CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Stud

The major security challenges in Kaduna state today is banditry, with Birnin Gwari region as the

epicentre. Reports of bandits with sophisticated weapons storming villages and high ways with

the mission of killing, kidnaping, raping and rubbing people (Unus, 2015). Bashir (2014) argued

that between October 2013 and April 2020 approximately 50,000 people lost their lives as a

result of Banditry. Tauna (2016) posit that 30,000 cattle were recovered from rustlers within a

few months of setting up a joint military operation against the menace in Katsina State. In most

cases, the rustlers kill and maim their herders and rape the women before dispossessing them of

their cows (Akowe and Kayode, 2015); in some instances, they also kidnap girls or women in the

process (Adeniyi, 2015).

Almost all local government area in Kaduna states are affected by banditry. In Plateau State,

cattle-rustling activities are prevalent in eight Local Government Areas (Mangu, Bokkos, Barikin

Ladi, Shendam, Jos South, Riyom, Langtang North, and Langtang South) out of the 17 Local

Government Areas (Yusufu, 2015). Tony and Bodunrin (2016) reported that several villages in

the areas lying between the four northern states of Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, and Niger have

been under siege from cattle rustlers who freely unleash terror on helpless herders and cow

farmers. Although banditry has been rampant in the rural areas of Northern Nigeria, it not only

poses serious security challenges at the specific sites of conflict but also threatens to engulf

places outside of the rural sector and Northern Nigeria.

In Kaduna State and in Igabi Local Government Area in particular, banditry has been

going on since 2004 when it started mildly. It continued growing till the climax of the whole

1
thing in November 2014 when the rustlers decided to attack a town called Anaba village in igabi

distinct over killing seven (7) people and burning several houses along with warehouses (Samuel

Arawan, 2019). These rustlers are a mixture of ethnicities including Fulani; rustlers continue to

threaten human security and economic activities in the rural communities throughout Igabi and

some part of Kaduna State and Northern Nigeria (Ishaya and Abaje, 2015).

The literature on banditry and the violent conflict linked to it has consistently been

growing in other parts of Africa (Kaimba, 2011; Nganga 2012, Greiner 2013). In Nigeria,

however, apart from studies focusing on clashes between herders and farming communities

(Ofuoku and Isifie 2009; Okoli and Atelhe 2014; Olaniyan and Okeke-Uzodike 2015), predatory

Banditry has yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The few attempts to address this issue,

commendable as they are, suffer either from being essentially descriptive in nature (Kwaja 2014)

or because their insights and implications derive principally from the East African experience

(Okoli and Okpaleke 2014). Nevertheless, as in the case elsewhere, the contemporary spate of

violence and the destructive aftermath linked to Banditry begs for attention. The present study

seeks to examine the effect of banditry on socio-economic activities in Kaduna state.

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

The rising waves of banditry constitute a devastating threat to the security of lives and

property of the citizenry. The high level of banditry in Kaduna state by bandits has heightened

fears among the populace and the international community and has eaten deep into the economy

and as a matter of fact, the hostility has gone beyond religious or political coloration. Banditry

has emerged as a major security challenge in Nigeria. As a criminal enterprise, it has

consequences for the socio-economic, political, cultural, and psychological spheres of society. At

the economic level, it constitutes a major threat to the livelihood of herders and those who

2
depend on cows for survival. At the socio-political level, rustlers’ activities have resulted in

death, loss, and the destruction of lives and property, thereby disturbing peace and security.

Banditry has been a veritable threat of public safety and security threat in some LGAs in

kaduna state. It has led to loss of lives, population displacement as well as loss of properties in

their numbers. It creates a sense of insecurity, this act apparently degenerates into a terror-brand

mass raids where innocent villagers including women and children are victimized. Banditry has

seriously and negatively affected the socio-economic and political development of Kaduna state.

This has negative effects on the Kaduna State’s general security and peaceful coexistence.

1.3 Research Questions

In view of the statements of the research problem, the study put forward the following

questions:

i. What are the causes of Banditry in Kaduna State between 2015 and 2019?

ii. What are the effects of banditry on socio-economic activities in Kaduna State between

2015 and 2019?

iii. What can be done to resolve the problem of banditry in Kaduna State?

1.4 Objectives of the Study

The objectives of the study are:

i. To identify the causes of banditry in Kaduna State between 2015 and 2019.

ii. To examine the effects of banditry on socio-economic activities in Kaduna State between

2015 and 2019.

iii. To proffer possible solution to the menace of banditry in Kaduna State .

