Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions For A New Analytical Perspective

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Current PsychologicalReviews (198 I), 1, 91-112

Measuring Television Violence: A Review and


Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective

BARRIE GUNTER
Independent Broadcasting
Authority, London

P r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h c o n c e r n e d with t h e a s s e s s m e n t of t h e p r e v a l e n c e and s a l i e n c e of
v i o l e n c e as a f e a t u r e of t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m i n g has f a l l e n b r o a d l y i n t o t w o t y p e s :
(a) a p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d a p p r o a c h in which p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t is a n a l y s e d d i r e c t l y by
t r a i n e d c o d e r s in t e r m s of a p r e - s e l e c t e d and o f t e n n a r r o w l y d e f i n e d s y s t e m of
c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; and (b) an a u d i e n c e - b a s e d a p p r o a c h of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t a s s e s s m e n t
which o b t a i n s v i e w e r s ' e v a l u a t i o n s of p r o g r a m m e t i t l e s but not oI a c t u a l p r o g r a m m e
m a t e r i a l s t h e m s e l v e s . C o n c e p t u a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s of e a c h of t h e s e
perspectives a r e d i s c u s s e d and t w o a l t e r n a t i v e , procedurally similar but
t h e o r e t i c a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e paradigms a r e o u t l i n e d which a r e d e s i g n e d to o v e r c o m e
t h e p r o b l e m s o f e x t e r n a l v a l i d i t y which c h a r a c t e r i z e most p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s in t h i s
f i e l d . Each has t h e d i s t i n c t a d v a n t a g e o v e r p r e v i o u s m e t h o d s oI TV c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s
of p e r m i t t i n g q u a n t i f i a b l e audience-based assessments of p r o g r a m m e m a t e r i a l s . It is
a r g u e d h e r e t h a t t h e s e t e c h n i q u e s can p r o v i d e d e f i n i t i o n s of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e
which a r e both p r a c t i c a l l y u s e f u l and m e a n i n g f u l to t h e a u d i e n c e s e r v e d by
television.

Over t h e p a s t tw o and a half d e c a d e s ) w o r r i e d c o m m e n t a t o r s f r o m p o l i t i c a l , a c a d e m i c


and p u b l i c s p h e r e s h a v e v o i c e d serious c o n c e r n about t h e d e l e t e r i o u s e f f e c t s w h i ch
p o r t r a y a l s of v i o l e n c e on t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s can have on t h e s o c i a l a t t i t u d e s and
b e h a v i o u r s of t h e a u d i e n c e . One of t h e f u n d a m e n t a l r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s for c r i t i c s is
t h e a p p a r e n t f r e q u e n c y with which v i o l e n c e is shown on t e l e v i s i o n ) p a r t i c u l a r l y in
p o p u l a r a c t i o n - d r a m a shows at p e a k - v i e w i n g t i m e s and in p r o g r a m m e s d i r e c t e d at
c h i l d r e n . But how v i o l e n t is t e l e v i s i o n ? Although r e s e a r c h into t h e e f f e c t s of
t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e has i n d i c a t e d s t r o n g a s s o c i a t i o n s b e t w e e n r e g u l a r v i e w i n g and
a g g r e s s i v e n e s s among c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s of t h e a u d i e n c e (Eron e t a l . , 1972; B e r k o w i t z
et a l . , 1974; B e l s o n , 1978), e v i d e n c e for t h e amount of v i o l e n c e shown on t e l e v i s i o n
must he r e g a r d e d as much less c o n c l u s i v e b e c a u s e t h e m e a s u r e m e n t t e c h n i q u e s h a v e
been o f q u e s t i o n a b l e v a l i d i t y .

0 1 4 3 - 3 8 9 5 / 8 1 / 0 1 0 1 - 9 1 $02.00 @1981 PraegerPublishers


92 Barrie Gunter

This p a p e r w i l l deal with t h e problem of how to m e a s u r e t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e . It


will be a r g u e d t h a t th e q u e s t i o n of how v i o l e n t t e l e v i s i o n is can best be t a c k l e d
t h r o u g h an o b j e c t i v e , e m p i r i c a l l y t e s t e d m o n i t o r i n g s y s t e m in w h i ch d e f i n i t i o n s of
v i o l e n c e a r e m e a n i n g f u l and r e a l i s t i c to t h e a u d i e n c e . Th er e h a v e been a number of
a t t e m p t s to m e a s u r e e i t h e r t h e p r e v a l e n c e or s a l i e n c e of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e as an
a t t r i b u t e of p r o g r a m m i n g , but n o n e , it will be a r g u e d here~ has y e t r e s u l t e d in an
a c c e p t a b l e w o r k i n g model in t h e sen se b r i e f l y m e n t i o n e d a b o v e . This p a p e r w i l l
critically review previous research, which will be d i v i d e d into two broad
c a t e g o r i e s : t h e p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d a p p r o a c h of c o n t e n t c o d i n g and t h e a u d i e n c e - b a s e d
a p p r o a c h of p e r c e p t u a l e v a l u a t i o n . The p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d a p p r o a c h is c o n c e r n e d
e s s e n t i a l l y w i t h w h a t might be c a l l e d m e a s u r e m e n t of t h e p r e v a l e n c e of violence on
t e l e v i s i o n , i n v o l v i n g a c o u n t of t h e number of t i m e s p a r t i c u l a r kinds of i n c i d e n t s
o c c u r o v e r a sample o f p r o g r a m m e s . The a u d i e n c e - b a s e d a p p r o a c h , on t h e o t h e r hand,
is c o n c e r n e d with t h e s a l i e n c e of v i o l e n c e as an a t t r i b u t e in t e r m s of which
t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s a r e c a t e g o r i z e d or e v a l u a t e d by v i e w e r s . Through a s y s t e m a t i c
a n a l y s i s o f th e c o n c e p t u a l and m e t h o d o l o g i c a I l i m i t a t i o n s o f e a c h p e r s p e c t i v e , a s e t
of c r i t e r i a will be d e r i v e d on which to build a more c o m p r e h e n s i v e system of
television violence assessment, together with p r a c t i c a l s u g g e s t i o n s for its
d e v e l o p m e n t and o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n .

T H E PREVALENC~ O F TV VIOLENCEI PROGRAMME-BASED ~ M E N T O F CONTENT

The m o s t d e t a i l e d p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d a n a l y s i s o f t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t so far has been


c a r r i e d o u t by G e o r g e Gerbner and his c o l l e a g u e s a t t h e A n n e n b e r g School of
C o m m u n i c a t i o n s , P e n n s y l v a n i a . Message s y s t e m a n a l y s i s , as this m e t h o d of programme
a s s e s s m e n t is c a l l e d , i n v o l v e s t h e an n u al , m o n i t o r i n g o f sam p l es o f p r i m e - t i m e and
w e e k e n d d a y t i m e t e l e v i s i o n for al l major American n e t w o r k s each y e a r . Analysis is
l i m i t e d to d r a m a t i c c o n t e n t , which means t h a t n e w s , d o c u m e n t a r i e s , v a r i e t y and quiz
s h o w s , and s p o r t s programmes a r e e x c l u d e d during c o d i n g . T y p i c a l hours for w eek d ay
and S a t u r d a y e v e n i n g s a r e 7.30 - I I . 0 0 p . m . ; f o r S a t u r d a y and S u n d a y mornings, 8.00
a . m - 2.30 p . m . A s i n g l e , n o r m a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n of v i o l e n c e is e m p l o y e d : 'the o v e r t
e x p r e s s i o n of p h y s i c a l f o r c e a g a i n s t s e l f or o t h e r , c o m p e l l i n g a c t i o n a g a i n s t one's
w i l l on pain of being h u r t or k i l l e d , or a c t u a l l y h u r t i n g or k i l l i n g ' ( G e r b n e r ,
1971). Using this d e f i n i t i o n to guide t h e m , a t e a m of t r a i n e d c o d e r s r e c o r d such
f e a t u r e s as t h e f r e q u e n c y a n d n a t u r e of v i o l e n t a c t s , t h e p e r p e t r a t o r s and v i c t i m s
o f v i o l e n c e ~ and t h e t e m p o r a l and s p a t i a l s e t t i n g s in which t h e a c t s o c c u r . From
c e r t a i n c o m b i n a t i o n s of t h e s e m e a s u r e s is d e r i v e d t h e ' V i o l e n c e P r o f i l e ' , which
p u r p o r t s to r e p r e s e n t an o b j e c t i v e and m e a n i n g f u l indicator of t h e amount of
v i o l e n c e p o r t r a y e d in t e l e v i s i o n d r a m a .

The V i o l e n c e P r o f i l e

The V i o l e n c e P r o f i l e i t s e l f c o n s i s t s of t w o s e t s of i n d i c a t o r s : t h e Violence Index


and t h e Risk R a t i o s . The amount of v i o l e n c e o c c u r r i n g on t e l e v i s i o n is r e p r e s e n t e d
d i r e c t l y by th e Violence Index. E s s e n t i a l l y , this index r e p r e s e n t s the p e r c e n t a g e of
p r o g r a m m e s c o n t a i n i n g v i o l e n c e a t a l l ) t h e f f e q u e n c y and r a t e o f v i o l e n c e episodes
p er p r o g r a m m e and per h o u r , and t h e number of l ead i n g c h a r a c t e r s i n v o l v e d in
v i o l e n c e e i t h e r as . a g g r e s s o r s or as v i c t i m s . The Risk R a t i o s s i g n i f y a c h a r a c t e r ' s
c h a n c e s o f i n v o l v e m e n t in violence in t e l e v i s i o n drama and, o n c e i n v o l v e d ) t h e
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 93

l i k e l i h o o d of p o s i t i v e or n e g a t i v e consequences f o r him or h e r . The Risk Ratios t o o


are a composite o f more than one measure = the v i o l e n c e - v i c t i m r a t i o ) f o r example)
denotes chances o f being an aggressor or a v i c t i m , w h i l e the k i l l e r - k i l l e d r a t i o
marks the r i s k of k i l l i n g or being k i l l e d . Both r a t i o s are c a l c u l a t e d w i t h i n each
d r a m a t i c and demographic c a t e g o r y for a w i d e spectrum o f c h a r a c t e r t y p e s .
The o v e r a l l p i c t u r e of the w o r l d of t e l e v i s i o n drama r e v e a l e d by message system
analysis is t h a t i t is a v i o l e n t one. Gerbner et a l . (1979) r e p o r t e d t h a t since
m o n i t o r i n g f i r s t began in 1967-68, an average of g0 per c e n t o f programmes c o n t a i n e d
v i o l e n c e and 60 per cent of major characters w e r e i n v o l v e d in v i o l e n c e . The average
r a t e of v i o l e n t episodes was 789 per hour) and in w e e k e n d , d a y t i m e children's
programmes) v i o l e n t episodes averaged almost I8 per h o u r . Indeed) programmes
d i r e c t e d a t c h i l d r e n t y p i c a l l y scored high on most measures of v i o l e n c e e x c e p t for
k i l l i n g ; cartoons in p a r t i c u l a r c o n s i s t e n t l y exceeded a l l o t h e r c a t e g o r i e s of
p r o g r a m m e s , i n c l u d i n g a d u l t a c t i o n - a d v e n t u r e and. c r i m e - d e t e c t i v e shows.
The data d e r i v e d f r o m any m o n i t o r i n g t e c h n i q u e , h o w e v e r , are only as good as the
methods used to produce t h e m , and some doubt exists a b o u t w h e t h e r the Violence
P r o f i l e represents a v a l i d or meaningful measure of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t . The main
c o n t r o v e r s i e s c e n t r e on the f o l l o w i n g points=

