Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad

Social Structure of Pakistan: An Attempt at Developing Some Concepts [with Comments]

Author(s): Sabeeha Hafeez and Doris Nayyar
Source: The Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 24, No. 3/4, Papers and Proceedings of the
Second Annual General Meeting of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists (May 12-
14, 1985) (Autumn-Winter 1985), pp. 619-642
Published by: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad
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ThePakistanDevelopmentReview
Vol. XXIV,Nos.3 & 4 (Autumn-Winter
1985)

of Pakistan:An Attempt
Social Structure
at DevelopingSomeConcepts
Sabeeha Hafeez*

I. THE THREE PROPOSITIONS

In thispaper I would like to introducethreeinterrelated propositions about
the Social structure by a social
of Pakistan:(i) thatPakistansocietyis characterized
stratificationprocesswhichis compensatory in nature;(ii) thatthe compensatory
processof social stratificationoverthe yearshas givenriseto status-centric value
orientation; and (iii) thatthemostsignificant indicatorof status-
centricorientation
is emergence of artificialmiddleclass whichcan be distinguished fromrealmiddle
classin termsof norms.

II. RATIONALE
The above propositions in the formof a modelarepresented forfourreasons.
a
Firstly, conceptual framework was desired about the social of Pakistan
structure
and the directionof social changetakingplace. Secondly,concepts wereneededto
studythe normsof social classesin Pakistan. At best,some studiesconductedby
economistslike Naseem [13] and Talat [1] , forinstance,have assessedthe magni-
tude and degreeof poverty,notwho the poor are. Whatare theirnormsor value
orientations?Whatare the normsof othersocial classes? Do the poor sharethe
normsof othersocial classesor do theypossesstheirown norms? Furthermore,
these studiesindicatethat "an excessiveconcernwithoverallinequalityof income
may conceal importantfactorswhich tend to widen or equalize the incomein-
equalitiesat a disaggregated level" [13] . Whatare thosefactors?Thirdly,it was
intendedto make a further contribution to the theoreticalunderstanding of social
structureand the social stratification process. The existingliterature deals with
social stratificationas a distributive process,establishedbases of social classes,
social statusin society,theirmeasures,explanationsand relationships amongsocial
classesand social statusgroupsand the rate and magnitude mobilityfromone
of

*Director intheWomen's
ofResearch Government
Division, Islamabad.
ofPakistan,

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620 SabeehaHafeez

socialclassto another. All theseare relevanttopicsforinvestigatingcontemporary

sociologicalrealitiesin Pakistan. But certainchangesare also takingplace in the
structureof socialclassesin Pakistanwhichneed to be studiedand conceptualized.
Observationssuggestthat while the real middleclass is shrinking due to brain
drainand the slow rate of legitimized upwardoccupationalmobility,a new social
formation is emerging due to variousreasonswhichis parallelto themiddleclassin
economictermsand not in sociologicalor normativetermsor educationalattain-
ments.Whatare the normsof thisnew formation?Does thisnew socialformation
pose a threatto middleclass or compensatesforit? Theoreticalor conceptual
expalanationsto thesequestionsare sought. Fourthly,somedimensions of social
structureare conceptualizedto explainwhyeducationinPakistanis noteconomical-
ly productiveor why educationas a legitimized avenue forupwardoccupational
mobilityis underutilized or whythereis a gap in planningand implementation at
thelowerlevelsin education.

III. METHODOLOGY
The methodology used forformulating propositionsin thispaperis inductive.
Data frommicrostudies,observations and experiencewiththePakistanisocietyare
organizedby meansof simplelogic to formulatethe conceptsin the propositions
which,of course,need to be operationalized
and testedon diversesamplesof people
fromvarioussocioeconomic backgrounds.

PropositionI
(That Pakistansocietyis characterizedby social stratification
whichis com-
pensatoryin nature.)
It is assumedin Pakistanthat the two processesof social stratification -
compensatory -
and distributive existparallelto each other. Littleor no research
has beendoneon eitherof thetwoin Pakistan.
Social stratification
as a compensatoryprocessis unfoldedin termsof the
following basicassumptions:

1: Everyonein societyhas his own definition

Assumption of his social statusas
superiorin power,privilegeand prestigetakentogetheror singly.
(Availabletestsmeasuring own conceptmay be used forassessing
this but in this case the focus will be on measuring his/herper-
ceivedown definition ofhis/her and prestige l
power,privilege .)
Prestige, privilegeand power have been definedas follows:
Prestige: Prestigeis a measure of the amount of deferenceand respect that is definedas appro-
priate fora personby the normsthatgovernparticularsocial relationship[3] .
Privilege: Privilegeis a benefitor rightenjoyed by a particularclass of personsnot sharedwithor
available to a generalityof persons. It denotes a "special right,benefit,exemptionor immunity
(legal, economic, social) conferredby a law or custom on a particulargroup,officeor class" [5] .
Power: Power is the ability of one person to control or determinethe behaviourof another
accordingto the controller'sdesire [3] .