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1.5 Propositions of the Study

The propositions of the study are as follows:

i. Poverty and unemployment lead to banditry in Kaduna State.

ii. Banditry adversely affects the socio-economic activities Kaduna State

1.6 Justification of the Study

Previous literatures has not been able to specifically address the root causes of banditry with a

view to addressing the bud in the interest of Northern Nigeria and the country at large. Banditry

has become a major source of concern, not only to its implications on the size of the herd and the

suffering it generates, but also to the threat it poses to the very survival of state institutions in the

places where it occurs. While still primarily a rural-sector activity, where the capacity of state

institutions to effectively mediate competing demands are threatened, relatively weak, or non-

existent, the interjection of modern destructive weapons and extreme violence accompanying

banditry signify its transition from mere cattle raiding into a ruthless, highly organised, profit-

oriented, translocation and transnational consortium.

Therefore, this study would enlighten the Kaduna state government and the general

public on the extent of damage done by the activities of bandits, and its effect on socio-economic

activities. The findings of this study augment the already existing literature on banditry and

crime control. It exposes the predicament of the citizen on the hands of criminals and this could

be important to policy makers especially those entangled with the security and social wellbeing

of the citizens in a given political sphere. Bearing in mind that it is the responsibility of the state

to collect taxes from the citizens, hire and own instruments of violence and utilise them to

protect its people.

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 The result of this study would serve as a point of reference to business owners on

security, economy, conflict and political science in Nigeria and they may find the work

benefiting to them as it furnishes them with current information on the subject matter. The study

would be useful to security personnel and policy makers on issues that affect the security and

education. Recommendations provided by this study would serve as a means towards the

development of a strategic action plan that may be a significant force, curbing the menace of

bandit in Kaduna State and Nigeria as a whole.

1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study

The scope of this study is to examine the Effects of Banditry on on socio-economic activities A

Case Study of Kaduna State within the period of four years (2015-2019). Hence, the findings are

to be generalized to other districts in the region, the study intends to shed more light to the topic

of banditry in Kaduna state and Nigeria as a whole and how it affects socio-economic activities

in the Kaduna state and the country as a whole.

The greatest constraint is the problem of collecting necessary and important data because

of security issues. Some security personnel may refuse to cooperate and provide all the necessary

information either because the topic is related to security issue or the informants to consult may

either transfer from the state or leave the state for fear or attack therefore collection of data from

such informant may be difficult.

1.8 Definition of Terms

1.8.1 Banditry

Banditry is the life and practice of bandits, in another way it is synonym to thief, arm robbery,

kidnapping, raping, hence the term one armed bandit for gambling machines that can leave the

gambler with no money.

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 The New English Dictionary on historical principles (NED) defined ‘Bandit’ in 1885 as

‘one who is proscribed or outlawed’; hence, a lawless desperate marauder, a brigand: usually

applied to members of the organised gangs which infest the mountainous districts of Italy, Sicily,

Spain, Greece, Iran and Turkey.

The term bandit (introduce to English via Italian around 1590) originates with the early

Germanic legal practice of outlawing criminals, termed bannan (English ban) the legal term in

the Roman Empire was Acht or Reichsacht, translated as imperial ban. In modern Italian the

equivalent word ‘bandit’ literally means banned or a banned person. In simpler way, it is an act

which incorporates behaviour characterised by law as illegal.

1.8.3 Kidnapping:

Kidnapping has one of the world’s highest rates of kidnap for ransom cases. Kidnapping

is the unlawful detention of a person through the use of force, threats, fraud or enticement. The

purpose is an illicit gain, economic or material, in exchange for liberation. Kidnapping is a global

problem that affects countries all over the world from United State, Mexico and many African

countries, Asia and beyond. Government are working hard to address this problem and ensure

that the perpetrators are captured and brought to justice. Kidnapping refers to the abduction and

captivity of a person, typically to obtain a ransom. Sometimes kidnappers hold their captives

longer in order to demand more money from the victim’s relatives or associates.

Kidnapping is not a new problem in Nigeria, and it is one of the country’s biggest

challenges. The country faces many problems including unemployment, corruption, and low

rates of education. In some perspectives kidnapping is seen as political because corrupt politician

wants to destroy the government efforts in curtailing the menace.

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 It can be viewed as religious issue because of group’s fundamentalist Islamic beliefs for

example the Boko Haram ‘Western education is prohibited’ this explain why the school children

becomes target example in 2014 about 276 Chibok School girls, ages 16-18 were kidnapped by

this group.