t. The d e f i n i t i o n of v i o l e n c e e m p l o y e d .
2. The programme sample.
3. The w e i g h t e d items o f which the Violence Index is c o m p o s e d .
/~. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Risk R a t i o s .
First of all, l e t us l o o k a t t h e d e f i n i t i o n of v i o l e n c e e m p l o y e d and i t s
consequences f o r i d e n t i f y i n g v i o l e n t c o n t e n t . The d e f i n i t i o n of v i o l e n c e for coding
purposes s t a t e d by Gerbner (1971) focuses on b e h a v i o u r and events but ignores
c o n t e x t . Thus comedy shows may be scored as v i o l e n t along w i t h such events as
a c c i d e n t s and n a t u r a l disasters in a c t i o n - a d v e n t u r e d r a m a s . The reason for this is
t h a t v i o l e n c e is d e f i n e d n o r m a t i v e l y and is measured w h e r e v e r i t occurs. Gerbner
would c l a i m t h a t w h e t h e r or not comedy programmes a r e ~/iolent' is an e m p i r i c a l
issue, and t h a t a c c i d e n t s or disasters are d e l i b e r a t e l y i n c l u d e d in t e l e v i s i o n drama
and if t h e y f i t t h e d e f i n i t i o n cannot j u s t i f i a b l y be i g n o r e d . Y e t one m i g h t argue
t h a t n e i t h e r comedy nor n a t u r a l disaster is e q u i v a l e n t to t h e i n t e r p e r s o n a l a t t a c k s
usually t h o u g h t of as t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e .
Disagreement has been r e p o r t e d over the programmes i d e n t i f i e d as v i o l e n t in one
year by Gerbner's d a t a and by other analyses of v i o l e n t c o n t e n t by the 'Christian
Science M o n i t o r ' and the N a t i o n a l Association f o r B e t t e r B r o a d c a s t i n g , even though
the l a t t e r t w o w e r e in close agreement (see C o f f i n & Tuchman, 1973). During 1968,
f o r e x a m p l e , Gerbner and the ' M o n i t o r ' analysed a d j a c e n t weeks o f programming using
s i m i l a r techniques in which coders viewed episodes of prograrnmes and counted acts of
' v i o l e n c e ' . Of 53 programmes which were included in b o t h s t u d i e s , t h e r e w e r e 20
programmes which b o t h agreed were v i o l e n t and l~ programrnes which both agreed w e r e
n o n - v i o l e n t . H o w e v e r , t h e r e w e r e a f u r t h e r 19 programmes w h i c h Gerbner c l a s s i f i e d as
v i o l e n t , but which the ' M o n i t o r ' regarded as n o n - v i o l e n t . This disagreement resulted
l a r g e l y because the ' M o n i t o r ' r e c o r d e d incidents f r o m c o n t e x t s n o r m a l l y p e r c e i v e d as
v i o l e n t w h i l e Gerbner t a b u l a t e d v i o l e n c e w h e r e v e r i t o c c u r r e d , regardless of
c o n t e x t . In p a r t i c u l a r ) Gerbner considered humorous acts and a c c i d e n t s in his
v i o l e n c e count whereas the ' M o n i t o r ' did n o t .
In another comparison of Gerbner's violence scores w i t h those produced by
t e l e v i s i o n c r i t i c s or members of the general p u b l i c , r a t i n g consensus was again
absent ( C o f f i n & Tuchman, 1973). Greenberg and Gordon (1971a) developed v i o l e n c e
94 Barrie Gunter

ratings on a live-point scale based on the judgement ol a sample ol prolessional


critics and a sample ol ordinary viewers. An average violence score was computed
for each programme based on the 'violence rating' scale responses of each group ol
judges. To f a c i l i t a t e comparisons between Greenberg and Gordon and Gerbner, Coffin
and Tuchman also obtained continuous-variable scores for programmes studied by
Gerbner.
While Greenberg and Gordon employed two quite disparate sample groups to rate
television programmes on a violence scale, there was very close agreement in the
ratings by the two groups- a Pearson product-moment correlation of 0.86 for all
programmes and 0.97 for those programmes studied in common w i t h Gerbner. H o w e v e r ,
w h i l e the p u b l i c and c r i t i c s agreed v e r y closely w i t h each o t h e r , they did not agree
w i t h Gerbner in c l a s s i f y i n g programmes as v i o l e n t ; a c o r r e l a t i o n of only 0.$g
b e t w e e n Gerbner and the general p u b l i c , and 0.56 b e t w e e n Gerbner and the c r i t i c s in
terms of Gerbner's data on the number of v i o l e n t acts per half h o u r . This lack of a
r e a l l y strong c o r r e l a t i o n between" the t w o studies r e f l e c t s the f a c t t h a t comedy
programmes w e r e r a t e d as more v i o l e n t by Gerbner than by e i t h e r the p u b l i c or
c r i t i c s in the Greenberg and Gordon s t u d y . To c o n c l u d e , t h e r e f o r e , the use of a
n o r m a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n of violence requires some q u a l i f i c a t i o n in i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and
programmes i d e n t i f i e d as v i o l e n t by its use c o n f o r m more p e r f e c t l y to the n o r m a t i v e
p e r c e p t i o n when comedy or other f o r m a t s n o r m a l l y considered inconsistent w i t h
v i o l e n c e are e x c l u d e d .
Second, the programme sample m o n i t o r e d by Gerbner has been c r i t i c i z e d f o r its
t i m e - s p a n and for w h a t i t excludes. The sample t y p i c a l l y consists of one autumn week
o f p r i m e - t i m e and weekend morning programming each year and is, a c c o r d i n g to
G e r b n e r , i n t e n d e d to r e f l e c t the c h a r a c t e r of each season's t e l e v i s i o n f i c t i o n f o r
g e n e r a l and c h i l d audiences, and is a p p r o p r i a t e for t h a t purpose (Gerbner & Gross,
1976). H o w e v e r , such is the v a r i a t i o n in p r o g r a m m i n g throughout each season t o d a y
t h a t i t is u n l i k e l y t h a t any one week alone can prove r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the whole
year's o u t p u t ( B l a n k , 1977a). A n o t h e r , more i m p o r t a n t reason why Gerbner's sample
does not r e f l e c t the nature of t e l e v i s i o n as a whole is because i t excludes news,
c u r r e n t a f f a i r s , d o c u m e n t a r i e s , 'specials', sports and v a r i e t y programmes f r o m the
main n e t w o r k s and a l l independent s t a t i o n s and n o n - n e t w o r k b r o a d c a s t i n g . These
l a r g e - s c a l e omissions may w e l l have r e s u l t e d in a p r o f o u n d l y false impression of the
q u a n t i t y of v i o l e n t c o n t e n t on t e l e v i s i o n .
T h i r d , t h e Violence Index has d o u b t f u l v a l i d i t y as a d i r e c t measure of the
amount of v i o l e n c e on television because of the a r b i t r a r y way in which i t combines
p r o g r a m m e f e a t u r e s w i t h o u t j u s t i f y i n g the necessity f o r the inclusion of any
component (Blank, 1977a). Shifts in the index are not r e a d i l y i n t e r p r e t a b l e unless
the index is a c c e p t e d as synonymous w i t h v i o l e n c e . Even if the d e f i n i t i o n , the t i m e
sample and the rules of programme inclusion and exclusion are a c c e p t e d , any
d i f f e r e n c e of opinion about the kind of v i o l e n c e t h a t should be emphasized would
render the index an i m p e r f e c t i n d i c a t o r . As Blank (1977a, 1977b) has pointed o u t , i t
is u n l i k e l y t h a t the Violence Index is t r u l y a measure of the amount of t e l e v i s i o n
v i o l e n c e in a sample of programmes because among the components which i t w e i g h t s are
i n c l u d e d such ( e s s e n t i a l l y n o n - v i o l e n t ) f a c t o r s as leading c h a r a c t e r s i n v o l v e d in
acts o f v i o l e n c e . Thus, w h i l e the number of v i o l e n t scenes on t e l e v i s i o n may
decrease over a p e r i o d of t i m e , an increase in the number of c h a r a c t e r s i n v o l v e d in
v i o l e n t episodes during the same p e r i o d could be s u f f i c i e n t to produce a higher
o v e r a l l v i o l e n c e score on the Violence I n d e x . Gerbner and Gross (1976) argue t h a t
i n d i c e s , by d e f i n i t i o n , are a r b i t r a r y c o m b i n a t i o n s and t h a t t h e i r index serves them
as a h e u r i s t i c device leadin 8 to the analysis of the s h i f t s in components behind the
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 95

trend in the index. However, the index requires more general acceptance before the
figures generated can be taken as representative of the level ol seasonal change in
television violence. The exclusion of important programme features such as the
physical, social and moral contexts in which p o r t r a y a l s occur, which are r e l a t e d to
the judgement of acts as violent in everyday l i f e , precludes the acceptance or
a c c e p t a b i l i t y of the Violence Index in its current f o r m .
F o u r th , t h e r e are problems w i t h the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the h t i c t i m i z a t i o n ' of
Risk R a t i o s . In a t h e o r y of the social f u n c t i o n of f i c t i o n a l t e l e v i s i o n drama,
Gerbner argues t h a t t e l e v i s i o n violence helps to m a i n t a i n the existing social order
by r e i n f o r c i n g b e l i e fs in the likelihood of risk a n d danger. This ' c u l t i v a t i o n '
perspective led Gerbner and his associates to c a l c u l a t e ~/ictimization r a t i o s ' for
various demographic categories t h a t purport to i n d i c a t e the r e l a t i v e degree of risk
p o r t r a y e d . These consist of the r a t io o f p e r p e t r a t o r s to victims of violence in each
c a t e g o r y , Omitting a l l those not involved in v i o l e n c e . Groups found to have q u it e
high r a t i o s ( i . e . risks o f being v i c t i m i z e d ) include women, the poor and the e l d e r l y
'(Gerbner & Gross, [976~. In accord w i t h Gerbner's t h e o r y , t e l e v i s i o n would be
especially l i k e l y to c u l t i v a t e insecurity among such v i e w e r s .
The problem w i t h the v i c t i m i z a t i o n r a t i o is t h a t i t is an e n t i r e l y a r b i t r a r y
i n d i c a t o r . Other measures, such as the a c t u a l number or percentage o f persons in a
given c a t e g o r y who are v i c t i m s , would generally reverse the p a t t e r n t o w a r d g r e a t e r
v i c t i m i z a t i o n o f groups w i t h less social power because of the predominance of w h i t e
males in a c t i o n drama. While it is quite possible t h a t focusing on p a t t e r n s of
dominance among those involved in violence may p r o v i d e insight into a means by which
television drama a f f e c t s its audience, i t is also essential to s u p p l e m e n t this data
with evidence of audience awareness of the messages supposedly conveyed by the
v i c t i m i z a t i o n or risk r a t i o .
In a d d i t i o n t o these m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s , t he V i o l e n c e P r o f i l e is
conceptually l i m i t e d in so far as it does not have any f a c i l i t y for the measurement
of audience assessment of c o n t e n t . Indeed, Gerbner and his associates (1977) have
argued t h a t this type of measure does not l o g i c a l l y belong to t h e i r system of
content a n a l y s i s . Yet this contention is not consonant w i t h the inferences they have
made about audience response to patterns o f t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t , e s p e c i a l l y in
r e l a t i o n to Risk Ratios d a t a . This a t t i t u d e towards content measurement, h o w e v e r ,
is not only c o n c e p t u a l l y l i m i t e d , but also l i k e l y t o lead to e c o l o g i c a l l y i n v a l i d
assessments o f t e l e v i s i o n violence. This w r i t e r believes t h a t in so far as real
concern about t h e amount of violence shown on t e l e v i s i o n can be traced u l t i m a t e l y
to concern about t h e p o t e n t i a l l y harmful ( c o g n i t i v e , a f f e c t i v e or b e h a v i o u r a l )
e f f e c t s of t h a t c o n t e n t on the audience, then i t would be both more m e a n i n g f u l and
e m p i r i c a l l y useful to base a system of c ont ent analysis on viewers' responses to
programme m a t e r i a l s . Although a technique such as message system analysis may be
able to provide a r e l i a b i e indication of the frequency of c e r t a i n ( n a r r o w l y d e f i n e d )
occurrences on t e l e v i s i o n , it does not o f f e r any i n f o r m a t i o n about the way those
occurrences are encoded and i nt e r p r e t e d by v i e w e r s . Analysis of the modes o f coding
and appraisal o f various types of television episodes by viewers may be essential i f
content p r o f i l e s are e v e n t u a l l y to be linked in a d i r e c t and meaningful fashion to
certain types o f audience response such as, f o r example, those i n v e s t i g a t e d in
c u l t i v a t i o n analysis (Gerbner & Gross, L976). But t h e r e is another i m p o r t a n t reason
for recommending t h a t measures of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e be derived from v i e w e r
assessnlents of programme episodes. Recent research has shown t h a t indiv id u a ls tend
to define aggressive episodes in a multidimensional w a y , in terms of the various
physical, e m o t i o n a l or e t h i c a l contexts in which they have been personally
96 Barrie Gunter

experienced (Forgas~ Brown & Menyhart, 1980). These results imply that it may be
t o t a l l y u n r e a l i s t i c to expect a single, normative d e f i n i t i o n of aggression or
v i o l e n c e to have the same (or even any) salience for a ll individuals ( i . e . viewers)
or the same a p p l i c a b i l i t y over many d i f f e r e n t situations ( i . e . programme c o n t e x t s ) .