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 62 1

2 : Whileone definesone's social statusas superiorto thatof othersin

Assumption
termsof power,privilegeor prestige, one also realizesor acknowl-
edges the inferioraspect of one's statusin any one of the three
aspects.The lowergroupsjustifytheirsuperiority in non-material
the or
terms; top groupsmayexplicitly implicitly acknowledge their
intermsof degreesof thethreeaspectsof theirstatus.
inferiority
Assumption3 : Decisionon the superioraspectand inferior aspectof one's statusis
consciouslymade by constantly comparing one's statuswiththatof
othersat variousintra-and inter-societallevels.
4: In thecomparing
Assumption process,one consciously weighsone's deprivations
againstone's possessionsand attemptsto compensateeitherby
assertingone's possessionsof certainaspectso£socialstatus(power,
or
privilege prestige) or byacquiringthedeprivedaspect.

The above assumptions takentogether meanthatindividuals are consciousof

theirsharefromavailableentitlements and noneor severalsocialrewards, and react
to equalizeby way of compensation forsocialrewards.Theirexpectations and re-
in
sponsesmattera greatdeal in equalizinginequalities socialstatus.Thesereactions
whentakencollectively,
of individuals, definePakistanisocietyas a struggle -oriented
society and not passive or indifferent society. This definitionof Pakistani society
tendsto cast doubton the existing literatureaboutthetraditional societies'strategy
that individualsin these societiesdo not react to their deprivations. Let us
comparethismeaningwith the otherconceptsavailablewithinthe contextof the
existingtheoryof social stratification.It appearsthat some comparisonscan be
as a compensatory
made of social stratification processwithsomeconceptualingre-
dientsfoundin the viewpoints of Marx,VeblenandWeberbut theconceptdefining
as a compensatory
the processof social stratification processextendsto a different
viewpoint with some new concepts. From Marx and Weber it borrowsthe element
of strugglefor power and fromVeblen it takes the elementof imitationof the
higherby the lowerclassesand the normof conspicuousconsumption.Generally
speaking,theMarxistnotionsplitsocietyintotwoantagonistic classesgrowing out of
the propertystructure of theeconomy.Marxis concernedwiththeconsciousness of
thesocialclasses.
In defining as a compensatory
socialstratification process,it is assumedthatan
individual'slevelof consciousness of the distributionprocessof entitlements in the
societydetermines his decisionabout superioror inferior aspectofhis status,which
in turndetermines hisaspirations and struggle patternsforgainsinhisstatus(Fig. 1).
Individualistic
quiet struggle goes on to acquiregains best in socialstatusequal to
at

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622 SabeehaHafeez

thatof uppermiddleclassor uppersocialclass. Thatis all. No revolutionarychange

of socialclassesis aspiredor achieved.Thisidea findssupportin the
in the structure
studiesconductedon the overseasworkerswheretheiraspirationleveland actual
achievements,in termsoftheirearnings and propertyhaveemergedto be of thelevel
of themiddleclass,and notoftheowner'sclass [ 1; 9] .

of compensation
Indicators

of socialstatusas highon:
Justification
- Power
- Privilege
- Prestige

LEVELSOF STRATIFICATION:MICRO Institu

tions ¡fnation
/'community /atMacro

Realizationof socialstatusas inferior

in:
- Power
- Privilege
- Prestige

Process
as a Compensatory
Figure1. Levelsof Social Stratification

It is hypothesizedthatin Pakistanthereis no visible,identifiable,andrecurring

collectivestruggle forgainsin status. But quietindividualistic struggle forgainsin
statusis patterned and discernible.One mayarguethatsucha struggle is initiatedby
the emigration of overseasworkerswhichwill taperoffwith the declinein their
remittances thathas begunto occur. It is assumedin the paperthatevenifthis
happensthe demonstration effectof theirachievement willstillpersistandcontinue
to affecttheirstruggle orientationsforimproving theirmaterialcosts. In thissense,
achievementis a productof new system,ratherthan a reproduction of the old
the
system. Thisis anotherpointwhichdistinguishes viewpoint on social stratifica-
tion as a compensatory processfromMarx'sviewpointon struggle betweensocial
classes. My contentionin this paper is that the overseasemployment mighthave
reinforced theprevailingnormdefining quiet struggle acquirequickgainsinone's
to
statuswhichhas emergeddue to threemainhypothetical explanations (subjectto
verification and validationby means of research).Firstly, at the time of theincep-
tion of Pakistaninnumerable refugeesbroughtwiththemnothingbut nobilityor
honourof theirfamilieswhichoverthe yearshas been embeddedas an important
aspectof an individual'ssocial statuseitheras a reactionto his family'sinability to