Kidnapping has become endemic in the Nigerian society. It is fast becoming a lucrative

alternative to armed robbery offence. The gravity of kidnapping is so intense that it has virtually

affected most persons in our society. The current dimension of kidnapping became alarmed in

the Niger Delta region when militants in February 2006 abducted some oil workers, ostensibly to

draw global attention to the dire situation in the oil rich Niger Delta region of the country, the

victims were mostly foreigners. Since then the social problem of kidnapping has spread like

wild-fire in most parts of the country, especially in the south-eastern region and north- west,

north-east and north-central parts of the country. The targets are no longer foreigners alone;

practically every Nigerian is now a target. On the hind sight, however, it is observed that the

former Governor of Anambra State was kidnapped in July 10, 2003 by his fellow political party

members who were in opposition with him (Emewu & Anyanwu, 2009). Arguably, therefore,

kidnapping is not actually new in Nigeria; but the current lucrative ransom demanding strategy

has become a serious social problem for the Government and people of Nigeria. For instance, in

the year 2008 Nigeria was placed sixth on the global kidnap index by an online tourism site. This

rating puts the country Nigeria among countries with serious kidnapping problems, behind

Philippines, Venezuela, Columbia, Brazil, and Mexico (Ujumadu, 2008; Ekpe, 2009). Such

report could serve as an assumption due to lack of accurate statistical data. Also Ekpe, (2009)

reported that Nigeria recorded 512 cases of kidnapping and 30 dead persons in kidnappers’ den

that year as against 353 cases recorded throughout 2008.

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 This is similar to Kaduna State and Igabi Local Government Area in particular,

kidnapping has now become a lucrative business for the bandits in Igabi Local Government Area

of Kaduna State.

There are many causes of kidnapping around the Globe, Nation, State and Local

Government in particular, for examples:

Unemployment, Poverty, Religion, Greed, Politics, corruption.

1.8.4 Rape:

There are a multitude of definitions of rape both legally and within the folk mores of a

culture. In this project, rape is defined as the penetration of the mouth, vagina or anus by any part

of the attacker's body or by an object used by the attacker, without the consent of the victim.

What does without consent involve and/or what does it not require? Myth: Rape requires

physical force. Studies have shown that in the majority of rapes, the perpetrator does not use

force which results in physical injuries (Green 1987; Weekly 1986). The threat of force and

death and the intimidation inherent in gender stratification is sufficient. In reality many forms of

covert coercion and force may be used in rape. It is the victim's fear of the assault and its

outcome that renders her passive, not compliant, and without consent. Since many victims of

rape are also survivors of incest and other sexual abuse they may 'shut down' their emotions and

bodies at the onset of a rape; they learned this 'survival' behaviour as children (Lundberg-Love &

Geffner 1989).

Rape is defined in most jurisdictions as sexual intercourse, or other forms of sexual

penetration, committed by a perpetrator against a victim without their consent, bandits have

adopted the use of rape mostly to women in their captives to satisfy their sexual ego and abuse

the right of the women in their captivity. 

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 Raping presently is not only people of different gender but same gender. Homosexuality

is a sexual orientation; a homosexual person is romantically or sexually attracted to people of

their own gender. Men who are romantically or sexually attracted to other men are called gay

while woman attracted to another woman romantically or sexually are called lesbians. This

attitude is also part of banditry menaces in the State and in Igabi Local Government Area.

1.8.5 Robbery:

Is a crime which is a major source of fear among the public. It is defined here as the use

or threat of force to steal property by the bandits from a person in public space. Street robbery

concentrates at specific times, in particular places, and happens to certain types of people. The

routine activities of both offenders and victims, and the timing of these, can assist us in

interpreting these patterns in robbery. International research has determined that most offenders

for street robbery are young (under 30 years) and male in large number with some few female

participants. In some places there appears to be a greater representation of persons from ethnic

minorities and deprived backgrounds, but this is not universal and may be interrelated. From an

offender’s perspective, street robbery is favored for being quick and profitable – it nets cash as

well as goods and drugs. They largely make rational decisions in the crime event, based on cost-

benefit reasoning. The bandit plays a great role in arm robbery along Igabi Local Government

Area of Kaduna State. They attacked people and force to steal property from the victims, in some

cases kill or keep the victims to request for ransom from the families of victims.

Bandits have also form the habit of raping women while conducting their banditry acts,

raping is defined as the act of forcefully using a women or man without her/his agreement.