THE SALIENCE O F I V VIOLENCE: AUDIF.~NCE-BASED ASSF_.~SMENT O F CONTENT

To r e c a p b r i e f l y , studies of television content have typically been confined to


counts of selected types of events occurring during a specified period of television
o u t p u t ~ b u t in g e n e r a l h a v e l i t t l e t o s a y a b o u t a u d i e n c e r e s p o n s e t o p r o g r a m m e s .
Gerbner's analysis of violent television content~ for example, employed a few
'expert' raters to record fairly objectifiable occurrences of violence. Although
this procedure provided reliable ratings of specific kinds of incidents~ these
ratings may have had relevance only for the original raters and may have lacked any
r e a l m e a n i n g f o r t h e g e n e r a l v i e w i n g p u b l i c u n t u t o r e d in t h i s c o d i n g t e c h n i q u e . F r o m
these simple frequency counts, Gerbner then derived more complex descriptions of
t h e w a y s in w h i c h u n i t s o f c o n t e n t o c c u r r e d t o g e t h e r on t e l e v i s i o n t o f o r m r e c u r r i n g
profiles representing messages concerning the structure and dynamics of contemporary
society which gave a distorted impression of the way things really are. However, no
e v i d e n c e is p r o v i d e d t o s h o w w h e t h e r or n o t t h e s e ~ n e s s a g e s ' a r e a c t u a l l y p e r c e i v e d
and learned by viewers.
Problems arise when generalizing from statements a b o u t or d e s c r i p t i o n s of
c o n t e n t a n d t h e m e s s a g e s t h e y p u r p o r t t o s y m b o l i z e t o h o w t h e c o n t e n t is p e r c e i v e d
b y t h e a u d i e n c e . It is n e c e s s a r y t o e s t a b l i s h t h e d e g r e e o f e q u i v a l e n c e b e t w e e n t h e
m e a n i n g s a t t r i b u t e d t o p r o g r a m m e s by t r a i n e d c o d e r s a n d t h e m e a n i n g s a t t r i b u t e d t o
t h e m b y o r d i n a r y v i e w e r s . To w h a t e x t e n t do t h e i m a g e s a n d m e s s a g e s d e f i n e d by
content analysis share the same universe of meanings as the perceptions of viewers?
W i t h i n c i d e n t s s u c h a s s h o o t i n g s or f i g h t s , i t m a y b e r e l a t i v e l y e a s y t o a c h i e v e
c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n p r o g r a m m e s t r u c t u r e s d e f i n e d a p r i o r i by a s y s t e m o f c o n t e n t
coding and audience perceptions of content. But it may be less easy to accurately
infer meaningful messages concerning norms or relationships unless direct
i n f o r m a t i o n is o b t a i n e d f r o m t h e v i e w e r s . F o r i n s t a n c e , j u s t h o w s a l i e n t is v i o l e n c e
as an aspect of programme content for ordinary viewers?
A l t h o u g h it m a y b e i m p o s s i b l e t o d e f i n e e x a c t l y w h a t t h e a u d i e n c e in g e n e r a l
m e a n s by ' v i o l e n c e ' , t h e r e is e v i d e n c e t o s u g g e s t t h a t v i e w e r s ' p e r c e p t i o n s do n o t
accord strongly with objective counts of programme incidents. Research has shown
t h a t s t r u c t u r e s s u c h a s t h o s e m o n i t o r e d in m e s s a g e s y s t e m a n a l y s i s a r e n o t a l w a y s
p e r c e i v e d b y o r d i n a r y v i e w e r s a s s a l i e n t a t t r i b u t e s o f p r o g r a m m e s . For e x a m p l e 9 a
content analysis of British television output showed that the rate of violent
incidents per hour was four times as great for cartoon shows as for any other type
o f p r o g r a m m e ( H a l l o r a n & C r o l l , 1971), w h i l e a s t u d y o f t h e a u d i e n c e ' s p e r c e p t i o n s
of television violence indicated that cartoons were not rated as particularly
violent (Howitt & Cumberbatch, 197~).
E v e n in f i l m s w i t h h u m a n c h a r a c t e r s ~ v i o l e n t s c e n e s m a y n o t f e a t u r e a s i m p o r t a n t
a s p e c t s o f c o n t e n t a n d v i e w e r s m a y o f t e n f a i l t o m e n t i o n v i o l e n c e in d i s c u s s i o n s
about films containing violent action shortly after viewing, unless specifically
asked about such content. In a f i e l d s t u d y c o n d u c t e d by a u d i e n c e r e s e a r c h e r s a t t h e
British Broadcasting Corporation (1972), viewers were asked to fill out a
questionnaire about specific programmes shortly after they had been broadcast, in
w h i c h r e a c t i o n s t o v i o l e n c e a n d o t h e r a s p e c t s o f p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t w e r e p r o b e d . It
Measuring Television Violence:A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 97

was f o u n d t h a t p e r c e p t i o n s o f p r o g r a m m e s as ~ i o l e n t ' did n o t depend on t h e a c t u a l


number o f v i o l e n t i n c i d e n t s . Nor was t h e r e any s t r o n g r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n
p e r c e i v i n g a p r o g r a m m e as v i o l e n t and v e r b a l l y r e p o r t e d e m o t i o n a l a r o u s a l .
Assessment o f v i o l e n c e as u n j u s t i f i e d , h o w e v e r , was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h n e g a t i v e
e v a l u a t i o n o f t h e p r o g r a m m e . Most r e s p o n d e n t s also c l a i m e d t h a t ' r e a l i s m ' w a s an
e s s e n t i a l e l e m e n t in t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s o f t e l e v i s e d v i o l e n c e , w i t h v i o l e n t r e a l - l i f e
events r e p o r t e d on news b u l l e t i n s or shown in d o c u m e n t a r i e s g e n e r a l l y r a t e d as m o r e
v i o l e n t t h a n v i o l e n c e p o r t r a y e d in f i c t i o n a l s e t t i n g s . G e r b n e r and a s s o c i a t e s , of
c o u r s e , m o n i t o r e d only t e l e v i s i o n d r a m a , w h i c h t h e a u d i e n c e a p p a r e n t l y e v a l u a t e s in
q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t w a y f r o m n o n - f i c t i o n a l t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t . A l t h o u g h this s t u d y can
be r e g a r d e d as l i t t l e m o r e than e x p l o r a t o r y , i t n e v e r t h e l e s s i n d i c a t e s t h a t v i e w e r s '
p e r s o n a l assessments o f t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s are d e t e r m i n e d by many d i f f e r e n t
c o n t e n t f a c t o r s , of w h i c h v i o l e n c e is only one, and by no means t h e m o s t s a l i e n t or
most i m p o r t a n t . It is c l e a r , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t a v a l i d syste~n o f t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t
assessment in t e r m s of audience r e s p o n s e , even t h o u g h p r i n c i p a l l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e
m e a s u r e m e n t o f v i o l e n c e , must have t h e c a p a c i t y to t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t p r o g r a m m e
c o n c e p t s o t h e r t h a n v i o l e n c e , because p e r c e p t i o n s o f v i o l e n c e may be m e d i a t e d or
m o d i f i e d by a p p r a i s a l s along o t h e r c o n t e n t d i m e n s i o n s .

The Relative Salience o f TV V i o l e n c e

E v i d e n c e f o r t h e s a l i e n c e o f v i o l e n c e r e l a t i v e to o t h e r a t t r i b u t e s o f p r o g r a m m e
c o n t e n t has been o b t a i n e d in a d i r e c t t e s t o f p e r c e p t i o n s o f v a r i o u s f o r m s o f
t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t on sets of p r e - s e l e c t e d r a t i n g s c a l e s . H o w i t t and C u m b e r b a t c h
(1974) asked r e s p o n d e n t s to rat'e p r o g r a m m e s across each o f a series o f 50 p o t e n t i a l
c o n t e n t a t t r i b u t e s d e r i v e d f r o m p r e v i o u s r e s e a r c h and o p e n - e n d e d i n t e r v i e w s w i t h
p i l o t s a m p l e s . The mean score f o r each l i s t e d p r o g r a m m e on each a t t r i b u t e was
d e r i v e d f r o m r e s p o n d e n t s who w e r e g i v e n t h e p r o g r a m m e and w h o c o u l d use t h e
a t t r i b u t e m e a n i n g f u l l y . F a c t o r a n a l y s i s o f t h e s e d a t a y i e l d e d t e n d i m e n s i o n s of
p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t in the f o l l o w i n g descending o r d e r o f i m p o r t a n c e ( i . e . a m o u n t o f
variance accounted for): realism, violence, social status, establishment,
c o n v e n t i o n a l i t y , women's i n v o l v e m e n t , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , e m o t i o n a l i n t e r a c t i o n , h u m o u r
and a c t i v i t y , and j u s t i f i e d v i o l e n c e . These f i n d i n g s r e v e a l t w o i m p o r t a n t t h i n g s :
f i r s t , t h a t v i o l e n c e , though an a p p a r e n t l y s a l i e n t d i m e n s i o n , is o n l y one o f t e n
m a j o r [ a c t o r s ; and second, t w o c a t e g o r i e s o f v i o l e n c e - v i o l e n c e and j u s t i f i e d
v i o l e n c e - e m e r g e d , ~ndicating t h a t r e s p o n d e n t s did not c o n c e p t u a l i z e this t y p e of
c o n t e n t as a p u r e f e a t u r e of t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s such as i m p l i e d by t h e n o r m a t i v e
d e f i n i t i o n used by G e r b n e r .
The Howitt and C u m b e r b a t c h s t u 0 y m a r k s a s i g n i f i c a n t conceptual and
m e t h o d o l o g i c a l d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h e G e r b n e r a p p r o a c h in t h a t t h e y o b t a i n e d v i e w e r s '
p e r c e p t u a l e v a l u a t i o n s of t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s f o r w h o l e s e r i e s o f p r o g r a m m e s
r a t h e r t h a n s i m p l y c o u n t i n g o c c u r r e n c e s of one t y p e or a n o t h e r f o r one episode o f a
s e r i e s . A l t h o u g h r e l a t i v e l y more c o n f i d e n t a s s e r t i o n s can be made a b o u t t h e
m e a n i n g f u l n e s s of these p r o g r a m m e c o n c e p t s f o r v i e w e r s t h a n a b o u t t h e o b j e c t i v e
measures o f c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s , t h e r e s t i l l r e m a i n i m p o r t a n t m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s
w i t h t h i s a p p r o a c h w h i c h l i m i t t h e g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y of the f i n d i n g s . These c o n c e r n
the n a t u r e of t h e r a t i n g . s c a l e s , the r a t i n g task and t h e c o n c l u s i o n f r o m the
a v a i l a b l e d a t a t h a t v i o l e n c e is a s a l i e n t p r o g r a m m e a t t r i b u t e .
F i r s t o f a l l , H o w i t t and C u m b e r ~ a t c h w e r e u n c l e a r a b o u t the m e t h o d s t h e y
e m p l o y e d to g e n e r a t e and s e l e c t scale i t e m s . Were these i t e m s d e r i v e d w h o l l y or
98 Barrie Gunter