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 623

claim the propertywhichthe familyhad leftbehindin Indiaor as an attemptto

justifyhis statusbased on theproperty whichhis familyhas rightfully orwrongfully
claimedin Pakistan. Secondly,as peopleparticipated in the struggle forPakistan,
they accumulated emotional capital for participation in and contribution to the
development of theirnewly created nation for
which, instance, manifested itself
in
theircollectivestruggle to rehabilitate therefugeesfromIndiaby way of organized
volunteer workfortheirwelfareand development.Thisemotionalcapitalor collec-
tive struggleforvariousreasons,whichneed to be investigated overthe years,has
been drainedor re-channelized towards individualisticstruggle theaccumulation
for
of instantmaterialistic gainsin one's socialstatus.Thirdly, generallytheexpectation
fromthe birthof Pakistanwas that it would improveone's lot whichoverthe
generations has beenpatterned as individualisticstruggle to accumulatequickgainsin
one'smaterialstatus.
In discussing individualistic quiet struggle foraccumulating gainsin statusthe
elementof emulationor imitation by the lower class of the higherclass,as assumedby
Veblen,also comes in the of
process comparing one's social with
status thatof others
in the society.According to Veblen,therich,of course,setthepace and theirrivalry
is conductedin termsof a normof conspicuousconsumption by whichtheymust
demonstrate theirpositionby absenteeism fromproductive work,lavishexpenditure
and,in general,non-productive consumption of time.
Veblenbroughtto our noticethe importance of statussymbolsin theprocess
of legitimization (in Weber'sterms)and calledattentionto thecorruption of culture
in theprocess.
Statuscompensation, as definedin thispaper,involvesan elementof struggle
foracquiringthe normsof conspicuousconsumptions as indicatedbythe studieson
overseasworkersthrough over-indulgence in productive work,multipleemployments
or savingson daily necessities.Conspicuousconsumptionis not the onlyway to
compensateforthe deprivedaspect of status. Prestigeis affirmed or assertedby
thosewho feel deprivedof poweror certainprivileges of any sort. Accordingto
Weber,statuscompensation includesthe elementof struggle forpowerbut Weber's
idea is that a statusgroupmay use its prestigeto shoreup a weakeningeconomic
position.Individualsmayquietlystruggle to acquirepowerin orderto compensate
forlow prestige.
Emulationor imitation ofthepowersymbolsof thehigherclassis also doneby
the lowerclass. A studyconductedon 999 male volunteersin an urbanslumof
Karachiforassessingtheiroperatingeffectiveness as variedchangeagentsindicates
thatthehighestexpenses(Rs. 200) on the chiefactivityin each category- health,
education,welfare- is less thanthe averageamountspenton theleastmaintenance
category, i.e. on furniture[7] .

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624 SabeehaHafeez

PropositionII
(That thecompensatory overtheyearshasgiven
processof socialstratification
riseto status-centric
valueorientation.)
(See Fig.2.)

MODEL

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION *I STATUS-CENTRIC

AS]
A COMPENSATORYPROCESS ORIENTATION

v
ARTIFICIAL MIDDLE
CLASS AND OTHER
NORMS

Figure2

Status-centricorientationis definedas identifiable, recurringand patterned

differentiation to
amongpeople belonging variousstatusesin termsof centring of
positiveattitudeson own social status,poweror privilege or prestige.It is orienta-
tionthatone's socialstatusis to be preferred to thoseof all others.One's own social
statushas a trueappreciation ofmoralvaluesor culturalvalueswhereassocialstatus-
es of othersare debasedbywrongvalues. It is uncritical prejudicein favourof one's
social statusand a distortedand biasedcriticism of othersocialstatus.It is beliefin
the superiority of one's own statusand a corresponding dislikeor misunderstanding
of peoplebelonging to otherstatusgroups. Status-centric conceptis differentfrom
ethnocentrism.The latteris takento meanjustification of one's cultureand the
former is takento meanjustificationof one's status.
The Pakistanisocietyis characterized by two orientations: statusorientation
and status-centric orientation.Like any othersociety,Pakistanis characterized by
statusorientationor differentiation of societyinto different social classeswhose
boundariescan be assessedby occupationcorresponding to the levelof education.
Usingoccupation,whichis declaredby mostsociologists as themostreliableindica-
torof socialclassboundaries, thebulkof the people in Pakistancan be classified as
lower class or poor class, a verysmall middleclass topped withan upperclass,

