 31

an image ta carry through the

introspective exercises which follow.
The Jesuits recognized the power of
the visual image above ail other
senses. They used its allure as a
tool in their crusade against heretics
in the Counter-Reformation. It was
the task of the Jesuit artist ta
persuade the viewers of the glory of
Gad and the Roman Catholic faith.
The perspectival illusion offered a

• possibility of revealing superior truths

in a moment of unfolding. Asymbolic
space depended on the
representation of the moment of ritual
within the timeless space of
perspective.

Andrea Pozzo. ceiling of For Pozzo, the Jesuit mission was

the nave of the Church of
St. Ignatius. Rome at the center of his work. The narrative
(above) and (below) detail
of EuroPéL
themes which he painted on the walls and
ceilings of Jesuit churches glorified the
stories of the lives of Christ, the Jesuit
martyrs and their founder. Ignatius and
his miracles occupied the central theme
of his work in Rome.

• The subject painted on the ceiling of the

nave of the church of St. Ignatius in Rome
• 32

is presented within the illusion of an open

ceiling ringed by columns and arches. It
represents the theme of the Jesuit mission
itself ta spread the ward of Gad given
through Ignatius ta the four corners of the
world. Pozzo employed the popular image
of the Iight of Gad to trace the spread of
his glory. While the Sun is at the center of
this image it represents 'Ithat one true
point. the Glory of Gad, where ail points
Il

of the perspective come together. 65

• Glowing brightly in the center of the Iight

source is Christ bearing the cross. Pozzo
wrote in the caption ta this image
(apparently inserted later into Volume One
of the 1693 printing) that the source "sends
forth a ray of Iight into the heart of Ignatius
which is then transmitted by him to the
mast distant regions of the four parts of
the warld."66 The ray of light terminates in
representatians of the four continents,
Europe, Asia, Africa, and America.
consisting of a female representation with
supporting male figures and beasts. The
details of this information were sent to
Andrea Pozzo, detaifs of Pozzo in letters and sketches from his

•
the ceifing of the nave of
the Church ofSt Ignatius. missionary brothers around the world.
Rome, representing
America. Africa and Asia. Also present, seated in the billowy clouds.
respectively.
are Saints Aloysius Gonzaga, Francis
• 33

Xavier, and Stanislao Kostka

among others.
ln the same caption quoted above,
Pozzo included a quote tram Luke
12:49, Itlgnem veni mittere in
terram et quid vola nisi ut
accendature." 67 The modern
translation of this passage in the
King James version of the Bible is

Andrea Pozzo. detail of

as follows, III am come to send tire
tha cainng of the nava of
on the Earth and what will 1if it be

•
the Church of St•
Ignatius. Rome.
representing the Jesuit
already kindled. Il

Saints•

•
• PERCEPTION 34

Philosophy is written in that vast book which stands

forever open before our eyes . . 1mean the universe •
but it cannot be read until we have leamt the language
and become familiar with the characters in which it is
written. It is written in mathematicallanguage, and the
characters are triangles, circles and other geometrical
figures, without whose help it is humanly impossible ta
comprehend a single word. 68

Galileo heralded the birth of the new science with these

words. The secret workings of Nature herself could be
deciphered with a knowledge of Euclidean geometry and
observation through the senses. Galileo was opposed ta

• the Aristotelian philosophical assumptions based in sensual

stimulation related to the physical world. He often illustrated
the fallacies ta which a dependence on perception alone
can lead. For example, when a feather is held ta the nase,
it is said that it tickles the nase; but the feather does not
possess this property.69 One should not assume that a
sensation is an inherent property to that thing which initiates
the feeling for in tact it may be produced by many factors.

Galileo did not seek ta reject Aristotle but to offer a new

interpretation of the sensible world, different and opposed
to the Scholastic interpretation..70 Alexandre Koyré wrote in
Galilean studies that Aristotelian arguments "presuppose
that we are able by the perception of the senses to directly
grasp physical reality, and that this is in tact the only means

•
ot grasping it, and that consequently, a physical theory can
never throw doubt on the phenomena given directly in
perception.. "71 80th Galileo and Descartes thought that one
• 35

must believe tirst in order to see the inherent arder existing

in Nature. They awarded a certain distrust ta the senses
that the Scholastic tradition believed led ta proclaimed
truths. Koyré also made evident this position when Galileo
"asserts (a) that physical reality is not given in perception,
but is, on the contrary, grasped by reason; and (b) that
motion does not affect the moving body, which remains
unchanged by any motion which impells it, and that motion
only affects the relations between a moving body and a
stationary object. 'I72

• The new science engendered increased study of the

perception of the physical world including the structure of
the eye and its mechanics. Many perspective treatises
avoided mention of the anatomy of the eye altogether.
Those that were interested tumed to the original, ancient
texts on which ta base their theories.

Euclid's Optics represented the first known record of the

awareness of the distinction between what appears and
what is. His perspective understanding of vision was based
on the angles in a spherical model, rather than a Iinear
structure. In the controversial "Theorem Eight of th~ Optics,
A

Euclid wrote, IITwo abjects of equal magnitude praced at

unequal distances are not seen according to the ratio of
their distances.1I73 Because of the basic confliet with the

• structure of perspectiva ar1ificialis, Renaissance translations

of Euclid omitted this theorem.74 ln extromission theory,
the cone of vision emerged trom the eyes. Perspectiva
• 36

, naturalis was meant to mimic the experience of

vision in a heterogeneous and inexact world. lt
was based on a spherical understanding of the
world in which lines were at once converging and
QG (j@. diverging in one scene.

·eQGo Scholars such as Egnatio Danti rejected Euclid's

theory of extromission without mention of the

·T~T spherical quality of vision in conflict with linear

perspective and refuted Vesalius' structure of the
lens located in the back part of the eye. Danti

• e"e
@6
together with many other scholars began to
understand the eye as a passive receptor of light
rays.7S It was Felix Platter in the late sixteenth
century who was the tirst ta state that the retina
Andreas Vesalius. The
f/fustrations from the and the optic nerve were the organs of vision. Also refuting
Works of Andreas
Vasa/ius of Brusse/s. extromission theory, Giovanni Battista della Porta wrote of
(New York: Ooyer
Publications. Inc.. 1950). the eye as a miniature camera obscura collecting light rays
tram objects placed in front of il. 76 Johannes Kepler,
influenced by Platter and della Porta, wrote the first
comprehensive theory of the retinal image in his Ad
Vitellionem paralipomena in 1604. He explained that when
Egnatio Oanti trom
Vigola. Le due regole. passing through an aperture rays of light will project the
Rome. 1583.
shape of the Iight source rather than the shape of the
aperture.77

• Danti's diagrams of the structure of the eye influenced such

theorists as Guidobaldo dei Monte, Simon Stevin, and
François d'Anguilon.78 Prier to these men, there was littfe
• 37

':~ -i ïêif!;tt*
! mention of the structure of the eye itself
~ ,~- \ in perspective texts except in Kepler's
writings and in the anatomieal studies of
Leonardo da Vinci,
anamorphic eye found in Leonardo da Vinci. 79
Martin Kemp, The SCience
of Art: Optical Themes
(rom Brunelleschi to
Seurat, (New Haven. Michelangelo was against perspectival construction entirely
Connecticut: Yale
University Press. 1990). p. claiming that the artist must exercise the "compasses in
SO.
the eye" not mathematical procedures. Lomazzo attempted
to reconcile these words with his profession byexplaining
that Michelangelo's experience was sa ingrained that it was
instinct for him ta see and draw in perspective. For

• Lomazzo, the "judgment of the eye and the intellect acted

in complete concert. ln the late sixteenth century, Lomazzo
ft

still upheld the model of extromission theory. eo

Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo,
figure study for the vault of
the Church of San Marco,
Milan,1570.
By the middle of the seventeenth century, the debate among
theories of vision was taken up by artists, scientists, and
philosophers alike. Abraham Bosse, who compiled
Desargues' work on perspective entitled Maniere
universelle, wrote of the need for geometrieal techniques
over the perception of the eye. He was sharply attacked
for these views by Grégoire Huret in Optique de portraicture
et peinture in 1670. An entire section of his treatise was
dedicated to an anti-Bosse polemic praising the ability of
the eye to properly judge the physical world in arder ta adjust
for visual illusions.81

• It is worth mentioning again that Claude Perrault upheld

the position that the eye itself measures and has the
• 38

capacity to perceive precision; and therefore, there was no

need for optical correction in architecture, sculpture and
painting.