p r i m a r i l y f r o m d i s c u s s i o n w i t h o r d i n a r y v i e w e r s a b o u t t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s , and if
s o , how b r o a d w a s t h e r a n g e of t e l e v i s i o n t o p i c s c o v e r e d ? Or w e r e t h e y l a r g e l y
d e r i v e d f r o m i n t u i t i v e a p p r a i s a l s of i n d e p e n d e n t j u d g e s or t h e e x p e r i m e n t e r s
t h e m s e l v e s a b o u t w h i c h a d j e c t i v a l i t e m s w e r e likely to p r o v e m e a n i n g f u l t o o r d i n a r y
v i e w e r s , b a s e d on t h e f i n d i n g s of p r e v i o u s p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t or e f f e c t s s t u d i e s ? It
is i m p o r t a n t to know t h e r a t i o n a l e b e h i n d t h e use o f t h e s e a t t r i b u t e s and to know
how e x h a u s t i v e t h e s e a r c h for p e r t i n e n t s c a l e i t e m s w a s . If t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e
m e a s u r i n g i n s t r u m e n t w a s not s u f f i c i e n t l y c o m p r e h e n s i v e , s u c h t h a t many m o r e
r e l e v a n t c o n t e n t - d e s c r i p t i v e or e v a l u a t i v e i t e m s ( o t h e r t h a n o n e s s y n o n y m o u s w i t h
t h o s e a c t u a l l y u s e d ) w e r e o b t a i n a b l e , i t is also l i k e l y t h a t t h e f i n a l d i m e n s i o n s of
audience perceptions did not represent a sufficient system of content
categorization.
S e c o n d , t h e r a t i n g t a s k o b t a i n e d r e a c t i o n s to c o m p l e t e t e l e v i s i o n s e r i e s . One
c a n n o t k n o w , t h e r e f o r e , w h e t h e r r e s p o n d e n t s w e r e b a s i n g t h e i r j u d g e m e n t s on one
p a r t i c u l a r e p i s o d e ( p o s s i b l y t h e m o s t r e c e n t l y v i e w e d ) or w h e t h e r t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s
d e r i v e d f r o m a p p r a i s a l s of s e v e r a l e p i s o d e s . Any e f f e c t i v e i n s t r u m e n t or t e c h n i q u e
f r o m w h i c h w o r k a b l e r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for c o n t e n t c a t e g o r i z a t i o n a n d c o n t r o l c a n be
m a d e m u s t b e s e n s i t i v e to s p e c i f i c a . t t r i b u t e s of a c t u a l p r o g r a m m e m a t e r i a l s . This
k i n d of m e a s u r e m e n t s e n s i t i v i t y c a n p r o b a b l y b e s t b e d e v e l o p e d t h r o u g h e x p e r i m e n t a l
p a r a d i g m s w h i c h allow v i e w e r s to m a k e s p e c i f i e d q u a n t i f i a b l e j u d g e m e n t s a b o u t
s e l e c t e d p r o g r a m m e e p i s o d e s or e x t r a c t s . A p o t e n t i a l l y p r a c t i c a b l e p a r a d i g m in t h i s
r e s p e c t w i l l b e i n t r o d u c e d in t h e f i n a l s e c t i o n of t h i s p a p e r . E v i d e n c e of
r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n s p e c i f i c p r o g r a m m e s e q u e n c e s or f e a t u r e s a n d p e r c e p t u a l
e v a l u a t i o n s of c o n t e n t c o u l d be f u r t h e r c o r r o b o r a t e d by c o m p r e h e n s i o n a n d r e c a l l
d a t a s h o w i n g w h e t h e r or n o t c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l i n c i d e n t s or r e l a t i o n s h i p s had a c t u a l l y
b e e n e n c o d e d a n d u n d e r s t o o d by t h e v i e w e r .
T h i r d , t h e e m e r g e n c e o f v i o l e n c e as a s a l i e n t p r o g r a m m e a t t r i b u t e c o n f l i c t s w i t h
t h e f i n d i n g s of e a r l i e r s t u d i e s of a u d i e n c e p e r c e p t i o n s ( e . g . BBC, 1972) and may be
a c o n s e q u e n c e o f u s i n g p r e = s e l e c t e d s c a l e i t e m s w h o s e r e l e v a n c e to p r o g r a m m e
e v a l u a t i o n f o r o r d i n a r y v i e w e r s may be u n c e r t a i n . Had r e s p o n d e n t s b e e n a l l o w e d to
p r o d u c e t h e i r own b i p o l a r c o n s t r u c t s f o r a c t u a l p r o g r a m m e m a t e r i a l s , v i o l e n c e =
r e l a t e d i t e m s may n o t h a v e e m e r g e d to t h e e x t e n t t h a t t h e y w e r e e m p l o y e d by H o w i t t
and Cumberbatch.
In a m o r e r e c e n t s t u d y c o n c e r n e d p r i n c i p a l l y w i t h p r o g r a m m e a p p r e c i a t i o n ) b u t
a l s o i n c l u d i n g some m e a s u r e m e n t o f v i o l e n c e p e r c e p t i o n s , Himmelweit, S w i f t and
B i b e r i a n (1978) asked r e s p o n d e n t s to r a t e each o f 20 p o p u l a r t e l e v i s i o n s e r i e s on a
number of attributes. The r a t i n g s a l i e n c e o f v i o l e n c e and i t s r e l a t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n
to p r o g r a m m e a p p r e c i a t i o n w e r e c o m p a r e d w i t h r a t i n g s o f o t h e r c o n t e n t f o r m s . T h e r e
is, o n c e a g a i n , a l a c k o f c l a r i t y and i n f o r m a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e a t t r i b u t e - s e l e c t i o n
p r o c e d u r e . The a u t h o r s m e n t i o n ' g o i n g b a c k t o t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l c r i t i c s ' , w h o p u r p o r t
t o be 'at t i m e s . . . e x p l i c i t a b o u t s t y l i s t i c f e a t u r e s o f a p l a y ' , b u t t h e y f a i l t o
c i t e a n y s p e c i f i c s o u r c e m a t e r i a l s or r e f e r e n c e s . The f i n a l l i s t o f 17 a t t r i b u t e s
included adjectives expressing reactions) e.g. ' i n f o r m a t i v e )) ' e x c i t i n g ' ,
'disturbing' and ' c o n v i n c i n g ' , and adjectives describing stylistic features of
p r o g r a m m e s , e . g . ' v i o l e n t ' , ' r e a l i s t i c ' , ' f u n n y ' and ' u n p r e d i c t a b l e ' . A l s o , some of
t h e a d j e c t i v e s w e r e c l a s s i f i e d as e x p r e s s i n g ' e m o t i o n a l ' r e a c t i o n s ( e . g . ' e x c i t i n g ' )
and o t h e r s ' c o g n i t i v e ' r e a c t i o n s ( e . g . ' i n f o r m a t i v e ' ) . H o w e v e r , a l t h o u g h t h e a u t h o r s
admit to t h e a p p a r e n t d i f f i c u l t y w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e a l l o c a t i o n of c e r t a i n
a d j e c t i v e s to r e a c t i v e or d e s c r i p t i v e c a t e g o r i e s , t h e r e a l p r o b l e m lies w i t h t h e
m e a n i n g f u l n e s s o f t h e c a t e g o r i e s t h e m s e l v e s and w i t h t h e v a l i d i t y of t h e s e l e c t e d
adjectives as reflections of viewers' reactions t o or c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n s of
Measuring Television Violence."A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 9 9

p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t . No e v i d e n c e is p r e s e n t e d t o show t h a t any ol t h e s e t e r m s
r e p r e s e n t a c t u a l d e s c r i p t i v e or e v a l u a t i v e d o m a i n s o f t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t f o r
o r d i n a r y v i e w e r s or t y p i c a l c o g n i t i v e or a f f e c t i v e responses t o such c o n t e n t .
H i m m e l w e i t e t a l . f o u n d t h a t v i o l e n c e c o n t r i b u t e d l i t t l e to t h e e n j o y m e n t of'
p r o g r a m m e s i no l ) o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p e m e r g e d b e t w e e n t h e i r measures o f v i o l e n c e
p e r c e p t i o n s and p r o g r a m m e a p p r e c i a t i o n , a l t h o u g h t h i s f i n d i n g must be i n t e r p r e t e d
w i t h i n t h e l i m i t a t i o n o f t h e m e t h o d o l o g y and s p e c i f i c a l l y in t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e
q u e s t i o n a b l e p s y c h o l o g i c a l v a l i d i t y of t h e scale i t e m s . These d a t a c a n n o t p r e d i c t
f o r any g i v e n p r o g r a m m e t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h v i o l e n c e c o n t r i b u t e s t o e n j o y m e n t
because t h e y do n o t d e m o n s t r a t e any r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n l e v e l s of v i o l e n c e in
specific scale ratings. If a t e l e v i s i o n s e r i e s is r a t e d a s v i o l e n t , w h i c h in t u r n
m a y or m a y n o t a f f e c t a p p r e c i a t i o n s c o r e s , is t h i s r e s p o n s e b a s e d on o n e p a r t i c u l a r
e p i s o d e , s e v e r a l e p i s o d e s , or t h e w h o l e s e r i e s ? To a n s w e r t h i s q u e s t i o n o n e m u s t
make quantitative assessments of actual programme materials.

CONTENT ANALYSIS OR AUDIENCE RF.SPONSF.~ W H I C H 15 T H E B E T T E R A P P R O A C H ?

Two r e s e a r c h perspectives for the evaluation of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t have been


d i s c u s s e d a n d c r i t i c a l l y a p p r a i s e d . The f i r s t , l a b e l l e d p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d , catalogued
clearly defined programme features for frequency of occurrence, and the second,
audience-based approach obtained viewers' subjective assessments of p r o g r a m m e
series. Unfortunately, neither of t h e s e perspectives is s u f f i c i e n t l y equipped
c o n c e p t u a l l y or m e t h o d o l o g i c a l l y t o p r o v i d e a v a l i d a n d w o r k a b l e m o n i t o r i n g s y s t e m
for the definition and measurement of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e . The programme-based
approach is i n a d e q u a t e b e c a u s e it d o e s not e s t i m a t e the meaningfulness of i t s
content categories for the audience. Although i t is p o s s i b l e to construct
increasingly complex descriptions of television programmes using content analysis,
major problems arise when moving from statements about what the content implies to
t h e w a y it is a c t u a l l y p e r c e i v e d b y t h e a u d i e n c e . T h e a u d i e n c e - b a s e d approach, as
e x p l o r e d up t o n o w , h a s f a i l e d for t w o m a i n w e a s o n s . F i r s t , t h e r e l e v a n c e o f t h e
r a t i n g s c a l e s u s e d t o e v a l u a t e p r o g r a m m e s is o f t e n i n s u f f i c i e n t l y t e s t e d . F o r m a n y
respondents the pre-selected scales with which they are provided may have little or
no m e a n i n g f o r t h e m in t h e c o n t e x t of t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m i n g . Second, because
evaluative ratings are not obtained for actual programme sequences but only for
programme titles, scores cannot be systematically or d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o c o n t e n t
(i.e. the incidents, e v e n t s or r e l a t i o n s h i p s d e p i c t e d in t h e p r o g r a m m e ) . On t h e
basis of this analysis, therefore, t h e m e t h o d w h i c h is r e c o m m e n d e d as most
appropriate for producing valid definition and measurements of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e
is o n e w h i c h a l l o w s v i e w e r s t o m a k e d i r e c t a s s e s s m e n t s o f p r o g r a m m e m a t e r i a l s in
t e r m s w h i c h t h e y t h e m s e l v e s s e l e c t a s m o s t r e l e v a n t a n d m e a n i n g f u l in r e l a t i o n t o
the particular television sequences they happen to be judging. Before moving on to a
m o r e d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of t h e l o g i s t i c s o [ t h i s m e a s u r e m e n t t e c h n i q u e t h e r e is o n e
o t h e r i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r f o r w h i c h p r o v i s i o n sho,.lld p e r h a p s b e m a d e in a m o n i t o r i n g
s y s t e m - i n d i v i d u a l v a r i a t i o n s in p e r c e p t i o n s o f t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t - a n d i t is t o
this subject that we now turn.

Individual IDis and Assessment o f l~f C o n t e n t

Not a l l v i e w e r s evaluate television content in t h e s a m e w a y . Another major problem


100 Barrie Gunter

that must be faced by a n y new s y s t e m f o r m o n i t o r i n g t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t , t h e r e f o r e ,


concerns t h e heterogeneous nature o f t h e a u d i e n c e . It is i m p o r t a n t t h a t c o n s i s t e n t
idiosyncratic variations in t h e p e r c e p t i o n or d e f i n i t i o n of violent acts among
v i e w e r s a r e t o s o m e e x t e n t t a k e n i n t o a c c o u n t by t h e m o n i t o r i n g i n s t r u m e n t .
T h e r e a r e m a n y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in t e r m s o f w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s d i f f e r a n d a n
exhaustive r e v i e w o f t h e s e is b e y o n d t h e s c o p e o f t h i s p a p e r . However, for
illustrative purposes, s e v e r a l t y p e s o f a u d i e n c e f a c t o r s considered p a r t i c u l a r l y
i m p o r t a n t in r e l a t i o n t o t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t e v a l u a t i o n w i l l b e d i s c u s s e d . T h e s e h a v e
been grouped into three main categories: (a) cognitive-developmental factors; (b)
social-structural factors; and (c) personal aggressiveness factors.