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1.8.6 Security

Otto and Ukpere (2012) observed that security relates to the presence of peace, safety, happiness

and the protection of human and physical resources or the absence of crisis. While to Akin

(2008), security as any laid down procedures towards the protection of persons and property

against hostile persons. He further opined and observed that security is a situation whereby a

conducive atmosphere is created within which people in the state can go about their normal daily

activities without threat to either their lives or property. Thus, security encompasses all approach

toward safeguarding human as well as material resources in the state against all forms of

aggression or violent conduct. According to Roger (2005), security is a state of being safe and

the absence of fear, anxiety, danger, poverty and oppression. It is the preservation of core values

and the absence of threats to these values.

Human security is concerned with safeguarding and expanding people's vital freedoms. It

requires both protecting people from critical and pervasive threats and empowering people to

take charge of their own lives. Protection refers to the norms, policies and institutions essential to

shield people and implies a 'top-down approach', such as the rule of law and democratic

governance. Empowerment underscores the role of people as actors and participants and implies

a 'bottom-up' approach.

The concept of human security is translated quite differently in different societies and at

different times according to the level of development, democratic orientation, ethics, social

attitudes toward gender, and differences in ethnic group, opinions, and beliefs. It is related to

basic needs and basic human rights, the fulfilment of these needs, and the respect for these rights.

Security includes economic, food, health, environmental, political, personal and community

security.

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1.9 Chaptalization

This work is organised into five chapters. Chapter one contains background to the study,

statement of the research problem, research questions, objectives of the study, propositions of the

study, scope and limitations of the study, definition of terms and organization of chapters.

Chapter two consists of literature review, gaps in the literature review and theoretical framework.

Chapter three which is the research methodology comprises location of the study, population of

the study, sampling techniques and sample size, methods of data collection and methods of data

analysis. Chapter four dwells on data presentation, analysis and interpretation, whereas chapter

five contains summary of the study, conclusion and recommendations.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Introduction

This chapter reviews related literature on the subject matter of this research in line with

the objectives of the study. Hence the chapter is divided into the following sub topics: Banditry

and Security in Nigeria, Banditry and Security in Kaduna State, Banditry and Security in Igabi

LGA, Gaps in the Literature Review and Theoretical framework adopted for the study.

2.2 Literature Review

2.2.1 Banditry and Security in Nigeria

In Nigeria, the prevalence of banditry has been widespread, particularly in the northern

part of the country where cattle raring obtains as a dominant agricultural practice. Recent

developments tend to have implicated Banditry in the rising wave of violence in northern

Nigeria, as exemplified in the phenomenon of Boko Haram insurgency and herder/farmer

conflicts (Okoli and Atelhe, 2014; Okoli and Iortyer, 2014). This scenario has accentuated the

significance of Banditry as a fundamental national security problematic in Nigeria (Daily Trust

2014 February; Okoli and Iortyer, 2014) The recent classification of some Fulani herdsmen as

Boko Haram collaborators by the Nigerian military and politicians (McGregor 2014) reveals the

complexities of violent clashes between cattle breeders and sedentary agriculturalists across

different parts of the country.

The alleged involvement of camel pastoralists from the Republic of Niger in some

conflicts in the north-western and central regions of Nigeria also highlights the need to

investigate the multidimensional causes and the politicisation of a problem that spills over to

neighbouring countries. For instance, Awogbade 1987 analyses the relationship between

12
herdsmen and farmers as an economic exchange of dairy products for grain, access to local

markets, and the provision of manure on arable land while the cattle consume crop residues.

However, he claims that religious and cultural factors, among others, are key to peaceful

relationships that became less cordial as the Fulani migrated further south. This has led to several

agitations in the past, notably by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria

(MACBAN), which advocates for the social, political, economic, and cultural integration of

Fulani in communities where they settle (Awogbade 1987).

Climate changes, the migration further south, the growth of agro-pastoralist, the

expansion of farming on pastures, the invasion of farmlands by cattle, assault on non-Fulani

women by herders, blockage of stock routes and water points, freshwater scarcity, burning of

rangelands, cattle theft, inadequate animal health care and disease control, overgrazing on fallow

lands, defecation on streams and roads by cattle, extensive sedenitarisation, ineffective coping

strategies, ethnic stereotyping, and the breakdown of conflict intervention mechanisms, these are

usually identified by scholars as the root causes of such violence in rural areas (Folami 2009).

In line with above, Abass (2012) contends that the major source of tensions between

pastoralists and farmers is basically economic, with land related issues accounting for the

majority of the conflicts. This can then be situated within the broader context of the political

economy of land struggle, traceable to a burgeoning demography in which there is fierce

competition for fixed space to meet the demands of the growing population (Olabode and

Ajibade 2010; Solagberu 2012).