Guarini rejected extromission theories of the mechanics of

the eye as a luminous body which reaches out and touches
objects. For Guarini, the eye was composed of acrystalline
lens which produced a smaller inverted image within the
eye. He referred to this as an 'unreal image. '82 ln his
Architecture Civile published in 1737, Guarini admonished
perspective illusions for creating a crisis of surface in

• architecture, a disturbing gap between what the eye

perceives and the arder of the world.83 Jeanne Debanné
summarized Guarinils position on perspective painting as
follows:

Guarini objects ta over-permissiveness with regards to

perspective; that is, the use of perspective not aimed at
restituting material presence, and recovering true
symmetry. Aneed for distance transpired from this, that
was enmeshed in architecturels end of being truthfuL84

For Descartes, sense perception and vision in particular

were undermined in his model for rational thought. Although
vision was privileged among the senses, Descartes
understood the profound mental exercise necessary in order
to eliminate doubt tram perception.85 Ta understand the
tunetioning of the eye demonstrated in the camera obscura,

•
Rene Descartes, Discours
de la méthode plus la
dioptrique, les météores et Descartes suggested to his readers to place a dissected
la géométrie, Laiden.
1637. human aye, or any relative animal eye, in a shutter through
• 39

which to view the images formed on a piece of paper held

to the back of the eye. S6 He wrote of the eye as the passive
receptor of light declaring that the "tirst opaque structure in
the eye receives the figure impressed upon it by the light. IIS7
Descartes clarified his theory of the transmission of light
stating:

1would have you conceive of light in a 'Iuminous' body

as being simply a certain very rapid and lively movement
or activity, transmitted to our eyes through air and other
transparent bodies, just as the movement or resistance
of the bodies a blind man encounters is transmitted ta

•
his hand through his stick..88

ln The World, the work also called Treatise on Light,

Descartes differentiated between the sensation of light and
its cause using the analogy of language: the relationship
between what is represented to the thing itself..89 As the
eye truly becomes the passive receptor, the image acquires
an objectivity, a truth. Reflections and images appear to
be the real things because they affect the eye in the same
ordered correspondence of light rays.90 ln this sense, vision
can be easily deceived.

ln the Dioptries, Descartes concfuded that the senses must

belong to the soul, because in dreams or in an ecstatic
state, the body is unaware of its surroundings and believes
to be inhabiting another space \\'ith sights and smells of its

• own..91 For Descartes, vision became the gaze of the

geometer, that of a third party, no longer an embodied
experience. 92
• SHADOW 40

Before the second quadrature this same spot is seen

walled around by sorne darker edges which, like a ridge
of very high mountains turned away from the Sun,
appear darker; and when they face the Sun they are
brighter. The opposite of this occurs in valleys whase
part away tram the sun appears brighter, while the part
situated toward the Sun is dark and shady. Then, when
the bright surface has decreased in size, as saon as
almast this entire spot is covered in darkness, brighter
ridges of mauntains rise lottily out of the darkness.93

ln the above quotation, Galileo explained his reasoning

behind the changing light patterns across the moon. lt was
the projection of shadows on the surface of the moon that

• led Galileo ta understand the raie of the sun illuminating

the ridges and valleys of the Earth's satellite.

It was not always taken for granted that one could

conceptualize Light and create a system for the projection
of shadows among perspective theorists. Even the
mathematical mind of Girard Desargues was unable to fully
conceptualize Light. A shadow was generally considered
ta be a trace of the Divine and not able to be reduced to the
rules which were goveming the physical world.

For most scholars at this point in time, the conceptualization

of Light in perspective renderings was understood as two
types of shadow projections. Firstly, the rays of the sun
due to their immense distance tram the abject projeeted

• parallel shadows. Secondly, light from a point source such

as a torch orcandlelight projected perspectival shadows.94
• 41

The sun itself eventually became the abject of Galileals

telescope. An increased magnification allawed him ta study
more closely the dari< spots which marred the surface of
the great star. Galileo also used his understanding of
perspectival projections ta explain the movement of such
spots upon a spherical surface. Galileo's pupil, Benedetto
dei Castelli, devised the methad for projecting the image of
the sun thraugh the telescape onto a piece of paper to
accurately measure and track the movement of the spots
in each image. First, he scribed a circle with a compass
into which he matched the projection thraugh the telescope.

• Therefore, an elliptical projection was avoided, and each

image was exactly the same size as the other.95 GaUlea
published these findings on the movement of sunspots,
shortly after 5idereas nuncius, in the treatise entitled, fstaria
e dimonstrazione in 1613.

Prior ta Galileols demonstratian of the mavement of the

spots related to the movements of the sun and the Earth,
the spots were thaught ta have been stars seen between
the Earth and the sun.96 It was Galileals inherent support
of the Copernican heliocentric universe in these discussions
which eventually led ta his censure and incarceration at
the hands of the Inquisition.

Both Galileo and Descartes sought to define existing

• GaJileo Galilei. tstoria e

dimonstrazione. 1613.
phenomena through the contemplation of a totalic system
which could never exist on Earth or, therefors, be disproved.
Galileo substituted and reconstructed reality after an ideaJ,
• 42

imagined reality. His mathematical world view created a

chasm between the ideal and the real phenomena of
unexplainable facts.97 Such as in the case of the properties
found in a vacuum, he was able to postulate unreal bodies
in an unreal space. His experiments could never perfectly
achieve the conclusions of his postulates, because, for
example, a frictionless environment could not have been
created at that time so GaUleo used an inclined plane in his
experiments.

Galileo described Iight as corpuscular. In the Assayer, the

• term atoms was reserved for "luminous infinitesimal particles

of discontinuous material, capable of penetrating sight. "98
While bodies were geometric, Euclidean bodies subject to
gravity, substances were quality distinctions bath of a
separable property trom theïr bodies in the mind and also
of an inseparable nature. Separable substances were such
qualitïes as smell and sound. The inseparable were visible
or physical characteristics.99

For Galileo and Descartes, movement became an analysis

of relational instances completely removed from place. 1OO

Mathematization of the world permeated each field of study.

Apparently, every aspect of the world was written in the
language of geometry. The flow of time was the final

• impossibility to truly conceptualize. This was evident for

Galileo and Descartes when they attempted to solve the
equation for the free fall of bodies.. Three men unknowingly
• 43

and simultaneously worked on this problem: Descartes,

GaUleo and Beekman. Each formulated the same theory
of falling bodies separately and each contained the same
error which Beekman later fixed.

Galileo began under the assumption that the speed of

acceleration was connected to the distance traversed,
overlooking its connection ta the time elapsed. Descartes,
being more of a mathematician than a physicist, simply
interchanged the variables for distance with that of time
trom the equation which Beekman presented to him.