Cognit.ive development and perceptions o f TV content A great deal o f concern about


violence on t e l e v i s i o n has been reserved s p e c i f i c a l l y for young viewers. A young
child's v i e w i n g is g e n e r a l l y concentrated on fantasy c o n t e n t . There is l i t t l e or no
v i e w i n g o f t e l e v i s i o n n e w s and c u r r e n t a f f a i r s p r o g r a m m e s u n t i l w e l l i n t o e l e m e n t a r y
s c h o o l y e a r s ( A t k i n & G a n t z , 197t~). It is c a r t o o n s , fantastic heroes and funny
s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h a t t r a c t m o s t of t h e c h i l d ' s a t t e n t i o n . By t h e a g e o f I 0 , h o w e v e r , a
s u b s t a n t i a l p r o p o r t i o n o f the c h i l d ' s v i e w i n g c h o i c e s c o n s i s t s o f p r o g r a m m e s c r e a t e d
primarily for adult audiences. Some w r i t e r s h a v e s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e i n f l u e n c e o f
p r o g r a m m e i n f o r m a t i o n o n t h e c h i l d ' s a t t i t u d e s and b e h a v i o u r s d e p e n d s on h o w i t is
perceptually evaluated along a reality-fantasy dimension (Greenberg & Reeves,
1974). Realistic content is l i k e l y t o h a v e m o r e p r o f o u n d e f f e c t s than fantasy
c o n t e n t . Feshbach ( 1 9 7 I ) h a s a r g u e d t h a t t h e p e r c e p t i o n of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t a s
real may facilitate a g g r e s s i v e b e h a v i o u r . In e x p e r i m e n t s w h i c h a t t e m p t e d to vary
perceptions of reality while holding content constant, Feshbach found that children
shown content labelled as real showed significantly more aggressive behaviour than
t h o s e s h o w n c o n t e n t l a b e l l e d a s f i c t i o n . In t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m , G r e e n b e r g (197z#)
f o u n d t h a t p e r c e p t i o n s o f t e l e v i s i o n r e a l i t y a m o n g 9 - , 12- a n d 1 5 - y e a r - o l d s c h o o l
children were significantly related to aggressive attitudes and to watching violent
programmes. In p a r t i c u l a r , b e l i e v i n g t h a t t e l e v i s i o n w a s s i m i l a r t o r e a l l i f e , in
c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h v i e w i n g o f violent c o n t e n t , corresponded t o b e l i e f s t h a t v i o l e n c e
w a s t h e m o s t e f f e c t i v e w a y to r e s o l v e interpersonal c o n f l i c t s .
Researchers' conceptions and operationalizations of the perceived reality of
television, however, have been limited. Most s t u d i e s , with the exception of
Feshbach's e x p e r i m e n t s , h a v e f o c u s e d o n t e l e v i s i o n in a v e r y g e n e r a l s e n s e . T y p i c a l
s c a l e i t e m s designed to m e a s u r e p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y o f p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t include
s t a t e m e n t s s u c h a s ' P e o p l e on TV a r e j u s t like p e o p l e in r e a l l i f e ' , or 'The p l a c e s
y o u s e e o n TV a r e j u s t l i k e t h e o n e s you v i s i t in r e a l l i f e ' . This k i n d o f m e a s u r e
h a s s h o w n t h a t children a g e d 9 a n d i0 y e a r s a r e l i k e l y t o b e a t t h e m i d - p o i n t o f
p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y s c a l e s ; children 12 a n d 13 y e a r s o l d a r e l i k e l y t o h a v e d r o p p e d
back from the m i d - p o i n t , but s t i l l remain q u it e uncertain in some of t h e i r
judgements (Dominick & Greenberg, 1970; Greenberg & Dominick, 1970; McLeod, At k in
& Chaffee, 197l~ Greenberg, 1972).
The narrowness of this approach derives from two i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s . F i r s t ,
researchers have not developed adequate methods of s y s t e m a t i c a l l y measuring and
comparing children's perceptions of television ' r e a l i t y ' and perceptions of a c t u a l
r e a l i t y . Second, c o g n i t i v e sophistication and the d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i v e or
judgemental frameworks for evaluating incoming i n f o r m a t i o n about the world to which
it gives rise at successive developmental stages have not been a f f o r d e d the c e n t r a l
prominence in research models which they deserve.
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 101

C h i l d r e n ' s a p p r a i s a l s of t h e w o r l d a r o u n d t h e m v a r y a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s t a g e o f
c o g n i t i v e d e v e l o p m e n t t h e y have r e a c h e d . A c c o r d i n g to Mead ( 1 9 3 4 ) , t h e c h i l d goes
t h r o u g h t w o d i s t i n c t stages o f s e l f - d e v e l o p m e n t : a p l a y stage and a game s t a g e . The
child's c o n c e p t i o n o f his s o c i a l w o r l d in t h e p l a y s t a g e is d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h a t in
l a t e r l i f e . In t h e p l a y s t a g e t h e c h i l d does n o t o r g a n i z e his l i f e as an i n t e g r a t e d
w h o l e . R a t h e r he jumps f r o m one s i t u a t i o n or e v e n t t o a n o t h e r w i t h no a p p a r e n t
l o g i c a l r e a s o n . Thus i t may be a m i s t a k e t o e q u a t e a c h i l d ' s c o n c e p t i o n o f
t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s w i t h those o f an a d o l e s c e n t or a d u l t . The c h i l d a t p l a y does
not n e c e s s a r i l y see his b e h a v i o u r w i t h i n t h e r u l e s and values o f t h e c o m m u n i t y . With
r e s p e c t t o t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e , w h a t a d u l t s see as a v i o l e n t a c t may f o r c h i l d r e n
simply be d i f f u s e l y d i r e c t e d a c t i o n .
C l e a r l y ~ t h e r e is a need t o d e t e r m i n e t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e t e l e v i s i o n
e x p e r i e n c e is t h e same f o r a d u l t s / a d o l e s c e n t s and f o r c h i l d r e n . Is it~ f o r e x a m p l e ~
a play o r a s e r i o u s s i t u a t i o n for c h i l d r e n ? What meanings do c h i l d r e n a t t a c h t o
t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e c o n t e n t ? [n t r e a t i n g p r e - a d o l e s c e n t c h i l d r e n ' s d e f i n i t i o n s o f
t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m i n g , i t is i m p o r t a n t t o d e t e r m i n e t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f p l a y and
n o n - p l a y in v i e w e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . C h i l d r e n spend much of t h e i r t i m e a t p l a y , and
i t f o l l o w s t h a t a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f a child's t e l e v i s i o n v i e w i n g f a l l s w i t h i n a
play c o n t e x t . Do t h e v a r i o u s meanings t h a t a r i s e in a child's response t o t e l e v i s i o n
o c c u r in a p l a y or a n o n - p l a y c o n t e x t ? [ t may be i m p o r t a n t t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e k i n d
o f p r o g r a m m e m a t e r i a l s d e f i n e d as p l a y o r n o n - p l a y and t o e x a m i n e t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s
of t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n f o r t h e q u e s t i o n o f t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e .
A l r e a d y some e x p l o r a t o r y w o r k in t h i s a r e a has been c o m p l e t e d . Snow (197t~) f o u n d
t h a t p r e - a d o l e s c e n t c h i l d r e n are f o r t h e most p a r t p l a y - o r i e n t e d in t h e i r r e s p o n s e
to t e l e v i s i o n and t h i s s o r t of response is m a n i f e s t most c l e a r l y in t h e f a n t a s t i c or
m a k e - b e l i e v e ~ w h e r e p l a y is most e n j o y a b l e . P r e - a d o J e s c e n t c h i l d r e n a s s o c i a t e w h a t
t h e y d e f i n e as m a k e - b e l i e v e or f a n t a s y on t e l e v i s i o n w i t h t h e i r p l a y - o r i e n t a t i o n and
g e n e r a l l y p r e f e r m a k e - b e l i e v e to n o n - p l a y or m o r e serious t e l e v i s i o n . With r e s p e c t
to v i o l e n c e , p l a y and n o n - p l a y a p p e a r to be e s p e c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t in t h a t v i o l e n t
b e h a v i o u r s as d e f i n e d by a d u l t s do n o t a f f e c t t h e c h i l d v i e w e r a d v e r s e l y when
i n t e r p r e t e d w i t h i n a p l a y c o n t e x t . I n s t e a d , v i o l e n c e in a p l a y s e t t i n g is s o m e t h i n g
f u n n y , as in a c a r t o o n , or is seen as e n j o y a b l e , as in a gun b a t t l e . N o n - p l a y
v i o l e n c e , h o w e v e r , such as t h a t t a k e n f r o m r e a l - l i f e i n c i d e n t s f e a t u r e d in news
r e p o r t s and c u r r e n t a f f a i r s p r o g r a m m e s , t e n d e d t o be p e r c e i v e d n o t so much as
f r i g h t e n i n g (as is o f t e n p r e s u m e d ) , b u t m o r e as s i c k e n i n g . A l t h o u g h Snow's i n t e r v i e w
f i n d i n g s w e r e f r o m a small (n = 50) and u n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a m p l e , t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s
indicate that y o u n g v i e w e r s make c l e a r - c u t conceptual distinctions between
c a t e g o r i e s o f p r o g r a m m e s w h i c h , in turn~ m e d i a t e t h e i r p e r c e p t i o n s o f v i o l e n t
content.
In a m o r e e x t e n s i v e and c a r e f u l l y c o n t r o l l e d s t u d y , H a w k i n s (1977) o b t a i n e d
q u e s t i o n n a i r e responses f r o m m o r e t h a n 150 n u r s e r y s c h o o l , f i r s t - , t h i r d - and
s i x t h - g r a d e c h i l d r e n t o r e v e a i t h a t t h e p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t is a
m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l r a t h e r t h a n a g l o b a l c o n c e p t . An i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n e m e r g e d
between the extent to which children believed that television presented ongoing life
in i t s f i c t i o n a l d r a m a c o n t e n t ( m a g i c w i n d o w r e a l i t y ) and t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e y
b e l i e v e d t h a t t e l e v i s i o n c h a r a c t e r s and events m a t c h t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n s a b o u t t h e
real w o r l d ( s o c i a l e x p e c t a t i o n s ) . F u r t h e r m o r e , a d e c r e a s e in t h e p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y
o f t e l e v i s i o n d r a m a w i t h age o c c u r r e d o n l y w i t h r e f e r e n c e to m a g i c w i n d o w r e a l i t y .
Thus, as c h i l d r e n g r o w o l d e r , t h e y come t o r e a l i z e t h a t t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s
p r e s e n t f i c t i o n and n o t p i c t u r e s o f r e a l e v e n t s . On the o t h e r hand~ f o r t h e d e g r e e
to w h i c h t e l e v i s i o n f a m i l y c h a r a c t e r s and e v e n t s a r e seen as s i m i l a r t o t h o s e o f t h e
102 - Barrie Gunter

real world ( s o c i a l e x p e c t a t i o n s ) , no such d e c r e a s e a p p e a r e d e v e n among t h e o l d e s t


children sampled here (12-year-olds). It is p o s s i b l e , though, that social
e x p e c t a t i o n s p e r c e p t s do not c h a n g e until a l a t e r s t a g e , p e r h a p s not u n t i l
a d o l e s c e n c e . T h e r e is q u i t e c l e a r l y a need to ex am i n e t h e s e p a r a t e m e d i a t i n g e f f e c t s
of e a c h of t h e s e subdimensions of p e r c e i v e d r e a l i t y on a u d i e n c e r e s p o n s e to
t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t , p a r t i c u l a r l y with r e s p e c t to v i o l e n c e , and t h e e x t e n t to which
p e r c e p t i o n s along e a c h dimension v a r y with c o g n i t i v e d e v e l o p m e n t and v i e w i n g
experience.