Blench (2010) has observed that ecological and economic determinism may not capture

the complexities embedded in the conflict contexts of these groups. Sellen (1996) also advocated

for contextual analyses of ̳local socio-ecological conditions ‘and diversity of pastoral populations

13
in accounting for their nutritional habits. Therefore, there is need to overcome the socio-cultural

stereotyping of the nomadic life and relate experiences to their contexts, while taking cognisance

of the holistic functioning systems of local economies (Gefu and Gilles 1990).

In more recent times, transhumant herdsmen coexist with agro-pastoralists and farmers

who have also taken to cattle breeding (Awogbade 1987), and this has redefined their

perceptions of and relationships with each other. Of these herdsmen, the Fulani are highly

visible. Yet there are about 14 other groups who practise pastoralist activities in Nigeria,

including the Arabs, Kanuri, Kanembu, Shuwa, and Touareg (Blench 2010; Krause 2011; Abass

2012; Audu 2013; McGregor 2014) Hence, rustling and banditry activities have been a veritable

threat to public safety and security in Nigeria. It has led to loss of lives, human injury, population

displacements, as well as loss of cattle in their numbers. This situation goes with repercussions

that do not portend well for the collective wellbeing of the herding communities. It creates a

sense of insecurity which has the capacity to hamper the productivity of the herding enterprise.

The loss of cattle to rustlers means depletion of household income and communal resource of the

herding community.

The implications of this for sustainable productivity of the herding venture are easy to

decipher. This could ultimately lead to drop in the aggregate supply of organic protein and dairy

in Nigeria. What is more critical and dicier is the correlation between Banditry and spiral

violence in some parts of northern Nigeria. The incessant attacks by cattle rustlers on herding

communities tend to set them at loggerheads with their ecological neighbours -the settled native

farmers. In some instances, the farmers are arbitrarily accused by the herders as the culprit and

masterminds of their cattle raids. The strategic implication of this development is that it has the

capacity of raising the instrumental value and utility of Banditry to a level where its solution

14
would be as problematic as terrorism itself. The logic is that if Banditry earnestly become an

instrumentality for terrorist design, it will surely thrive so long as terrorism prevails. (Blench

2010; Krause 2011; Abass 2012; Audu 2013)

2.2.2 Banditry and Security in Kaduna State

Banditry among Kaduna’s pastoralists has changed profoundly in the last decades.

Fought with modern weaponry and often extreme violence, Banditry is increasingly enmeshed in

politicised claims over administrative boundaries, struggles for exclusive access to land and

attempts to establish or safeguard ethnically homogenous election base (Audu, 2015). The

association of Banditry, for example Kidnapping, Robbery, Banditry with political struggles has

been evident in some parts of Kaduna State. For instance, in 2013, many people were killed or

wounded in series of massive Banditry perpetrated by rebels in Southern Kaduna region of

Kaduna State. Audu (2015) reported that in less than three months: April-June, 2015, over

11,571 cattle were stolen by rustlers in four (4) local government areas of Chikun, Kajuru,

Kachia and IgabiLocal Government Areas of Kaduna State, the spate of Banditry has sometimes

been associated with the activities of the Boko Haram Islamic sect. The argument in this regard

is that rebel or terrorist groups resort to Banditry as a means of raising fund in support of their

group agenda.

Kwaja (2014) opined that Banditry are more or less, a nomadic phenomenon. This

observation is predicated on two principal assumptions, namely: it takes a nomad to effectively

‘drive’ a stolen cow or a cow-herd from the graze, it also takes a nomad to efficiently navigate

the ‘forest routes’, escaping with the stolen cow. Without any prejudice to possible exceptions, it

would take an active involvement, or at least connivance, of a nomad to plan and prosecute a

‘good’ Banditry deal. In this connection, it has been alleged that the bulk of the cases of Banditry

15
in northern Nigeria has been perpetrated by the ‘transnational syndicate of renegade Fulani-

nomads who know the forest well. In banditry activities kidnapping now is the current trend

where people are kidnapped at home or on their way to different places for their daily activities

for ransom from their families and in most cases killed, tortured or raped while processing the

payment for the release of the captive.

2.2.3 Banditry and Security in Igabi LGA

In Northwest Nigeria, particularly in Kaduna State and most especially in Igabi Local

Government Area, criminal gangs are engaging in rural banditry by stealing cattle and livestock

leading to the displacement of rural dwellers. The theft of animals forces the rural inhabitants to

migrate southward; causing environmental degradation, population growth, increase in the price

of cattle, regional instability influence and exacerbates farmers/herders conflict dynamics. Rural

banditry and Banditry appear to be increasing by the day because of several interconnected

issues involving tensions between farmers and pastoralists exploited by criminals masquerading

as herdsmen.