• Unwittingly, he had given Beekman the solution that

acceleration increased according ta the time elapsed. '01

The idea of time or motion being a temporal reality became

a strength in Galileo·s work. Unlike Descartes, Galileo
understood that every attempt to represent time results in
a geometrization of time. The conceptualization of time
was in contradiction to the continuous aspect of time which
eludes representation or mathematization. This
understanding enhanced the basis of Galileo1s thought 102

Perspectival illusion represented the conceptualized instant

isolating a moment in time from the flow of ail others. This
moment was present according to a model of vision. In the
process of unfolding of the perspectival illusion, time was

• expanded once again at the moment in which the illusion

appears ta axist in the physical warld.
• ILLUSION 44

1suppose, therefore, that whatever things 1

see are illusions; 1believe that none of the
things my Iying memory represents to have
happened really did sa; 1have no senses;
body, shape, extension, motion, place are
chimeras. What then is true? Perhaps only
this one thing, that nothing is certain. t03

Descartes employed many analogies of light and

vision to describe reason and rational thought.
He wrote in his Ru/es 'orthe Direction ofthe Mind
in 1628 of the lack of reason being virtually equal
to blindness. 'IFor it is very certain that

• Andrea Pozzo. False

cupola in the Church of Il
Gesü, Frascati, ItaJy.

'F.,. 1
....
,..-
unregulated inquiries and confused reflections of
this kind only confound the naturallight and blind
our mental powers. Those who sa become
~~--~- accustomed ta walk in
rh
• 1

t1'· darkness weaken their

~.~. :~: .'
eyesight sa much that
. _._-; .ij i --- -. ~ afterwards they cannat
1 Il bear the light of day.ll t04
1 1.. i
1_'_--f,:·_~·r1--:,: _ Indulging in illusions
and the deception of the
senses dulls the
intellect and impedes
the recognition of truth
in Descartes· view.

Andrea Pozzo.

•
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorom, v. 2.. fig. 49 According ta Descartes, the mind may be easily led into
and 50, respectively.
1700. delusions of ail sorts, hallucinations, lunatic ravings, and
dreams, that in these cases sensual perception seems sa
• 45

evidently true and yet is not real. tOS Although he was

surrounded bya proliferation of treatises on and examples
of perspectival illusions, Descartes opposed any art form
which sought ta confuse the senses especially,
anamorphosis. As in the case of GaUleo, Descartes also
philosophically objected to the disjunction between the
apparent image and its disguised reconstruction.

•
• POINT OF VIEW 46

An Answer ta the Objection made about the Point of

Sight in Perspective.

Every one does not approve, that in Perspective of great

Extent one Point of Sight only should be assign'd the
whole Work; as for Example, ln the whole Length of the
Nave, Cupola, and Tribune, express'd in the Ninety-third
Figure, they will by no means allow of one single Point,
but insist upon several.

ANSWER, This Objection may be understood in two

ways; either that one Point alone is not sufficient for
that whole Length, and in this sense 'tis true; for that
Space being very long, it ought ta be divided into Parts,
and proper Points assign'd ta the Tribune, Cupola, and

• Vault of the Nave; as is commonly taught, where the

Situation is of a great Length, and not very high. Or il
may be understood of any One of the said Parts, and
sa is altogether taise. First, Because in the Vaults of
Halls or Churches painted by the greatest Masters, if
they consist of one Piece only, we find but one Point of
Sight assigned. Second/y, Since
Fl~.C.
Perspective is but a counterfeiting
of the Truth, the Painter is not
obliged ta make it appear real
when seen from Anypart, but from
One determinate Point only.
Third/y, Because, if in a Vault, for
Example, where you would paint
one entire Design of Architecture
and Figures, you assign several
Andrea Pozzo.
Points of Sight, you will find no
Perspediva pietorum et place whence you may take a perfect View of the Whole,
architectorum. v. 1. fig.
75.
and at best you can only view each Part from its proper
Point. From ail which Reasons 1conclude, that the
Introdudion of many Points into the same Piece, is more

• injurious ta the Work, than making use of one only... 1

confess that 1myself make use of one Point of Sight
only, in very large Vaults that consist of one Design,
such as that of the Nave of the Church of S. Ignatius. If
• 47

theretore th rot the 1rregularity of the Place, the

Architecture appear with sorne Deformity, and the
Figures intermix'd therewith seem any thing lame and
imperfect, when view'd out of the proper Point, besides
the Reasons just now given. It is sa far tram being a
Fault, that 1look upon it as an Excellency of the Work,
that when view'd trom the Point determin'd, it appear,
with due Proportion, straight, tlat, or concave; when in
reality it is not SO.'06

At the end of the tirst volume of Perspectiva pictorum et

architectorum, Pozzo included these words in response to
those who advocated the use ot multiple viewpoints within

•
a perspective illusion. For the most part, Pozzo employed
a single point of view in his quadrature. The viewer is able
to walk around the space ta witness the scene trom an
improperposition realizing the distortions needed to produce
an iIIusionistic effect tram one point. Generally, Pozzo
marked the exact point tram which to stand ta view the
work in the floor of the churches either using a paving pattern
of marble or placing a bronze disk in the existing marble
patterns.

As Pozzo stated in the above response, the ability ta raveal

the distortion of figures in an illusion from other angles lends
to the efficacy of the illusion in his opinion. The dramatie
effect when positioned in proper respect to the illusion
produces a greater sense of wonderment. The example of
which he had written, the nave of the church of St. Ignatius,

• is an extremely large work. There is one single point marked

in the marble floor from which ta view the piace. On that
point, the perspective unfolds. In the quadratura painted in
• 48

the nave, the viewer may turn his or her body around to
witness the perspective spread out tram that point in ail
directions. The viewer is positioned at the center of the
mathematical system.

Another work by Pozzo not tar from the church of St. Ignatius
is the hallway outside the rooms of St. Ignatius preserved
in the Casa professa. Pozzo painted this cycle around the
,1 year 1680. In the eighteenth or nineteenth
century, sorne of the paintings in this halfway were
overpainted, including the framed image of

• Madonna and chifd. An extensive restoration in

the late 1980s revealed two major panels.

ln the rather short and narrow hallway, contrary

Andrea Pozzo, hallway ta
the rooms of St. Ignatius.
Casa professa. Rome:
entrance above and detail
below.
to popular advise Pozzo employed one single
point of view. Within the overall illusion, Pozzo
painted tramed perspective scenes trom the Iife
of St. Ignatius to be viewed trontally. This
situation invites the viewer to walk around the
room destroying and reveafing the illusion.
Toward the corners of the hallway, the distortion
becomes extremely elongated. The
figures are stretched in the horizontal
direction when viewed taeing the wall.

• The halfway, whieh is a plain barrel vaulted

space, appears ta have omate pink marble
columns with gold composite capitals and
• 49

enormous golden detailed brackets

supporting a fiat ceiling. The space of the
brackets extends the height of the small
room. When approaching the room, the
entry wall was painted with niches
containing the Jesuit saints Aloysius
Gonzaga and Stanislaus Kostka. The
entry is immediately off of the landing of a
wide stair, a tight space, not lending weil
to the iIIusionistic effect.

• Andrea Pozzo. hallway to

Upon entering, a few steps place the
viewer above a marble rose bloom which
marks the proper point of view on the floor.
the rooms of St Ignatius, The far wall, which is crudely angled, is painted ta appear
Casa professa, Rome:
view above and window longer and flattened with a pair of angels playing musical
details below.
instruments under an archway. Beyond the ornately
columned archway,
there seems ta be a
domed space
terminated by a
relatively simple
altarfor St. Ignatius.
This space appears
ta be illuminated
from above. The

• hallway itself
cantains four large
windows in the wall
• 50

ta the right and a hidden doorway.

Opposite the window wall. is the door to
the rooms of St. Ignatius a few steps
higher than the level of the hallway and a
window into one of those spaces. The
window is duplicated in the illusion in order
to carry a symmetry in the arcade of the
side wall. The stairs and the door leading
to the rooms present the mast difficult
piece to incorporate into the illusion.
Pozzo was somewhat successful with the

• detait trom Andrea Pozzo.

door varying the thickness of the marble
frame; but the stairs and their railings are
not at the appropriate angle or scale to
hallway ta the rooms of St appear as a part of the perspective illusion.
Ignatius.casa professa.
Rome.
Church of S. Flora and
Lucilla of the Badia. Within the omate gold leafed beams of the ceiling
Arezzo, ltaly: below view
of interior and foUowing are a variety of figures and framed images. The
page taise cupola.
larger adult angels are painted as fleshy winged
beings carrying framed monochromatic profiles
of important Jesuit brothers. There are two
versions of putti, rosy fleshed babes and grey
stone statues. These cherubs are at
approximately the same scale lending to the
interplay between flesh and painted stone. This
is the type of illusion capable in painting which

• Galileo praised in his correspondence with Cigoli.