S o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s and p e r c e p t i o n s o f TV c o n t e n t E f f e c t s o f m e d i a c o n t e n t on
attitudes, k n o w l e d g e and b e h a v i o u r a r e g e n e r a l l y f o u n d t o be m o r e i m m e d i a t e and
direct w h e n t h e a u d i e n c e r e g a r d s t h e c o n t e n t as e i t h e r a r e p o r t a b o u t a c t u a l
c i r c u m s t a n c e s or as a h i g h l y a c c u r a t e p o r t r a y a l o f r e a l l i f e ( H i m m e l w e i t , O p p e n h e i m
& V i n c e , 1958; G e r s o n , 1966; R e e v e s , 197g).
In Mead's symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n i s t t h e o r y , the s e l f is s e e n as t a k i n g the r o l e of
t h e ' g e n e r a l i z e d o t h e r ' , or t h e individual's c o n c e p t i o n of t h e o r g a n i z e d p r o c e s s of
which he is a p a r t ( S t r a u s s , 1964). This has been i n t e r p r e t e d to mean t h a t p er so n s
d e v e l o p s e l f - c o n c e p t s t h r o u g h i n t e r a c t i o n with o t h e r s , in t h e c o n t e x t of t h e social
s y s t e m in which both t h e y and r e l e v a n t o t h e r s ar e p a r t i c i p a n t s ( R e e d e r , Donohue &
B i b l a r z , /960; Tichenor e t a l . , [976). Among the p e r c e p t i o n s t h a t are t ak en from
o t h e r s a r e t h e goals and t h e n o r m a t i v e s t r u c t u r e of t h e s o c i a l s y s t e m , along with a
p e r c e p t i o n o f goals and b e h a v i o u r s t h a t d e v i a t e from t h o s e n o r m s . These p e r c e p t i o n s
h a v e b e e n l a b e l l e d ' s o c i a l i d eal s' (Tichenor et a l . , 1976). M a i n t e n a n c e of t h e
s o c i a l o r d e r depends on t h e e x t e n t to which t h e s e ideals a r e i n t e r n a l i z e d by t h e
i n d i v i d u a l . Mass media c o n t e n t , including t h a t of t e l e v i s i o n p r o g r a m m e s , is assumed
to be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of such norms.
A number of s t u d i e s h a v e s u g g e s t e d t h a t p e r c e p t i o n of t h e r e a l i t y of media
c o n t e n t is a p a t t e r n e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of c e r t a i n s o c i a l g r o u p s in s p e c i f i c s o c i a l
structures. G r e e n b e r g and Dominick (1970) found t h a t d i s a d v a n t a g e d ) m i n o r i t y
a d o l e s c e n t s ) living in d e p r i v e d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , p e r c e i v e d t h e t e l e v i s i o n they c h o s e
to w a t c h as more r e a l i s t i c than did w h i t e , m i d d l e - c l a s s a d o l e s c e n t s living in more
a f f l u e n t a r e a s . Thus t e l e v i s i o n may p r o v i d e d i s a d v a n t a g e d a d o l e s c e n t s with a s o u r c e
o f k n o w l e d g e about l i f e o t h e r t h a n t h a t provided by t h e i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t in
which t h e y l i v e .
G r e e n b e r g and Gordon (1971b) i n v e s t i g a t e d s o c i a l c l a s s and r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s in
t h e p e r c e p t i o n s of v i o l e n c e of a d o l e s c e n t boys for t h e Surgeon G e n e r a l ' s S c i e n t i f i c
A d v i s o r y C o m m i t t e e on T e l e v i s i o n and Social B e h a v i o u r . They assumed t h a t s o c i a l
c l a s s and r a c e (black v e r s u s w h i t e ) might d i f f e r e n t i a t e p e r c e p t i o n s of v i o l e n c e on
t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t b l a c k and l o w e r - c l a s s youths a r e more f a m i l i a r with v i o l e n c e in
t h e i r i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t and thus might be more a c c u s t o m e d to high l e v e l s of
v i o l e n c e , which would r e s u l t in t h e i r r a t i n g v i o l e n c e less e x t r e m e l y . Although some
s u p p o r t f o r this s u p p o s i t i o n came f r o m t h e finding t h a t t h e l o w e r - c l a s s and black
ch i l d p e r c e i v e d t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e as being more r e a l i s t i c t h a n did t h e more
s o c i a l l y a d v a n t a g e d c h i l d , t h e r e was no e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e l o w e r - c l a s s child a c t u a l l y
p e r c e i v e d less v i o l e n c e t h a n t h e w h i t e c h i l d . H o w e v e r ) b e c a u s e e v a l u a t i o n s of
v i o l e n t s c e n e s c a n n o t a l w a y s be d i v o r c e d from i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a l o n g o t h e r programme
d i m e n s i o n s (BBC, 1972) and b e c a u s e ( e a l i t y may be a more s a l i e n t p r o g r a m m e c o n c e p t
than violence (Howitt'& C u m b e r b a t c h , 197t~), t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f d e m o g r a p h i c
d i f f e r e n c e s in r e a l i t y p e r c e p t i o n s f o r e v a l u a t i o n s of v i o l e n t c o n t e n t o u g h t not to
be i g n o r e d .
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 103

Personal aggressiveness and p e r c e p t i o n s o f TV c o n t e n t Socio-demographic variables


may not always be s u f f i c i e n t to explain d i f f e r e n c e s in v i e w e r s ' p e r c e p t i o n s of
television content. It may be b o t h more a p p r o p r i a t e and m o r e f r u i t f u l to
s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i n v e s t i g a t e s p e c i f i c ' p e r s o n a l i t y or a t t i t u d i n a l d e t e r m i n a n t s of
v i e w e r s ' complex e v a l u a t i o n s of v i o l e n c e and o t h e r programme c o n c e p t s . The tendency
of some i n d i v i d u a l s to r a t e f i l m e d violence a s less N i o l e n t ' than o t h e r persons
cannot always be a c c o u n t e d for by a c o m p a r a t i v e l y simple s o c i a l c o n t e x t model ( e . g .
Greenberg & Gordon, 1971b). Searle (1976) studied adolescents' p e r c e p t i o n s of f i l m e d
v i o l e n c e i,n the 3ames Bond f i l m ' G o l d f i n g e r ' a n d the f i l m Whe Comedians' based on
the Graham Greene n o v e l . She d i f f e r e n t i a t e d her subjects in terms of t h e i r responses
on t w o measures of aggressiveness: (a) Rosenzweig's P i c t u r e - F r u s t r a t i o n Study form;
and ( b ) s e l f - r e p o r t e d levels o f personal aggressiveness. A f t e r w a t c h i n g one of the
t w o f u l l - l e n g t h f i l m s , subjects' e v a l u a t i o n s of the major c h a r a c t e r s w e r e c o m p a r e d .
There was no simple tendency for h i g h l y aggressive youths to v i e w the f i l m e d
v i o l e n c e or c h a r a c t e r s as being less v i o l e n t than l o w - a g g r e s s i v e y o u t h s . Aggressive
f i l m c h a r a c t e r s tended to be r a t e d as more aggressive by low s e l f - r a t i n g subjects
than by high s e l f - r a t i n g subjects, thus apparently c o n f i r m i n g the view t h a t
i n d i v i d u a l s accustomed to v i o l e n c e in real l i f e rate f i l m e d v i o l e n c e as less v i o l e n t
than those f r o m n o n - v i o l e n t backgrounds. Taking i n t o a c c o u n t p r o j e c t i o n - t e s t d a t a ,
i t e m e r g e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t a r a t h e r more c o m p l i c a t e d psychodynamic e x p l a n a t i o n was
needed to understand the r e l a t i o n s h i p between aggression and p e r c e p t i o n s of f i l m
heroes or v i l l a i n s as a g g r e s s i v e .
A l t h o u g h t h e r e was no simple c o r r e l a t i o n between e i t h e r the aggressiveness of an
i n d i v i d u a l or his s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n as being aggressive and his r a t i n g s of the
aggressiveness of f i l m c h a r a c t e r s , there was evidence of an i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t
b e t w e e n a c t u a l ( p r o j e c t i o n - t e s t r a t e d ) aggressiveness and s e l f - p e r c e p t i o n s on
perceptions of film characters. The i n d i v i d u a l who, by t h e o b j e c t i v e
p i c t u r e - f r u s t r a t i o n t e s t measure~ was found to be aggressive b u t tended not to have
a s e l f - c o n c e p t of himself as being aggressive, r a t e d f i l m c h a r a c t e r s as being more
aggressive than did those who w e r e equally aggressive and who also a d m i t t e d i t . To
g e n e r a l i z e f r o m these f i n d i n g s , one would suggest t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s who are unable to
come to terms w i t h t h e i r own aggressiveness are also most sensitized to v i o l e n c e on
film.

MEASURING TELEVISION VIOLENCE: ALTERNATIVE PERSPECTIVES

T h i s p a p e r h a s e x a m i n e d r e s e a r c h c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e e v a l u a t i o n or m e a s u r e m e n t of t h e
p r e v a l e r t c e a n d s a l i e n c e o f t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e . This r e s e a r c h h a s b e e n c a t e g o r i z e d
h e r e e i t h e r a s p r o g r a m m e - b a s e d or a u d i e n c e - b a s e d , but it will be argued that neither
approach h a s y e t led t o d e v e l o p m e n t of a n a c c e p t a b l e method for monitoring
television violence. In t h i s f i n a l s e c t i o n , t w o s u g g e s t i o n s w i l l b e m a d e f o r t h e
development of a comprehensive and ecologically valid system for defining and
m e a s u r i n g t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e . The f i r s t m e t h o d c o n s i s t s o f a m o d i f i e d f o r m of t h e
r e p e r t o r y - g r i d t e c h n i q u e ( K e l l y , 1955; Bannister and M a i r , 196g) and the second
method derives f r o m r e c e n t m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l scaling (MDS) research on the p e r c e p t i o n
of s o c i a l episodes ( F o r g a s , 1979a, 1979b; Forgas, Brown & M e f i y h a r t , 19g0). Each of
these techniques w i l l s a t i s f y a number of i m p o r t a n t c r i t e r i a of measurement which
p r e v i o u s methods have f a i l e d to meet c o m p l e t e l y . First, they will permit
q u a n t : . f i c a t i o n of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e in terms of d i r e c t assessments of a c t u a l
programme sequences; thus the d e s c r i p t i v e or e v a l u a t i v e concepts o f the measuring
104 Barrie Gunter

instrument derived from each will relate directly to specific features of television
content. Second, t h e y will a l l o w v i e w e r s t o g e n e r a t e their own descriptive or
evaluative concepts) hence ensuring that the instrument assesses programme sequences
in w a y s w h i c h a r e m e a n i n g f u l to t h e a u d i e n c e . T h i r d , e a c h m e t h o d h a s t h e f a c i l i t y t o
m e a s u r e i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s in p r o g r a m m e a s s e s s m e n t s ) s u c h a s t h o s e o u t l i n e d in
the previous section of this paper.

Personal Constructs and t h e Assessment of Television C o n t e n t

The r e p e r t o r y - g r i d technique derives from George A. Kelly's t h e o r y o f personal


constructs) which looks a t how people o r g a n iz e, p e r c e i v e , e v a l u a t e , structure and
p r e d i c t events ( K e l l y , 1955). The basic concept in this t h e o r y is the personal
c o n s t r u c t ) which represents the specific way in which a person a n t i c i p a t e s c er t ain
events. Each personal construct is based on the simultaneous p e r c e p t i o n of likeness
and d i f f e r e n c e among objects or events. There is no such thing as a d i f f e r e n c e
w i t h o u t a likeness being implied, and vice versa. Each c o n s t r uc t is t h e r e f o r e
dichotomous or b i p o l a r in nature. Kelly (1955) devised a psychological assessment
procedure - the Role Construct Repertory Test (or) simply, Rep Test) - r e l a t e d to
the requirements o f this theory which has since proved to have considerable
v e r s a t i l i t y in r e v e a l i n g the category systems individuals use in many d i f f e r e n t
e x p e r i e n t i a l c o n t e x t s . The r e p e r t o r y - g r i d technique is basically a method of
q u a n t i f y i n g and s t a t i s t i c a l l y analysing relationships between the categories used by
a person in p e r f o r m i n g a complex judgement task. The o r i g i n a l Rep Test ( K e l l y ,
1955)) from which a l l forms of the r e p e r t o r y grid d e r i v e , is designed to e l i c i t a
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of those constructs on which an i n d i v i d u a l customarily relies
to i n t e r p r e t and p r e d i c t the behaviour of s i g n i f i c a n t others in his or her l i f e , and
to assess the way in which he or she relates these constructs to one a n o t h e r . The
technique, i t should be noted, was o r i g i n a l l y developed to examine how an i n d i v i d u a l
construes o t h e r people; i t has Subsequently been generalized and extended to study
o t h e r c a t e g o r i e s o f s t i m u l i i n c l u d i n g p h y s i c a l o b j e c t s , e v e n t s , issues and
behaviours (see Bannister & Fransella, 1966; Harrison & Sarre) 1975; Duck, 1973;
Stringer, 1977). How a p p r o p r i at e would this technique be for measuring t e l e v i s i o n
violence?