The phenomenon appears to be connected to government security inadequacies, identity

and intergroup relations and the worsening socioeconomic conditions of the people. The rural

areas are populated by farmers and pastoralists who form the economic foundation of the nation

contributing over 40% of Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product in recent years (Augustine, 2015).

Rustling and other animal theft has a different significance in the context of perennial conflict

between pastoralists and crop farmers. Hence, conflicts are driven by insecurity perpetuated by

grazers in this area. For instance, the growing menace of Banditry by armed gangs and bandits

appears to differ in terms of scale and economic consequences in “ungoverned” spaces, and

territories between Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara States. These armed gang and bandits routinely

16
raid cattle ranches owned by traditional pastoralists. The rising incidence of Banditry as a part of

the problem of rural banditry may not be unconnected to the problem of small arms and light

weapons that have found their way into the hands of non-state actors, now a part of the wider

challenge of human security confronting Nigeria. Although it is difficult to obtain reliable data in

Nigeria, it has been suggested that between 7 and 8 million illicit small arms and light weapons

are in circulation in West Africa alone, with a huge number entering Nigeria (Chuma-Okoro,

2013).

This is largely a result of porous borders, including the affinity between border

communities which consider any stringent border control as an infringement upon the social and

cultural rights of the people (Chuma-Okoro, 2013). This estimate is far above the figure of 1-2

million illicit small arms in the early 2000s (Egwu, 2014). Public policy responses must

recognize that most of the factors potentially driving the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons are linked to the decline in state capacity and the human security dilemma facing both

the state and citizens. The situation in many parts of Nigeria resembles broader Sahel region

governance voids. For instance, ungoverned space provides a power vacuum, which is at times

filled by religious extremist groups and/or criminal elements who have taken over remote areas

where the State presence is reduced or non-existent (Aning, 2009).

According to Mohammed Bello Tukur, Secretary of Myetti Allah Cattle Breeders

Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), there is weak state capacity to regulate and establish

effective governance which accounts for the high level of illegal activities perpetrated by

criminal gangs and networks. Most especially, in the Igabi area of Kaduna State which is a

death trap where Banditry and other related criminal activities has become concentrated.

Tukur further noted that Igabi, through Funtua, Faskari, parts of Zamfara going to Anchau is

17
not safe due to cattle rustlers and bandits. Every cow there has been stolen including cows

belonging to some Nigerian army generals and top civil servants (Tukur, 2013). It is therefore,

necessary to critically appraise the conditions of the people living in Igabi LGA contiguous to

“Kamuku” forest so as to enhance their wellbeing and productivity. Rural banditry affects the

rural economy negatively because it impedes on production and imperils the lives of people in

the rural area.

Igabi LGA of Kaduna State is worsened by the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons, affected by conflict, especially in the African Sahel region, due to lack of

successfully-implementation of disarmament programs. More often than not, targeted groups

merely cross porous borders, acquiring new identities in the process. The difficult terrain of

many rural areas, particularly the scenario around “Kamuku” forest coupled with poor

communication, lack of social amenities such as good roads, adequate power supply and

health facilities and poverty aggravate the situation, transforming it into ideal space for

rustling, smuggling, and small arms trade. These conditions also provide potential routes for

terrorist activities. These core challenges of human security are increased further by

democratic governance’s failure to deliver development and livelihood security for either

individuals or groups of people in the study area. Also, perhaps, major violent crises have

been manifestations of the deteriorating human security situation and the failure of democratic

governance in Igabi LGA. It has also sparked discourses that frame conflicts between

different occupational groups, such as crop farmers and grazers.

It is against this backdrop that this study deems it appropriate for the rural dwellers not

to be left in the hands of bandits because they are significant to the national economy and

constitute about 70% of the nation’s population (Augustine, 2015). It is therefore imperative

18
 to put the activities of bandits in context and deal with it effectively so as to enable rural

dwellers to carry out their activities to boost rural economy.

Kidnapping is the unlawful transportation, exportation and confinement of a person

against their will. Thus, it is a composite crime. It can also be defined as false imprisonment

by means of abduction, both of which are separate crimes that when committed simultaneously

upon the same person merges as the single crime of kidnapping. Kidnapping and abduction

elements is typically but not necessarily conducted by means of force or fear. That is, the

perpetrator may use a weapon to force the victim into a vehicle, but it is still kidnapping if the

victim is enticed to enter the vehicle willingly, e.g., in the belief it is a taxicab. Kidnapping

may be done to demand for ransom in exchange for releasing the victim, or for other illegal

purposes. Kidnapping can be accompanied by bodily injury which elevates the crime to

aggravated kidnapping. This is what is going on daily along Kaduna-Igabi road and the entire

vicinity of the Local Government and across the State.