Also framed in the ceiling are monochromatic
scenes trom the life of St. Ignatius.
• 51

The technique of contrasting monochromatic

images with full color scenes was also used by
Giorgio Vasari in an iIIusionistic painted room in
his own home in Arezzo. Pozzo painted the false
cupola in the church of S. Flora and Lucilla of the
Sadia in Arezzo where Vasari had designed the
altar and painted its centerpiece and other
canvases. The altar painting is entitled liS. Giorgio a la
Maddalena, a salf-portrait also including his wife and
Il

relatives. Pozzo similarly included himself in the altar of

the church of Il Gesu in Frascati already mentioned. Pozzo

• Andrea Pozzo, view of the

hallway to the rooms of St
Ignatius, Casa professa.
may have drawn trom the work of Vasari in these instances.

Tuming around completely, the view in the hallway faces

Rome. the opposite direction toward the entry wall. Looking in this
direction, one can see the stairs to the
rooms of St. Ignatius. Above the entry
door is written liS. Ignatio, Soc. lesu
fundatore. Il Atop the door trame is the
crest of the Society of Jesus with thair
symbol, IHS, surrounded by two painted
stone putti.

The side walls contain seven bays which

alternate between two styles according to
the windows. Opposite the window bay

• the niche appears deeper with two adult

angels standing below a framed scene
from the life of Christ. The other type of
• 52

bay is less wide but cantains a longer frame

cantaining a scene of a recorded miracle tram
the lite of St. ignatius. Underthis frame are fleshy
putti also with vases of flawers. Above the frames
in the space of the ornate brackets are many
fleshy putti with tiny wings. Sorne of the fleshy
babes look dawn at the viewer while others
display additional monochromatic profiles of
important Jesuits. Each frame, although
incorporated into the perspectives of the room
as a whole, also contains its awn perspective to

• Andrea Pozzo. details of the haUway

ta the rooms of St Ignatius, Casa
professa. Rome.
be viewed frontally.

The hallway invites the viewer ta participate in

the room, to walk around the space in arder to
view the difterent aspects of the illusion. This
process simultaneously reveals and destroys the
illusion previously witnessed. As Pozzo wrote in
his response to those who were adamantly
opposed to this process, this enlightening
approach adds to the wonderment of the illusion.

The positioning of the point of view was more

complicated in the case of the design of stage
set panels. Baroque theather productions were
very important to Caunter-Reformation

• propaganda, and Pozzo himself produced many

designs. In Volume One of his treatise, Pozzo
discussed in the Seventy-fifth Figure how to
• 53

produce these particular illusions with the

placement of staggered panels necessitating the
exact alignment of perspective angles. Pozzo
1
1
suggested raising the stage tloor and overlapping
t·
1
the point of view. This slight confusion lends to a
1 greater number of seats able ta participate in the
1

i . illusion. Pozzo also recommended the placement

of hidden candies ta iIIuminate the screens in the
Seventy-first Figure.

ln 1711, Ferdinando Galli-Bibiena published his

• Andrea Pozzo.
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum. v. t. fig. 75.
Ferdinando Galli-8ibiena.
L'Architettura Civile•.••
1711 .
treatise on perspective entitled, L'Architettura
Civile preparata su la Geometria, e ridotta aIle
prospettive. Considerazione pratiche. Galli-
Bibiena devised the two-point perspective, which
he termed perspettiva per angolo, for stage
designs eliminating any problem seats within the
audience. With a second vanishing point, almost
every seat could participate in the iIIusion. 107
Conceptually, this perspective method produces
a world in perspective which one naturally
inhabits rather than the symbolic unfolding of a
single point of view.. The distinction between
stage set and theater was systematically
destroyed..

•
• TRUTH AND FALSEHOOD 54

FIGURA Trigesima.
Optica projectio œdificii IONlel; ubi de modo jungendi
fictum cum vero. lOS

The interest of the Scientific Revolution in the determination

of truth from falsehood led to a critique of perspectival
illusion which sought ta deceive the senses. There was a
crisis between truth and the appearance of things
.... 1

~ which undermined the traditional philosophical

.~ ,~. ~
.U~Ji
..
------
understanding of the world. The quest for the
perfect model of vision involved perspectival
representation in the most heated debates of the

• time. The conception of the universe itself was

changing trom the heterogenous finite world view
ot the middle ages to the homogenous space of
the infinite universe. Perspectival theorists had

---u - - : : ta be sensitive ta the issue of the vanishing point

extending ta infinity. In the eyes of Roman
Andrea Pozzo. Catholic Church leaders, only God was or ever
Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum, v. 1, fig. 1. could be infinite.. Pozzo wrote of this point in his introduction
to Volume One definitively stating that the lines of
perspective converged ta "that one true Point, the Glory of
Gad."

Although the Roman Cathalie Church and the powerfu1

Jesuit leaders endorsed the use of perspectival illusions,
other artists and philosophicalleaders of the time debated

• the validity of a systematie deception of the senses.. The

practice of anamorphosis bore the brunt of their objections.
Perspective survived as a part of the scientific quest to
• 55

understand the senses and vision in particular.

Pozzo did not specifically engaged in these debates of

record; but having been such a prolific artist and writer with
access to one of the most extensive Jesuit Iibraries at the
Biblioteca della Pontificia Universitâ Gregoriana, it is evident
that Pozzo was aware of the significance of his writings
and his painted works to the broader disciplines at the time.

Descartes' critique of illusion extended to the visible in

genera!. Reflection, trompe ['oeil, quadrature and

• Jean François Niceron,

Thamaturgus optieus.

Andrea Pozzo, two below

images, details trom the
anamorphosis, ail were artifice as an obstacle ta the search
for objective truth. 109 Pozzo even defines perspective as a
IICounterfeiting of the Truth" in Volume One in the
aforementioned nAnswer to the Objection ... 11
ln
haJlway to the rooms of St
Ignatius, Casa Professa.
Rome.
contradiction ta his intentions, Descartes' philosophies
actually led to the reduction of Nature
herselt ta a theater of illusions, an effect
lI

of human artifice." 110 ln a similar way,

perspective transformed an understanding
of reality into appearance. The subject of
art became psychologieal, and as would
follow, the divine was reduced ta a matter
for contemplation by the human mind. 1t1

Ta paraphrase Vittorio de Feo in Andrea

• Pozzo: architettura e illusione, 'more than

pertorming mathematical perspective with
precision. Pozzo recognized a possibility
• 56

of reality... where perspective translates the virtuality of the

real/... with the help of the imagination.'t12 It was the
incorporation of the viewer in his works which opened the
narrative possibilities of perspectival illusions. Ratherthan
simply reproducing a narrow model
of vision, Pozzo's intentions were
of a religious end, the Jesuit
mission, propaganda !ide. Pozzo
employed perspective ta actively
persuade the individual of the glory
of Gad and the Jesuit order.

• Andrea Pozzo, detail from

the rooms of St Ignatrus,
Casa professa. Rome.
The viewer was positioned within the perspectival system
only ta be invited to move through the space destroying,
revealing, and ultimately understanding the illusion. The
joining of truth and illusion for Pozzo contained a distinctively
religious end. The moment in the unfolding of a perspectival
illusion was intended ta create a miraculous revelation, a
moment of symbolic ritual expanding the present moment
in time.