An e x p e r i m e n t a l example The r e p e r t o r y - g r i d technique has been used previously in


t e l e v i s i o n research to systematically i n v e s t i g a t e viewers' a t t i t u d i n a l reactions to
t e l e v i s i o n programmes ( F r o s t, 1969). This study obtained viewers' responses to
programme t i t l e s o n l y , whereas the current recommendation is to use a c t u a l programme
e x t r a c t s as c o n s t r u c t - e l i c i t i n g s t i m u l i . Nevertheless, i t w i l l be of some interest
and r e l e v a n c e to t h e : p r e s e n t discussion to look at the procedure f o l l o w e d by this
e a r l i e r study, because many aspects o f its method could also be usefully applied to
a d i r e c t analysis of t e l e v i s i o n m a t e r i a l s .
Frost asked small groups of individuals to produce personal constructs to sets
o f programme t i t l e s . Semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l scales were derived from these constructs
and given to a larger random sample o f t e l e v i s i o n viewers to obtain t h e i r ratings of
the same set o f programmes. A series o f p r i n c i p a l component analyses of this data
yielded nine general c l a s s i f i c a t o r y factors used by viewers to discriminate between
t e l e v i s i o n programmes. Having i d e n t i f i e d these f a c t o r s , it was then possible to
obtain a t t i t u d i n a l ratings for individual programmes on each of these f a c t o r s .
During a subsequent stage of the research, a cluster analysis was performed on the
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a N e w Analytical Perspective 105

i n d i v i d u a l p r o g r a m m e p r o f i l e s to e s t a b l i s h a g e n e r a l p r o g r a m m e t y p o l o g y . N e x t , e a c h
p r o g r a m m e t y p e w a s e x a m i n e d in t u r n to s e e W h e t h e r d i f f e r e n t t y p e s w e r e c o n s t r u e d by
v i e w e r s in d i f f e r e n t a t t i t u d i n a l f r a m e w o r k s and t h e r e f o r e r e q u i r e d m e a s u r e m e n t s
along d i f f e r e n t d i m e n s i o n s ( i . e . s c a l e i t e m s ) . It w a s f o u n d t h a t t h o u g h s o m e
dimensions w e r e a d e q u a t e to e v a l u a t e m o r e t h a n o n e p r o g r a m m e t y p e , v i e w e r s o f t e n
used more e l a b o r a t e conceptual frameworks to construe some programmes than they used
for others. F u r t h e r m o r e , i t emerged t h a t there was no single f a c t o r e n t i r e l y
appropriate for all programmes. During the f i n a l stage of this study, the
s e n s i t i v i t y , g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y and p r a c t i c a l usefulness o f the s p e c i f i c semantic
d i f f e r e n t i a l scales were tested with a panel o f v ie w e r s on a broader range of
programmes than was o r i g i n a l l y employed in their development. It was found t h a t the
scales were successful in d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between programmes and t h a t they could in
general be m e a n i n g f u l l y extended to classify new programmes. These were d i f f i c u l t to
classify under the e x i s t i n g system, which suggested t h a t , in view of c o n t i n u a l
changes in t e l e v i s i o n o u t p u t , i t is unlikely that a c o m p l e t e l y permanent and stable
programme t y p o l o g y can be produced. This may be less of a problem with research
concerned w i t h a more specific and t h e r e f o r e probably less changeable aspect of
television c o n t e n t ) such as v io le n c e. In this case it may be quite feasible to
produce a typology and related monitoring instrument which has both g r e a t e r
s t a b i l i t y and l o n g - t e r m e f f e c t i v e n e s s .

Measuring i n d i v i d u a l d i f f e r e n c e s in content assessment It has been suggested t h a t


developmental, social and personality c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may mediate audience
perceptions o f t e l e v i s i o n violence and o t h e r content forms. These f a c t or s could be
incorporated i n t o a single measurement framework w i t h t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t using a
r e p e r t o r y - g r i d procedure. Developmental stages could be r e f l e c t e d in levels of
c o g n i t i v e c o m p l e x i t y , which has been defined as 'the c a p a c i t y to construe social
behaviour in a m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l way. A more c o g n i t i v e l y complex person has a v a i l a b l e
a more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d system of dimensions for p e r c e i v i n g others' behaviour than
d o e s a less c o g n i t i v e l y c o m p l e x i n d i v i d u a l ' ( B i e r i e t a l . , 1966). Thus a c h i l d in
the play stage whose attitudinal structures are more self-oriented than
o t h e r - o r i e n t e d ( M e a d , 193~) may b e less c o g n i t i v e l y c o m p l e x t h a n a c h i l d who h a s
moved on to t h e g a m e s t a g e w h e r e v a l u e s a n d n o r m s o f t h e s o c i a l g r o u p a r e g i v e n m o r e
consideration.
F r o m t h e p e r s p e c t i v e of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s , t h r e e main a s p e c t s o f m e d i a
perception w h i c h a r e r e l e v a n t to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n h a v e b e e n o u t l i n e d ( T i c h e n o r e t
a l . ) 1976). The f i r s t is r e a l i s m , or t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h s y m b o l s a n d m e s s a g e s in
t e l e v i s i o n content a r e r e g a r d e d by v i e w e r s as r e a l p o r t r a y a l s of s i t u a t i o n s . The
s e c o n d is t h e s e l f - i d e a l , or t h e e x t e n t to which c o n t e n t is r e g a r d e d as p r o v i d i n g
s t a n d a r d s a n d g o a l s ' a p p r o p r i a t e for t h e v i e w e r . T h e t h i r d is t h e o t h e r - i d e a l ) or t h e
e x t e n t t o w h i c h o t h e r s :are p e r c e i v e d as r e g a r d i n g t h o s e s t a n d a r d s a n d g o a l s a s
appropriate. It is t h e o r e t i c a l l y assumed t h a t t h e p e r c e i v e d o t h e r - i d e a l is
f u n c t i o n a l l y r e l a t e d to t h e s e l f - i d e a l , a l t h o u g h in f a c t t h e t w o may d i v e r g e
considerably. The discrepancy b e t w e e n p e r c e i v e d s e l f - i d e a l a n d o t h e r - i d e a l is a
m e a s u r e of i n t e g r a t i o n oI s e l f . E v i d e n c e h a s b e e n p r o d u c e d to show t h a t p e r c e p t i o n s
of t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t a r e a f f e c t e d by t h e d e g r e e o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w i t h i n an
i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n s t r u c t s y s t e m ( r e f l e c t e d in t h e discrepancy between s e l f - i d e a l a n d
o t h e r - i d e a l ) , w h i c h is i t s e l f m e d i a t e d by t h e d e g r e e of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( p l u r a l i s m )
in t h e s o c i a l s y s t e m in w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l is a p a r t i c i p a n t ( T i c h e n o r e t a l . ,
1976). The i m p l i c a t i o n for t e l e v i s i o n content h e r e is t h a t m o s t p r o g r a m m e s p o r t r a y
diversified pluralistic (e.g. u r b a n ) environments; t h e r e f o r e r e s i d e n t s of l e s s
106 Barrie Gunter

p l u r a l i s t i c ( e . g . r u r a l ) e n v i r o n m e n t s will h a v e d i f S i c u l t y identiSying w i t h m o s t
t e l e v i s i o n s c e n a r i o s . This may e f S e c t widely v a r y i n g a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s t e l e v i s i o n
v i o l e n c e among d i f f e r e n t a u d i e n c e g r o u p s . I n t e g r a t i o n b e t w e e n s e l f , i d e a l - s e l f and
o t h e r s has b e e n a n a l y s e d using the r e p e r t o r y - g r i d t e c h n i q u e (MakhlouS-Norris &
N o r r i s , 1972) and i n t r o d u c e s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of i n c l u d i n g , in t h e same r e s e a r c h
p a r a d i g m , a s s e s s m e n t s o f s e l f - c o n c e p t , s o c i a l s t r u c t u r a l f a c t o r s and p e r c e p t i o n s of
television content.

A methodoloF~ical suggestion It is proposed t h a t a r e p e r t o r y - g r i d analysis of


t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t c o u l d be conducted in w h i c h short v i d e o t a p e d e x t r a c t s f r o m
programmes are used as c o n s t r u c t - e l i c i t i n g s t i m u l i . One possible design might look
closely at v i e w e r s ' c o g n i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n of s p e c i l i c programmes d e p i c t i n g scenes o f
a p o t e n t i a l l y d i s t u r b i n g ( i . e . v i o l e n t ) n a t u r e on an i n d i v i d u a l basis. Each
programme could be broken down i n t o short t i m e - s e q u e n c e s of a p p r o x i m a t e l y equal
l e n g t h s . A r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of these sequences could then be presented in
t r i a d i c g r o u p s t o v i e w e r s , who w o u l d g e n e r a t e s i m i l a r i t y - c o n t r a s t bipolar
c o n s t r u c t s . These c o n s t r u c t s might then be used by the same v i e w e r s to r a t e the
c o m p l e t e p r o g r a m m e seen e i t h e r in its e n t i r e t y or w i t h c e r t a i n c r i t i c a l segments
e d i t e d o u t . Comparisons could be made across v i e w e r s f o r the same programme w i t h
r e s p e c t to the kinds of constructs e l i c i t e d . Also, di55erences across programmes for
the same v i e w e r s could be examined to see i5 i n d i v i d u a l s c o n s t r u e variOus programme
types in s i m i l a r or q u i t e difSerent ways. I d e a l l y , the e v e n t u a l aim of this analysis
should be to a r r i v e a t c e r t a i n superordinate c o n s t r u c t s which are used by v i e w e r s in
g e n e r a l to e v a l u a t e a l l types o5 programmes and m o r e s p e c i f i c c o n s t r u c t s a p p l i c a b l e
to one t y p e o5 p r o g r a m m e only. A high degree o5 conSidence in the v a l i d i t y of any
' s u p e r o r d i n a t e ' c o n s t r u c t , h o w e v e r , would depend l a r g e l y on its e m p i r i c a l l y proven
e v a l u a t i v e meaningSulness and relevance to a sample of programme m a t e r i a l s
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o5 al_~l t e l e v i s i o n o u t p u t to a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of the g e n e r a l
viewing public.
The r e p e r t o r y - g r i d method could also be used to v a l i d a t e , in terms of audience
p e r c e p t i o n s , c o n t e n t c a t e g o r i e s employed by e a r l i e r c o n t e n t analyses. For e x a m p l e ,
events have been c a t a l o g u e d in terms o f t h e i r g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n , d a t e ) n a t u r e of
cause and consequences f o r p a r t i c i p a n t s . Do v i e w e r s make d i f l e r e n t e v a l u a t i o n s of
programmes along these dimensions o f c o n t e n t ? Analysis o5 the c o n s t r u c t s e l i c i t e d in
response to v i o l e n t sequences which vary along these c o n t e x t u a l features m i g h t
i n d i c a t e how i m p o r t a n t such f a c t o r s are to programme r a t i n g s .

Social Episodes and t h e Assessment of Television C o n t e n t

A second, e q u a l l y : p r o m i s i n g a n a l y t i c a l f r a m e w o r k f o r the measurement of t e l e v i s i o n


v i o l e n c e is p r o v i d e d by recent w o r k on the p e r c e p t i o n of s o c i a l episodes ( F o r g a s ,
1976, [97g, 1979a, 1979b; F o r g a s , Brown & M e n y h a r t , 1950). The aim of e p i s o d e
r e s e a r c h is t o d i s c o v e r t h e p e r c e p t u a l d i m e n s i o n s used by i n d i v i d u a l s t o
d i s c r i m i n a t e b e t w e e n i n t e r a c t i o n sequences in various , s o c i a l c o n t e x t s . Social
episodes, t h e n , are u n i t s o f i n t e r a c t i o n which repre:,ent 'any sequence of happenings
in which human beings engage' and which Rave a b e g i n n i n g and an end which can
usually be i d e n t i f i e d ' (Harre & Secord, 1972, p . 10). P e r c e p t i o n s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s
b e t w e e n social e n c o u n t e r s or situations which c h a r a c t e r i z e a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r a l (or
s u b c u l t u r a l ) m i l i e u can be described in terms o f an episode space. However, episodes
also r e p r e s e n t c o g n i t i v e models o f behaviour sequences t y p i c a l of c e r t a i n social
Measuring Television Violence:A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 107

situations housed in the minds of individuals) and meaningful taxonomies of episodes


are obtained by measuring, for specific individuals, t h e ir subjective p e r c e p t u a l
discriminations between episodes comprising a p a r t i c u l a r episode space.
In the past few years, some progress has been made in the o b j e c t i v e analysis of
social episodes f o l l o w i n g advances in the use of multidimensional scaling (MDS)
techniques. The main advantage of MDS is t h a t i t allows the researcher 'to q u a n t i f y
and describe extemely complex psychological phenomena which would not be accessible
to q u a n t i t a t i v e analysis otherwise' (Forgas, 1979a, p . 253). In essence, MDS
techniques are designed to derive a s i m p l i f i e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a complex set of
measures o f s i m i l a r i t y between all the stimulus elements to be scaled in terms of a
reduced number of readily i n t e r p r e t a b l e dimensions. In one p a r t i c u l a r version of
this t e c h n i q u e , C a r r o l l and Chang's (1970) Individual D i f f e r e n c e s M u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l
Scaling (INDSCAL) model, i t is assumed t h a t a sample of in d iv iduals use the same
dimensions to judge a set of s t i m u l i , but that these dimensions have d i f f e r e n t
salience for each i n d i v i d u a l . Hence, this model has the f a c i l i t y to c o n s t r u c t both a
group multidimensional stimulus space representing the perceptions of the stimulus
set employed by a h y p o t h e t i c a l 'average' member of the group and separate
m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l structures indicating the r e l a t i v e salience of every stimulus
dimension for each i n d i v i d u a l .
Turning to the question of analysing t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e , the episode paradigm
offers an e x c i t i n g new conceptual and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l framework in which to develop
a taxonomy of v i o l e n t incidents in t e l e v i s i o n programmes which has i m p o r t a n t
advantages when contrasted with previous research perspectives such as a p r i o r i
d e f i n i t i o n a l or category systems (Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Gerbner et a l . , 1978, 1979)
or audience-based measures on p r e - s e l e c t e d scales ( H o w i t t & Curnberbatch, 197t~).
Television programmes represent an e x t r e m e l y complex and o f t e n ambiguous stimulus
domain which may be only inadequately assessed along p r e - s e l e c t e d systems or scales
of measurement. The non-structured judgement procedure employed by the episode
paradigm gives individuals on o p p o r t u n i t y to describe or e v a l u a t e t e l e v i s i o n
content in terms which are relevant and meaningful to them.