Robbery is part of banditry activities in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State,

robbery is a crime which is a major source of fear among the public. It is defined here as the

use or threat of force to steal property by the bandits from a person in public space. Street

robbery concentrates at specific times, in particular places, and happens to certain types of

people. The routine activities of both offenders and victims, and the timing of these, can assist

us in interpreting these patterns in robbery.

2.2.4 Gaps in the Literature Review

As observed from literature studies, women and children innocent from the Banditry

activities are victimized. Victimization of the innocent was further reiterated by Alemeka (2013)

in Nigeria. He said that a critical dimension of the implication of Banditry is its apparent

19
degeneration into a terror-brand mass raids wherein innocent villagers, including women and

children are victimized and often killed.

Chrisman (2012) argues that in Northern Nigeria, cattle‘s rustling was considered a

serious offense, and it frequently resulted in lynching of cattle rustlers by vigilante. This was in

attempts to stop wide spread cattle raids that were a problem to livestock farmers. However in

Katsina State, cattle‘s rustling was a traditional cultural practice of testing a person's bravery and

prowess to bloody warfare between various groups.

Abdullahi (2015) in examining the politics of Kidnapping, Robbery, Banditry and

Political violence in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State observed that in the past,

warriors were always on alert to repel raiding parties foraging for stock. The weapons of war

consisted of spears, bows, swords and arrows or long knives. The inter-ethnic raids were due not

as a rule to bad blood but desire to increase their stock. The study by Abdullahi (2015) point out

that Banditry was a traditional practice conducted for purposes of increasing stock- most

valuable economic resource. However, the available literature did not have a specific cause of

Banditry, it is also believed that in the modern day, Kidnapping, Robbery, Banditry and other

Bandits activities are motivated by other factors away from the desire to restock, the study

sought to fill this gap.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

Elite theory is deep-rooted in classical sociology, especially that of Weber (2005 [1992]), Pareto

(1935), Mosca (1939) and Michels (2009) [1915]). These authors usually labelled as ‘classical

elitists’. Beyond its strong rots in classical sociology, elite theory developed into a vibrant

theoretical field, intersecting other theories, such as rational choice theory and political culture

theory. Most elite theory reviews (e.g. de Hollanda, 2011; Khan, 2012) focus on the work of

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classical elitist, considered to be the founding fathers of the elitist school. Classical and current

elite theorists share the ambition of explaining state outcomes through elite behaviour. If political

sociology is concerned with the relationship between societies (Botelho, 2011), elite theory is

based on the assumption that elite action has a casual effect on such a relationship. Thus, regime

types, regime change, liberation, secularization and many other political phenomena fit within

the scope of elite theory.

Vilfredo Pareto, one of the pioneers of elite theory, says that people are always governed

by elites except short period of time. He rejects a linear progressive evolutionary interpretation

of history and social change. For him, “history of men is the history of the elites continue

replacement of certain elites as one ascends another decline, such is the real phenomenon though

to us it may often appear under another form” (Pareto 1968, p. 36).

However, the notion of elite had been known before Pareto. He himself also study

Kolabinska’s study, who was also one of Pareto’s student, “La Circulation des Elites en France”

as a reference source. To Pareto, elites are those people who posses in marked degree qualities of

intelligence, character, capacity, of whatever kind. More precisely if we grade every individual

regardless of any ethical judgment, according to their branch activity and occupation in the

society, we find at each grade level there will be a certain amount of individual that consist of a

class. In this class hierarchy, people who are in the class which is on the top of the other classes

are called, “elite” (Pareto, 1935).

Similarly, Pareto examines structure and change of elites rather than non-elites. This is

mostly due to availability of historical data according to him. Elites and non-elites are not stable,

they are subject to change. New elites rise and take old elite’s place. This change is called the

law of circulation of elites by Pareto. He says “elites” or aristocrats do not last. They live or take

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position in a certain time, “History”, he says, “is a graveyard of aristocracies” (Pareto 1935, p.

1430). In course of the time, elites undergo a change in legal rights in society like extension of

right of citizenship that gives an opportunity for non-elites to move up (Pareto 1935, p. 169).