•
• MACHINES 57

Those lines 1will draw with a straight stroke of the pen

and write the main Iines on top of them so that the
invisible lines may be thereby comprehended for in that
manner the inner meaning must be demonstrated
extemally.113

Albrecht Dürer wrote the above section on

perspectival construction lines in his
treatise entitled Unterwessung der
Messung in 1525. 114 Dürer sought ta
define the laws of visual perception using several
adaptations of a framed grid of strings. In his

•
woodcut prints, he depicted these machines in
perspectival scenes illustrating their use.
Although Dürer did not ultimately arrive at a
unified mathematical perspective, it is important
to bear in mind his intention which was to
represent the physical world through a precision
of observation.

The machines, designed to aid in the drawing of

perspective directly trom reality such as Dürer's
Albrecht Dürer, top above
plate from Unterweysung use of the grid, lost their position in perspective treatises
der Messung. 2nd adn.,
(Nuremberg, 1538) and after 1630. The main scholars who upheld the tradition
middle and bottom above
plates from Unterweysung after Dürer were Vignola! Egnatio Danti, Ludovico (Cigoli)
der Messung, 1st edn.,
(Nuremberg, 1525). Cardi, and Marolois.115 Guidobaldo dei Monte also produced
several machines for drawing in his treatise. After 1630,

•
the trend in perspective treatises returned to the brief
mentioning of a device similar ta the concept presented in
Dürer's woodcuts of a basic veil, or grid of strings.116
• 58

ln tact, Pozzo employed the use of a very large grid in Figure

One-hundred of Volume One of his treatise to project a
perspective drawing onto the irregular surface of a barrel
vault in the nave of the church of St Ignatius (illus., p. 46).
Although conceptually he wrote of the traditional use of a
light source placed at the view point. in practice the Iight
would never be strong enough ta cast a shadow of the
strings onto the vault with sufficient intensity to be lightly
traced. Pozzo recommended the placement of a grid of
strings at the level of the spring of the vault. Using a long
string one persan would stand at the view point holding

• one end of the string while the other persan on scaffolding

in the vault would align the other end of the string with a
cross point in the grid and extend the string to the vault.
Therefore the grid would be accurately transferred onto any
irregular surface no matterhow far removed from the source.

Pozzo possibly could have been exposed ta another

measuring device iIIustrated in Vignola's Le due regole
(illus.• p. 11). It is in this image that Vignola demonstrates
the precision of measurement using twa people, one ta
measure the points of importance on a sliding t-square ruler
and the second persan ta record those points onto the paper.
The second persan who is actually producing the drawing
is not (ooking directly at the object being drawn. 1t7 Vignola
also employed the method of a projected grid in his

• illustration of how to accomplish crude anamorphic images.

Not surprisingly, Cigali1s discussion of the projection of

• 59

images onto vaults and domes carried many

affinities to Galileo's explanation of the movement
of sunspots. 118 ln his treatise, Perspettiva pratties,
Cigoli's machines represent a crossbreed
between Dürer's veil and Vignolals measuring
sticks. 119 Guidobaldo dei Montels machines for
drawing in perspective are also close to the
Vignola! Oanti type.

lt is not possible to be certain from which sources

Pozzo developed his understanding of

• Ludovico Cigoli. three

perspective projection. Vittorio de Feo posited
that he was influenced by Palladio, Vignola,
Colonna and Mitelli, Morazzione, Richini, Bemini
above images from and Borromini. De Feo also described Pozzo as being
Perspettiva pratica. c.
1610-1613. presently in predisposed toward Guarinian meditations. 120 Considering
the Gabinetto di Disegni e
Stampe. Uffizi Gallery. Guarinils critieal position in regard to perspectival illusions,
Rorence.
it is unlikely that Pozzo considered Guarini to be a kindred
spirit l or vice versa. In addition to the Iist of possible
influences on POZZOIS work, de Feo neglects to explain any
Andrea Pozzo.
Perspectiva pictorum et coincidences in their lives or work ta warrant these ties.
architecterum. v. 1. fig. 83.

".r .~
...: ." Even POZZOIS simple rendition of
: ,":~-"
,, the method for projecting a laltice
- J.
,. -.: 1 onto a vaulted surface reinforces
~-' :
--.-
'.- 4

- ... """ 1
his intentions to create a basic,

•
" '!
~ "

.:. '01;" - : .. : '.

. "~,
easy-to-foflow method for the
1"-_-.-"~ production of perspectival
drawings. Rather than debate the
• 60

possibility of the correspondence between

drawing and architectural space, Pozzo
easily demonstrated the method for joining
the built world with painted illusions. The
Andrea Pozzo. Palazzo coincidence between plan and elevation
Contucci. Montepulciano.
drawings to locate the points in a
perspective have been clearly
systematized (only to be confounded on
Rgure four of Volume two witht he mention
of two eyes). Each of his perspectival
demonstrations iIIustrated this point: the

• relationship between orthographie

drawing and perspectival projections was
unified in a mathematical, what was
eventually ta be termed as Cartesian,
space. Koyré wrote of Descartes' spatial
understanding in his introduction to
Descartes· Philosophiesl Works as:

Andrea Pozzo. above ...applied mathematics, or mechanics;

Palazzo Lichtestein.
Rossau and befow W.
HaIbax. Bischofszimmer.
Vienna.
a physics based on the clear and
distinct ideas of extension and motion,
a physics that reduces ail
material being to an endless
interplay of movements,
govemed by strict mathematicaJ
laws, in the uniform space of the
infinite universe.

• Pozzo·s position with respect to the

joining of truth and illusion is
• 61

enhanced by his vast number of executed

perspectival illusions. When viewed during the
proper Iight of day, his method produced fascinating
visual deceptions with an almost complete blending
of built architecture and painted space.

During his final years in Vienna, Pozzo designed and

assisted in the execution of major perspective works.
His designs decorate the ceiling of the ornate
Universitatskirche. the architecture of the impressive
freestanding main altar of the Franziskanerkirche,

• J. Kramonn, Church of the

Gesu at Jihlava, Igrau.
and the ceiling in the ballroom of the palazzo
Lichtestein in Rossau. These pieces greatly
influenced the painters of central European Rococo
movement The artists who continued in
the vein of the work of Pozzo adapted the
perspective point of view ta suite their
evolving understanding of perspectival
space. The Rococo movement saw the
removal of the embodied point of view
trom spatial perspectival illusions. Such
painters as Halbax, Tausch, Kramolin and,
of course, Cosmas Damian Asam (1686..
1739) introduced a disembodied
perspective which sought ta more
assertively trespass the boundary

•
C.D. Asam, Church of
Weingarten. between the physical environment and the painted illusion.
Their frescoes incorporated elemants of sculpture ta blend
the edges of the illusion into the architecture. 121
• 62

Also distinctively absent from their

perspectival spaces was the embodied
viewer. The Rococo painter raised the point
of view trom eye level to somewhere floating
in the space above the viewer. The space of
the perspective became uninhabitable, a
spectacle for a distanced viewer. The Rococo
perspectival illusion was somewhat in
contradiction to the origins of perspectiva
artificiafis as the embodied experience of

• Andrea Pozzo. false

cu pola and nave of the
Uni ve rsitâtskirche.
Vienna
geometric order in space.

There was an abstraction of the observer following the

Cartesian representation of the ultimately passive, receptive
eye. l22 Eighteenth century philosophes lost interest in the
study of perspective drawing. While Iight remained a central
metaphor during the Enlightenment, there was a pervading
sense of conditionality, perspectivallight rays trom a point
source rather than the parallel infinitely distant light of
God. 123 Natural Iight was thought to De inherently
misleading, for truth must have a well-ordered origin in
Method and a position within a system as d'Alembert stated
in his Encytcopédia. 124

•
• FROZEN MOMENT 63

An absolute master of perspective,

Pozzo created on the fiat surfaces of
the walls and the gentle curve of the
vault the illusion of immense space
filled with complex architectural and
human forms.