MDS analysis o f aggression So f a r , there have been very few a t t e m p t s to


i n v e s t i g a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n s people make between d i f f e r e n t occurrences o f v i o l e n c e .
A small number of early studies a t t e mpt ed to scale subjective magnitudes o f v i o l e n c e
in terms o f perceived severity or seriousness (Durea, 1933; Rose & Press, 1955).
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , these investigators used f a i r l y small sets o f aggressive episodes
which had not generally been personally experienced by the m a j o r i t y of judges. Also,
e v a l u a t i o n s were made along a p r e - s e l e c t e d judgemental dimension o f seriousness and
t h e r e f o r e l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n resulted about the kinds o f dimensions u n d e r l y i n g
respondents' everyday perceptions o f aggressive acts. Recent e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n ,
h o w e v e r , has indicated t h a t individuals make complex m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n s
between aggressive episodes which they have personally experienced (Forgas, 13rown &
Menyhart, 1980).
Forgas et a l . analysed the perceptions of r e a l - l i f e aggressive episodes and used
the INDSCAL procedure to derive the salient c o g n i t i v e dimensions used by subjects to
d i f f e r e n t i a t e between such episodes and to e v a l u a t e the p e r c eiv e d d i f f e r e n c e s
between d i f f e r e n t categories of episodes. To begin w i t h , a p i l o t sample of subjects
( c o l l e g e students) were asked to list as many aggressive incidents personally
experienced by themselves as possible. In the second stage of the study a d i f f e r e n t
sample of subjects (also college students) were asked to make b i p o l a r scale
judgements on the episodes; the l a t t e r were selected as those most f r e q u e n t l y
108 Barrie Gunter

mentioned during the p i l o t e p i s o d e - e l i c i t a t i o n phase. MDS analysis revealed that a


c o m p l e x , f o u r - d i m e n s i o n a l episode space was necessary to represent the subjectively
p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n a g g r e s s i v e i n c i d e n t s . A g g r e s s i v e episodes w e r e
d i f f e r e n t i a t e d in t e r m s of t h e p r o b a b i l i t y of o c c u r r e n c e ) j u s t i f i a b i l i t y , p r e s e n c e
or a b s e n c e of p r o v o c a t i o n and e m o t i o n a l a r o u s a l , and t h e e x t e n t to which t h e
i n c i d e n t was under c o n t r o l or was likely to be p u n i s h e d . If r e a l - l i f e a g g r e s s i v e
e p i s o d e s a r e p e r c e i v e d in this m u l t i = d i m e n s i o n a l f a s h i o n , it is q u i t e likely t h a t
t h e same a p p l i e s to p e r c e p t i o n s of t e l e v i s e d e p i s o d e s of v i o l e n c e ) a l t h o u g h t h e two
d i m e n s i o n a l s t r u c t u r e s may not n e c e s s a r i l y be t h e same=

MDS analysis of t e l e v i s i o n content Although no published data have y e t emerged


from MDS i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of the dimensional structure of t e l e v i s i o n episodes, two
studies have used MDS to analyse the a t t r i b u t e s t h a t c h i l d r e n use to d i f f e r e n t i a t e
and describe t e l e v i s i o n characters. Reeves and Greenberg (1977) found t h a t groups of
third-, fifth-, and seventh-grade children used four primary dimensions to
distinguish between a sample o f l# p r i m e - t i m e and Saturday morning t e l e v i s i o n
e n t e r t a i n m e n t c h a r a c t e r s . The children judged the perceived s i m i l a r i t y between all
possible pairs of c h a r a c t e r s , using as the basis for t h e i r judgements whatever
a t t r i b u t e s they chose to think about. In order of i m p o r t a n c e , the emergent
a t t r i b u t e s were humour, strength, a t t r a c t i v e n e s s and a c t i v i t y . In a r e p l i c a t i o n of
this study, Reeves and L o m e t t i (1978) employed a d i f f e r e n t sample of television
c h a r a c t e r s which was also more balanced for the p r o p o r t i o n of males and females, and
once again the same four dimensions emerged. I n t e r e s t i n g l y and u n e x p e c t e d l y , there
were no age or sex d i f f e r e n c e s in the number or c o n t e n t of the a t t r i b u t e s used to
classify the c h a r a c t e r s . Thus, boys were no more l i k e l y to use physical strength to
d i f f e r e n t i a t e t e l e v i s i o n characters than were g i r l s , and were just as l i k e l y to
employ a t t r a c t i v e n e s s . Comparing the a t t r i b u t e s found here to distinguish television
c h a r a c t e r s w i t h those reported by Olshan (1971) in an MDS study of children's
p e r c e p t i o n s of r e a l - l i f e peers i n d i c a t e d t h a t TV people and r e a l people may be
e v a l u a t e d w i t h d i f f e r e n t a t t r i b u t e s even when the method for determining the
p e r c e p t i o n s in each case ( e . g . MDS) is the same (Reeves, 1979).

Suggested MDS procedure for assessin~ TV violence Episode analysis of t e l e v i s i o n


v i o l e n c e would bear a close procedural s i m i l a r i t y to the e l a b o r a t e d r e p e r t o r y - g r i d
f r a m e w o r k o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r , w i t h judgements once again being made on short, edited
e x t r a c t s from programmes. The basic e p i s o d e - a n a l y t i c procedure is envisaged as
f o l l o w s . The fi r s t stage w i l l i n v o l v e sampling and s e le c t ion of episodes for
a s s e s s m e n t . This i n i t i a l stage is very important b e c a u s e t h e validity and
comprehensiveness of the measures of violence ultimately obtained w i l l depend
crucially on the representativeness of the sample of episodes chosen for evaluation.
Actual selection of the violent episodes from each programme could be determined in
a number of different ways. One method might be to employ Gerbner's a priori
definition of television violence, thus performing the useful academic service of
demonstrating the salience of TV violence defined the Gerbner .Nay to the audience at
large. Alternatively, a more open-ended approach could be adopted, analogous to that
used by Forgas, Brown and Menyhart (1980) to elicit real-life aggressive episodes.
In this instance, groups of viewers could be shown samples of television programming
and asked to select from them any episodes which they believe to be violent. Then
those episodes most consistently or frequently n a m e d could be selected for
assessment during the next stage.
Measuring Television Violence: A Review and Suggestions for a New Analytical Perspective 109

The second s t a g e would i n v o l v e t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a c o m p l e t e d i s s i m i l a r i t y


m a t r i x from t h o s e v i o l e n t e p i s o d e s s e l e c t e d from t h e f i r s t s t a g e . In this m a t r i x ,
e a c h e p i s o d e from t h e pool would be p a i r e d with e a c h o t h e r e p i s o d e . These v i o l e n t
ep i s o d e =p a i r s would t h e n be p r e s e n t e d one a t a t i m e to v i e w e r s who in each c a s e
would s t a t e which one of t h e two e p i s o d e s was t h e m o r e v i o l e n t and by how m u c h ,
a l o n g , for e x a m p l e , a f i v e = p o i n t s c a l e . A m a t r i x of d i s s i m i l a r i t y r e s p o n s e s could
t h e n be made up for e a c h v i e w e r . During t h e third s t a g e t h e s e v i e w e r m a t r i c e s m i g h t
b e e n t e r e d i n t o an INDSCAL or o t h e r s u i t a b l e MDS a n a l y s i s f o r o b j e c t i v e
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e u n d e r l y i n g dimensional s t r u c t u r e in t e r m s of w h i c h t h e v i e w e r s
c a t e g o r i z e d t h e v i o l e n t e p i s o d e s with which they w e r e p r e s e n t e d . Th ese d i m e n s i o n a l
s t r u c t u r e s c o u ld t h e n be used to q u a n t i f y t h e p o s i t i o n of o n e v i o l e n t e p i s o d e
r e l a t i v e to a n o t h e r in a g i v e n e p i so d e s p a c e . Such s t r u c t u r e s may also be r e l a t e d to
o t h e r f a c t o r s , in c l u d in g i n d i v i d u a l and group d i f f e r e n c e s w h i ch m e d i a t e e p i s o d e
p e r c e p t i o n . F u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a a c c o r d i n g to which
p r o g r a m m e e p i s o d e s a r e c o m p a r e d could be o b t a i n e d by t e s t i n g f o r more d e t a i l e d
e v a l u a t i o n s of e a c h e p i s o d e in i s o l a t i o n ; this may be p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t if
v i e w e r s a r e f a m i l i a r w i t h p r o g r a m m e s from which e p i s o d e s h a v e b e e n e d i t e d . Also,
when t h e e p i s o d e pool b e i n g assessed is d e r i v e d e n t i r e l y f r o m a s i n g l e p r o g r a m m e , it
may be p o s s i b l e to o b t a i n j u d g e m e n t s at t w o s e p a r a t e s t a g e s in t h e same s e s s i o n )
o n c e b e f o r e and o n c e a f t e r p e r m i t t i n g s u b j e c t s to v i e w t h e c o m p l e t e p r o g r a m m e . Any
v a r i a t i o n s in t h e d i m e n s i o n a l s t r u c t u r e f o r p r e - p r o g r a m m e and p o s t - p r o g r a m m e r a t i n g s
m i g h t r e f l e c t t h e i n f l u e n c e of st o r y c o n t e x t on a s s e s s m e n t s o f v i o l e n t e p i s o d e s , a
f e a t u r e which has b e e n m i s s in g from much t e l e v i s i o n c o n t e n t a n a l y s i s in t h e p a s t . A
number o f f u r t h e r p e r m u t a t i o n s of p r o g r a m m e v i o l e n c e a r e p o s s i b l e - c o m p i l a t i o n s of
v i o l e n t e p i s o d e s c o n s i s t i n g of m a t e r i a l from d i f f e r e n t p r o g r a m m e s in t h e same
s e r i e s , from d i f f e r e n t s e r i e s of t h e same programme t y p e ( e . g . all d r a m a , all c o m e d y
or all n e w s ) , or from p r o g r a m m e s of d i f f e r e n t t y p e s ( e . g . d r am a plus comedy plus
news) and each o f t h e s e may p r o v i d e useful i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e e f f e c t s o f
c o n t e x t u a l f e a t u r e s on assessments of t e l e v i s i o n v i o l e n c e . E v e n t u a l l y ) one w o u l d
hope to a r r i v e a t a set o f g e n e r a l f e a t u r e s o f m e a n i n g to t h e t e l e v i s i o n a u d i e n c e as
a w h o l e ) plus f u r t h e r sets o f m o r e s p e c i f i c f e a t u r e s o f m e a n i n g t o s u b s e c t i o n s o f
t h e a u d i e n c e , a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h v i e w e r s c a t e g o r i z e o r d e f i n e v i o l e n t e p i s o d e s in
television programmes.

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