2.3.1 Critique of Elite Theory

Elite critics believe that the emphasis has largely been on the relation between democracy

and elite theories. This tendency is mostly by anti-democratic reputation of elitists’ theorist. In

contrast there has been less emphasis on elite theories contribution on understanding on social

stratification, obstacles for social mobility, distribution of power, wealth and status in societies as

well as organizations.

Similarly, Pareto, Mosca and Michels are also labelled as Machiavellians. This label is

due to three reasons.

 All of them are Italians.

 They basically belong to the same school of thought and

 To spread negative reputation of Machiavelli to these three thinkers. The question is that why

elite’s theories were born in Italy at the turn of century. Two answers have been given.

Firstly, is that Machiavellian tradition in Italy and the second answer finds a direct

relationship between elitist theories and backward development of Italy at the turn of century.

According to Meisel, “Both [Mosca and Pareto] reacted to the general consequence of the

industrial revolution, but they comprehended it in their own specifically Italian context. Their

country was a backward province of world capitalism (Meisel 1965(a), p. 6). On the same

line G. Lukacs says that lack of genuine bourgeois democracy in Italy led them to emphasis

on political leadership (Bottom ore 1964, p. 9-10). These answers without doubt have reality

but we have to also consider that, Italy was not an isolated country from the rest of Europe.

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 Further autobiographies of theorist clearly show that they have close relation with other

countries physically and academically. Therefore, these two reasons are not enough to

explain the source of elitism in Italy.

Circulation of elites more specifically, in the realm of politics, ruling class is the main

concern of Pareto, Mosca and Michels. All of them analyze the structure of elites, social

stratification in society, social mobility upward and downward, relation among the elite strata

and relation between elite and non-elite classes; and socio-economic, political and historical

conditions’ effect on these phenomena and relationship among them. The great emphasis is given

to distribution of power, status and wealth, and the battle among the classes to get lions’ share in

the power, wealth and status in society.

Similarly, from a larger perspective, it is the socio-economic change and ideology (or

religion as Pareto and Mosca call) shape new classes. Once new classes are formed, they become

new social and political forces in society and try to move up into the upper strata. This process is

well explained in Pareto’s latter work” The transformation of Democracy. He says that as a result

of changes in societies in 19th century two classes are rising: the class of wealthy speculators and

the class of wage earners. At the same time power of two classes is declining: The class of

property owner and the military class. In terms of future political structure he says”... the

growing power of wealthy speculators might be viewed as “plutocratic” tendency, while the

growing power of wage earners might be viewed as democratic tendency”, and, he adds “these

two classes can be thought as having in some sense, cooperatively united, or formed a partial ally

(Pareto 1984, p 55).

2.3.2 Relevance of Elite Theory to the Study

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 This theory can be said to be applicable and relevant to political elite recruitment in

Nigeria, especially in connection to the research topic “The effect of Banditry on National

Security”. Such ways in which the elite theory can be of relevant to the study of Banditry and

National Security are:

Firstly, the power elites are present in any society, no matter how small or large, old or

new, the society is. For instance, the power elites have been identified with those occupying key

position in the economic, political and military institutions in any country as in the United States

of America. In the case of Nigeria, the economic, political and military powers are subsumed in

the Hausa-Fulani aristocratic class, which exercises overriding power in Nigeria through

political, economic and military institutions. However, they have collaborators from other ethnic

groups.

Secondly, the aid of the elite theory, it is much easier and better to understand and

appreciate the concept, structure and exercise of power in Nigeria and such other concepts as

oligarchy, power brokers, mafia et cetera and their meanings, particularly in the Nigerian

context.

Thirdly, the elite theory as a framework will help in illuminating and throwing more light

on politics and other related concepts such as elite circulation, re-cycling of leaders and regime

elongation or longevity in Nigeria. Through the elite theory, it becomes clear that those in power

do not want to surrender power easily but to hold on to it tenaciously, whereas, some are also out

there, struggling fiercely, to gain or hijack power.

Fourthly, elite theory is very relevant, particularly, in the area of political elite

recruitment in Nigeria. This is so, as it will be seen later in this paper. This explains the reason

why the menace of banditry in Nigeria has been one of the security challenges in the country.

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The weapon used by the criminals was given to them during campaigns and political rally by the

elites who want power at all cost, an attempt is further made in this paper to clearly illustrate the

political elite theory as a framework of analysis on political elite recruitment in Nigeria.

Lastly is the political elite recruitment process in Nigeria, the question of who leads or

rules in any society is always central in politics precisely because power is not even distributed.

Power is said to be concentrated on the ruling minority elite otherwise known as the political

elites.

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