Walk around either end of the corridor

and look around. You will discover that
the beams of the ceiling that seemed
straight are really curved, that the cher-
ubs on the walls are thoroughly dis-
torted, thatthe deep chapel atthe end
of the corridor is really painted on a
fiat, slanted wall. As you walk toward

• the center again, you watch the archi-

tecture slide into focus. Pozzo joined
mechanical precision with playful con-
fidence in his craft and deep love for
his subject, St. Ignatius. l25

The passage above written by Thomas M.

Lucas, S.J. for the opening of the exhibi-
tion ta celebrate the completion of the res-
toration of the rooms of St. Ignatius sum-
marizes the dynamic spatial
understanding in Pozzo's
perspectival illusions. AI-
though he supported the
use of one point of view
within a space, Pozzo in-
vited the viewer ta pass

• through the space to reveal

his artistry in the distortions
of the figures and architec-
• 64

tural elements. Through a spatial narra-

• tive in the revelation of the illusion, Pozzo

allowed for the expansion of the frozen
moment in time inherent in perspectival
illusions. He participated in the decep-
tion of the senses opposed by contempo-
rary philosophers and, at the same time,
he revealed the perspectival distortions in
the edges.

Pozzo's artistic intentions were of a reli-

gious nature in orderto conveythe Jesuit
narrative. Following the example set down
in the Spiritual Exercises, Pozzo's work employed the use
of the senses, of vision, to convince the observer of the
glory of God, the point ta which ail lines converge. In his

• self-portrait, Pozzo sits in the robes of his faith painting up

and over his shoulder ta a representation of his famous
taise cupola as he gazes into the eyes of the observer.
• APPENDIX 65

List of Works

Self-portrait, Uffizi Museum, Florence, Italy.

Perspective paintings on the Vault of nave, Cupola (Sa parmi

=
diameter approx. 18m), and Main altar, Church of
St. Ignatius, Rome, Italy (1688-1694).

Architecture of side altar of St. Luigi Gonzaga, Church of

St. Ignatius, Rome Italy.

Corridor ta the rooms of St Ignatius, Casa professa adjacent

to the Church of Il Gesu, Rome, Italy (1681).

'San Francesco Borgia adora l'Eucharista.' Church of Il

• Gesu, Rome, Italy (1683-1685).

Cappella della Vigna, Rome, (taly (1682-1686).

Refectory, Church of Trinitâ dei Monti, Rome, Italy (1694).

'Cristo accaglie Sant'Ignazio in cielo,' Church of Il Gesu,

Rome, Italy (1697-98).

Architecture of the Main altar to St. Ignatius, Church of Il

Gesu, Rome, Italy.

Perspective paintings on the Cupola, Side altars, Main altar

and Framed perspectives including 'Martirio dei Santi
Sebastiano eAgnese' and 'Sanflgnazio accoglie San
Francesco Saverio,' Church of Il Gesu, Frascati, Italy
(1683-1684).

'Madonna col bambino e santi Michele e Giovanni Battista,'

Cathedral, Cuneo, Italy.

• 'La Vergine e santi Michele e Giovanni Battista/ Cathedral,

Cuneo, Italy (1685).
• 66

'Risposo in Egitto,' Church of Santa Maria, Cuneo, Italy.

Architecture of the Main altarta St. Ignatius, Church of Santi

Martiri, Tarina, Italy (1677-1680).

"Cristo crocifisso: Church of San Lorenzo, Torino, Italy

(1679).

'Adorazione dei Magi,' Congregazione dei mercanti, Torino,

Italy (1697).

'Adorazione dei pastori,' Congregazione dei mercanti,

Torino, Italy (1701).

'Fuga in Egitto,' Congregazione dei mercanti, Torino, Italy

• (1701).

'Strage degl'innocenti,' Congregazioni dei mercanti, Torino,

Italy (1703).

'Immacolata concenzione con San Stanislao,' Church of

Sant'Ambrogio, Genova, Italy (1665-1670).

'San Francesco Borgia in preghiera,' Church of

SantlAmbrogio, Genova, (taly (1665-1670).

'5s. Ambrogio e Andrea,' Genova, Italy (1671).

'San Francesco Borgia con la Madonna, il Bambino e

santlAnna' and 'L'immacolata concezione con san
Stanilao Kostka,' Church of Il Gesû, Genova, Italy
(ca. 1671).

'Annunciazione,' Sacristy of the Cathedral, Mondovi, Italy

(1692, Rome).

• 'Gloria di S. Francesco Saveno: Cupola in the church of

Missione, Mondovi, ltaly.
• 67

'Angelo custode,' Church of San Fracesco Saverio,

Mondovi, Italy.

'Gloria di S. Francesco Saverio,' Cupola, Church of San

Francesco Saveno, Mondovi, Italy (1676).

Altar and Nave, Church of San Francesco Saverio, Mondovi,

Italy.

IProstrati l'adorando,' main altar of Pia Congregazione e

Banchieri, Arezzo, Italy (1693).

Perspective painting of the Cupola, Church of Badia delle

Ss. Aora e Lucilla, Arezzo, Italy (1702).

• IFlagellazione di Cristo,' collection of Silvino Borla, Trina

Varcellese, Italy.

'Cattura di Cristo,' Collection of Silvia Borla, Trino Varcellese,

Italy.

Architecture of the Main altar, Church of 5s. Giovanni e

Paolo, Venice, Italy (1674).

'Predicazione di San Francesco Saverio,' Jesuit College,

Novi Ligure, Italy (1665-70).

'Martirio di San Venanzo,' Church of San Venanzo, Ascolia

Piceno, Italy (1683-86).

'Sant'Ignazio accoglie San Francesco Borgia,' Church of

Santo Stefano, San Remo, Italy (1665...1670).

'Prospettiva con Ultima Cena/ Musea Diocesano, Trento,

ltaly.

• 'Praspettiva con Circoncisione,' Musea Diocesano, Trento,

Italy.
• 68

'Presentazione al Tempio,' Museo Diocesano, Trento, Italy.

Architectural design, Church of San Francesco Saverio,

Trento, Italy.

'S. Francesco Saverio battezza le genti,' Museo nazionale,

Trento, Italy.

'Sacra Famiglia,' Parrochiale, Lasino [Trento], Italy (1703).

Architectural design, Church of St. Ignatius, Ragusa, Italy

(1702).

Architectural design, Duorno, Lubiana (1702).

• Salon, Palazzo Contucci, Montepulciano, Italy.

Perspectives in the side altars, Church of (( Gesu,

Montepulciano,ltaly.

Church of San Bernardo, Montepulciano, Italy.

Church of S. Maria dei Servi, Montepulciano, Italy.

'Predicazione di San Francesco Saveno,' Church of San

Francesco Saverio, San Sepolchro (1690).

'San Siro risana gli infermi,' (attr..) Duomo, Pavia, Italy.

'Disputa di Gesu tra i datton, Altar lunette in the Basilica of

San Defendente,' Romano di Lombardia [Bergamo).

Architectural Facade, Church of Santa Maria maggiore.

Trieste, Itsly (after 1702).

Architectural design, Jesuit college, Belluno, Italy (1704-

• 1705)..

'Gloria di Sant'Ignazio,' finished by Christopher Tausch,

Gorizia, Austria..
• 69

'Crocefissione,' Jesuitenkirche, Vienna, Austria.

'Cristo crocifisso: Universitâtskirche, Vienna, Austria (ca.

1705).

'L'Assunta,' Universitâtskirche, Vienna, Austria (1709).

'Sant'Ignazio e San Stanislao Kostka,' Universitâtskirche,

Vienna, Austria (1704-1705).

'Archangelo Raffaele,' Universitâtskirche, Vienna, Austria

(1704-1705).

'Fuga in Egitto,' Universitâtskirche, Vienna, Austria (1704-

1705).

• 'Sacra famiglia,' Universitâtskirche, Vienna, Austria (1704-

1705).

'San Giuseppe,' Convento delle Orsoline, Innsbruck, Austria

(1703).

Architecture of the Main altar, Franziskanerkirche, Vienna,

Austria (1706-1707).

Ballroom, Palazzo Lichtestein, Rossau [Vienna], Austria

(1704-1709).

Main altar, Casa professa of Kirche am Hof, Vienna, Austria

(1709).

•
• NOTES 70

1 Gaileo wrote this passage in Istorie e dimonstrazione,

1613 in response to those who believed that cornets
produce their own light. See M. Clavelin, The Natural
Philosophy of Galileo, (Cambridge, Massachsettes:
The MIT Press, 1974) or Martin Kemp, The Science
ofArt: Optical Themes in Western Art from Brunelleschi
ta Seurat, (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University
Press, 1990), p. 96.

2 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

Western Art (rom Brunelleschi ta Seurat, p.196.

3 Ibid., pp. 93.. 96.

4 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

• S
Western Art from Brunelleschi to Seurat.

see Erwin Panofsky, Galileo as a Crïtic of the Arts,

(The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1954).

6 Alberto Pérez-Gomez, Architecture and the Crisis of

Modem Science, (Cambridge, Massachusettes: The
MIT Press, 1983).

7 see Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes

in Western Art from Brunelleschi ta Seurat, 1990).

8 S. Y. Edgarton, IIGalileo, Florentine Disegno, and the

1
1

'Strange Spottednesse' ofthe Moon," ArtJournal, XLIV,

(1984), pp. 225·232.

9 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

Westem Art from Brunelleschi to Seurat, pp. 93...98.

10 Ibid., p. 93.

• 11

12
Stillman Drake, Galileo at Work: a Scientific Biography,
(New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1978), p. 35.

Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optica/ Themes in

• 71

Western Art trom Brunelleschi to Seurat, p. 76.

13 Ibid., p. 79.

14 Ibid., pp. 86-92.

15 Rene Descartes, Philosophiea! Writings, transes.

Elizabeth Anscombe and Peter Thomas Geach, (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1961), p. 34.

16 This statement was recorded in Howard Hibbard,

Bernini, (London: Penguin Books, 1965), p. 19, as
according to Basil Willey, The Seventeenth-century
Background, (Harmonds-Worth, 1962), pp. 9ft. and
passim.

• 17 Op.cit., p. xxi, in the introduction written by Alexandre

18
Koyré.

Ibid., p.13.

19 see Erwin Panofsky, Gali!eo as a Critic of the Arts.

20 see the section entitled 'To the Lovers of Perspective'

in Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in Architecture and
Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of the Engfish-Latin
Edition of the 1693 ·Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum", (a reprinting of the London, 1707)
transe John James of Greenwich, (New York: Cover
Publications, Inc., 1989), p..12.

21 Vittorio de Fea, Andrea Pozzo: Architettura e if/usione,

(Rome: Officina Edizioni, 1988).

22 Ibid.

• 23

24
Ibid.

Nino Carboneri, Andrea Pozzo Architetto, (Trento:

Collana Artisti Trentini, 1961).
• 72

25 see Figure Nine in Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in

Architecture and Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of
the English-Latin Edition of the 1693 "Perspectiva
pictorum etarchitectorum", (a reprinting of the London,
1707) trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 30.

26 see Figure 53 in Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in

Architecture and Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of
the English-Latin Edition of the 1693 "Perspectiva
pictorum etarchitectorum", (a reprinting of the London,
1707) trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 118.

27 see Figure 53 in Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in

Architecture and Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of
the English-Latin Edition of the 1693 "Perspectiva

• 28
pictorum etarchitectorum", (a reprinting of the London,
1707) trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 121.

Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

WestemArtfrom Brunelleschito Seurat, 1990), p. 69.

29 Ibid.

30 Alberto Pérez-G6mez and Louise Pelletier,

Anamorphosis: an AnnotatedBibliography with Special
Reference to Architectural Representation, (Montrêal:
McGiII University Libraries, 1995), p.82.

31 see introduction by Alberto Pêrez-G6mez in Claude

Perrault, Ordonnance for the Five Kinds of Columns
after the Method of the Ancients, trans. Indra Kagis
McEwan, (Santa Monica, Califomia: The Getty Venter
for the Humanities, 1993).

32 Rosario Assunta, -Un filosofo nelle cappitali d'Europa

(La filosofia di Leibniz tra Barocco e Rococo),- Storia

• 33
dell'Arte 3, (1969), pp. 296..337.

Alberto Pérez-G6mez, Architecture and the Crisis of

Modem Science, p. 31 and the introduction by Alberto
• 73

Pérez·Gémez in Claude Perrault, Ordonnance for the

Five Kinds of Columns after the Method of the
Ancients, transe Indra Kagis McEwan, p.21.

34 see Vittorio de Feo, Andrea Pozzo: Architettura e

illusione and Dunbar H. Ogden, The Ita/ian Baroque
Stage: Documents by Gui/io Trol/i, Andrea Pozzo,
Ferdinando Ga/li-Bibiena, Baldasare Orsini, (Berkeley:
University of Califomia Press, 1978), p. 169. The
second text includes images and excerpts from Volume
Two of Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum.

35 Ibid.

36 Roberta Maria Dai Mas, ilLe opere architettoniche a

• Ragusa, Lubiana, Trieste, Montepulciano, Belluno e

Trento, in Andrea Pozzo, eds. Vittorio de Feo and
Il

Valentino Martinelli, (Milano: Electa, 1996), pp. 184-

203.

37 Op. cit.

38 Roberta Maria DaI Mas, ilLe opere architettoniche a

Ragusa, Lubiana, Trieste, Montepulciano, Belluno e
Trento, in Andrea Pozzo, eds. Vittorio de Feo and
Il

Valentino Martinelli, pp. 184·203.

39 The section entitled -Ad Lectorem in Andrea Pozzo,

lt

Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum Andreœ Putei

e Societate Jesu pars secunda, (Rome: Giovanni
Generoso Salomoni, 1758) edition in the collection of
the Biblioteca della Pontificia Universitâ Gregoriana.

40 Marina Carta and Anna Menichella, 1111 successo

editoriale dei Trattato,- in Andrea Pozzo, eds. Vittorio

• 41
de Feo and Valentino Martinelli, p. 230.

Ibid.
• 74

42 Joseph Rykwert, The First Modems: the Architects of

the Eighteenth Century, (Cambridge, Massachusettes:
The MIT Press. 1980). pp. 142·154.

43 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

Western Art from Brunelleschi to Seurat. p. 79.

44 Steven F. Ostrow, "Cigoli's Immacolata and Galileo's

Moon Astronomy and the Virgin in the Early Seicento
Rome. The Art Bulletin 78. 2, (1996), pp. 218..235.
Il

45 Ibid.

46 S. Y. Edgarton, IIGaUleo, Florentine 'Oisegno,' and the

IStrange Spottednesse' of the Moon, Art Journal, pp.

•
Il

225·232.

47 Ibid.

48 William R. Shea, ·Panofsky Revisited: 'Galileo as a

Critic of the Arts'III Renaissance Studies in Honour of
Craig Hugh Smyth, (Florence, 1985), p. 483.

49 Alexandré Koyré, Galilean Studies, (Hassocks,

Sussex: The Harvester Press Limited, 1939), part III.

50 Pietro Redondi, Galileo Heretie, transe Raymond

Rosenthal, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton
University Press, 1987).

51 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in

Western Art trom Brunelleschi to Seurat.

52 S. Y. Edgarton, IIGalileo, Florentine 'Oisegno,1 and the

'Strange Spottednesse' of the Moon, ArtJournal, pp.
Il

225-232.

• 53

54
Ibid.

Ibid.
• 75

55 Erwin Panofsky, Galileo as a eritic of the Arts.

56 Martin Kemp. The Science ofArt: Optica/ Themes in

Western Art tram Brunelleschi to Seurat.

57 Miles Chappell, ·Cigoli, Galileo. and Invidia." The Art

Bulletin 57. (1975), pp. 91·98.

58 Martin Kemp, The Science otArt: Optical Themes in

Western Ait trom Brunelleschi ta Seurat. p.97.

59 Ibid.

60 Stillman Drake. Ga/ileo at Work: a Scientific Biography,

(New York: Dover Publications. Inc., 1978). p. 35.

• 61

62
Martin Kemp. The Science ofArt: Optical Themes in
Western Art tram Brunelleschi to Seurat.

Ignatius of Loyola. The Spiritual Exercises of St.

Ignatius. trans. Anthony Mottola, Ph.D., (New York:
Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group. Inc., [1964]
1989), p. 54.

63 Ibid., p. 59.

64 Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in Architecture and

Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of the Eng/ish-Latin
Edition of the 1693 ·Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum·, (a reprinting of the London, 1707)
trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 12.

65 Ibid., p. 139.

66 Bemd Wolfgang Undemann, ·'Ex aliena luee quaerito'

. . Kosmologie und Staatsverstândis im barocken

• 67
Denkenbild," Sitzungsberichte, Kunstgeschichtliche
GestellschaftzuBerfinN.F., 31, (1982"'1983), pp. 3-7.

see Galileo Galilei, If saggiatore, in Opere VI, (1896),

• 76

p. 232. Translation found in William R. Shea,

·Panofsky Revisited: 'Galileo as a Cntie of the Arts·, D
Renaissance Studies in HonourofCraig Hugh Smyth,
p.483.

68 Pietro Redondi, Galileo He re tic, trans. Raymond

Rosenthal, pp. 57·58.

69 Ibid.

70 Alexandre Koyré, Ga/ilean Studies, part III.

71 Ibid.

72 Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optical Themes in

• 73
Western Art trom Brunelleschi to Seurat, pp. 34-36,
pp. 92-97.

Ibid.

74 Ibid., p. 81.

75 Alberto Pérez-Gômez and Louise Pelletier,

Architectural Representation and the Perspective
Hinge, ( Cambridge, Massachusettes: The MIT Press,
1997), p. 51.

76 Ibid., pp. 51·55.

n Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optica/ Themes in

Western Art (rom Brunelfeschi to Seurat, pp. 34-36
and p. 81.

78 Ibid., p. 165.

79 Ibid., p. 83.

• 80

81
Ibid., p. 122.

Janine Debanné, Between Reliquary and Cenotaph:

• n
Gaurino Guarini's Cappella Santa Sidone, (Montréal:
McGiII University. Master Thesis, History and Theory
of Architecture, 1995).

82 Ibid.,p. n.

83 Ibid., p. 81.

84 Dalia Judovitz, IlVision, Representation and Technology

in Descartes," Modemity and the Hegemonyof Vision,
ed. David Michael Levin, (Berkeley: University of
Califomia Press, 1993), p. 63.

85 Rene Descartes, Philosophiesl Writings, transes.

Elizabeth Anscombe and Peter Thomas Geach, pp.

• 86

87
244-245.

Op.cit., p. 75.

Rene Descartes, Philosophieal Writings, transes.

Elizabeth Anscombe and PeterThomas Geach, p. 241.

88 Dalia Judovitz, IlVision, Representation and Technology

in Descartes, Modemityand the Hegemonyof Vision,
Il

ad. David Michael Levin. p. 71.

89 Maurice Merteau-Ponty, The Primaey of Perception

and Other Essays on Phenomenologiesl Psych%gy,
the Phi/osophyofArt, Historyand Polities, trans. James
M. Edie, (Chicago: Northwestem University Press,
1964), p. 170.

90 Rene Descartes, Philosophiea/ Writings, transes.

Elizabeth Anscombe and PeterThomas Geach, p. 242.

91 Op.cit., p. 178.

• 92 Galileo Galilei, Sidereas nuneius or the Sidereal

Messenger, trans. Albert Van Herden, (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 45.
• 78

93 Alberto Pérez-G6mez, McGiII University, lecture

delivered on 13 February 1997.

94 Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optical Themes in

Western Art tram Brunelleschi ta Seurat, pp. 34..36
and p. 95.

95 Ibid.

96 Alexandré Koyré, Galilean Studies, part III.

97 Definitions found in Galileo's the Assayer. See

translation in Pietro Redondi, Galileo Heretic, trans.
Raymond Rosenthal, p. 59.

• 98 Alexandré Koyré, Galilean Studies, part Ill.

99 Ernst Cassirer, Symbol, Function and Einstein's Theory

ofRelativity, transes. William Curtis Swabeyand Marie
Collins Swabey, (Chicago: The Open Court Publishing
Company, 1923), p. 75.

100 Op.cit., part Il.

101 Ibid.

102 Rene Descartes, Philosophieal Writings, transes.

Elizabeth Anscombe and PeterThomas Geach, p. 66..

103 auotation written by Rene Descartes in Ru/es for the

Direction of the Mindin 1628 (published post..humously
in 1701).. The translation is in the article by Dalia
Judovitz, IlVision, Representation and Technology in
Descartes,· Modemity and the Hegemony of Vision,
ad. David Michael Levin, p.. 67..

• 104 trom Rene Descartes, Meditations on the First

Philosophy Wherein are demonstrated the Existence
of Gad and the Distinction of Souf 'rom Body, 1642..
Translation in Rene Descartes, Philosophicaf Writings.
• 79

transes.. Elizabeth Anscombe and Peter Thomas

Geach, pp. 61-62.

105 Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in Architecture and

Painting: an .Unabridged Reprint of the English-Latin
Edition of the 1693 "Perspectiva pictorum et
architectorum", (a reprinting of the London, 1707)
trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 221 .

106 Werner Oechslin, Il Architecture, Perspective and the

Helpful Gesture of Geometry, Il Daidalos, p. 40.

107 Andrea Pozzo, Perspective in Architecture and

Painting: an Unabridged Reprint of the English-Latin
Edition of the 1693 "Perspectiva pictorum et

• architectarum", (a reprinting of the London, 1707)

trans. John James of Greenwich, p. 73.

108 DaUa Judovitz, IlVision, Representation and Technology

in Descartes, Il Modemityand the Hegemony of Vision,
ed. David Michael Levin. p. 63.

109 Ibid., p. 65.

110 Martin Kemp, The Science ofArt: Optica/ Themes in

Western Art 'rom Brunelleschi ta Seurat, pp. 34-36
and p. 72.

111 Vittorio de Feo, Andrea Pozzo: Architettura e illusione,

pp. 14-15.

112 Translation found in Werner Oechslin, •Architecture,

Perspective and the Helpful Gesture of Geometry,·
Daidafas, p. 46. Original text written byAlbrecht Dürer,
Unterweysung der Messung, 1525.

• 113 Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Opticaf Themes in

Westem Art from Brunelleschi ta Seurat, pp. 34-36
and p. 171.
• 80

114 Ibid., p. 184.

115 Ibid.

116 Ibid., p. 174.

117 Ibid.

118 Ibid., pp. ln-laD.

119 Vittorio de Feo, Andrea Pozzo: Architettura e iIIusione.

120 Richard Bôsel, "Le opere viennesi e i loro riflessi

neUJEuropa centro-orientale," in Andrea Pozzo, eds.
Vittorio de Feo and Valentino Martinelli, (Milano: Electa,

• 1996), pp. 204-229.

121 Alberto Pérez-Gômez and Louise Pelletier,

Architectural Representation and the Perspective
Hinge, pp. 74-75.

122 Hans Blumenberg, ·Ught as a Metaphor for Truth: At

the Preliminary Stage of Philosophical Concept
Formation, Mademity and the Hegemony of Vision,
ft

ad. David Michael Levin, (Berkeley: University of

Califomia Press, 1993), p. 53.

123 Ibid.

124 Thomas M. Lucas, A Guide ta the Rooms of St. Ignatius

Loyola, (Rome: Sograro, 1990).

•
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