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 625

thetipoftheiceberg.According to the 1981 Census,thissocialstratification means:

75.1 percentas workers, 50.0 percentas agriculturalists, fishermen and hunters, 25
percentas productionand relatedworkers. Only 20.7 percentare white-collar
workersor the membersof the middleclass: 3.8 percentas professionals and
technicalworkers,1.3 percentas administrative andmanagerial 3.1
workers, percent
as clericaland relatedworkers, 8.1 percentas salesworkers.A handfulof all typesof
elites- landed gentry, industrial elites,politicalleaders,religiouselitesand profes-
sionalelites - make up theupperclass. Individuals movefromone socialclass to
thenext,or occupationalmobilityoccurs,althoughno systematic attemptis madeto
assess the magnitudeand rate of occupationalmobilityin Pakistan. This is one
patternof social stratification and changesthereindefinedand delineatedby
the occupationalboundaries. Side by side with this social stratification thereis
emerging another social stratificationwhere individuals to
quietlystruggle compen-
sate forlossesin theirsocial statuseitherby asserting orjustifying theirgainsor by
acquiringsomething to compensateforlosses. Statusgainsand lossesare subjectively
definedby themand accordingto theirowndefinitions struggles aremadeto acquire
objectiveaspects of status. For a
instance, typist who studies duringhis sparetime
acquireslegaleducation and becomes a lawyerrepresents a case of statusorientation.
A typistwho accumulateswealththroughoverworkor multipleemployments or
illegitimatemeans represents a case of status-centric orientation.

Embourgeoisement
Embourgeoisement of theworkingclassperhapsis the onlyconceptavailable
in the social scientificliteraturewhichcomes closerto some meaningsof status-
centricorientations.Diverseenquiriesduringthe 1950-1960 decadeseemedto lend
supportto the thesisof embourgeoisement of some sectorsof the Britishworking
class. Thischange was assessed in terms of an impressive improvement in theliving
standardsof manual workersas measuredby betterhousing,increasein home
ownership and possessionof domesticequipments suchas thewashingmachine,T.V.
and car,and changein standardof livingwas accompaniedby changesin normsand
styleof life. "Theirworksituationand experiencewerenot typicalof thatof the
middleclass,howeveraffluent theymightbe. The richmanualworkers havenothing
to do withsocialrelations.Theyareconcernedwithmoneyonly" [12] .
But the concept of embourgeoisement is limitedto the ways or meansby
whichthe workingclass gainsmaterialstatus. Status-centric phenomenon, is all-
pervasive all
inthesociety;it is sharedby socialclasses. Stability of claim to enhance
powerby thosein highstatuswhichmanifests itselfin variedformsis one indicator
of status-centricorientation.In themiddleclasstwoemerging trendsindicatestatus-
centricorientation.Firstly,overa decade or so the emerging trend,as indicated
earlier,is to move away from hiredjobs to self as is
-employment, suggested by the

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626 SabeehaHafeez

increasedpercentageof the self-employed overthe decade. In 1981, 55.5 percent

personswere reported to be self-employed as against49.1 percentin 1972. This
macroresultimpliesthatin generalthe trendin themiddleclassand thelowerclass
is to learnmoreand moreratherthanto relyon fixedsalaries. Secondly,data for
the fouryears(1980, 1981, 1982 and 1983) aboutthepreferences of thecandidates
who passedwrittenexaminations forthe civilserviceindicatea trendmoretowards
the DistrictManagementGroup (DMG) and Customsthan towardsthe foreign
service(Table 1). Althoughdata fromearlieryearsarenotavailableto ascertainthe
changesin thepreferences of thepotentialcivilservantsbutobservations suggestthe
foreignservicewas a highlypreferred serviceas itwas ratedhighlyprestigious.Now
the trendamongthe candidatesis to choose DMG or customsagainstthe foreign
service. That is theypreferpositionswithpoweror extraeconomicbenefits.In
1980 thepercentages of thecandidateschoosingthethreeservices weremoreor less
thesame. In 1981 thepercentage ofthecandidatespreferring DMG was muchhigher
(81.59) than of those preferring foreignserivce(412 percent)or customs(42.2
percent).
Incidenceand prevalenceof corruption and the system'sinabilityto control
corruption are yet anotherindicatorof the status-centricorientation presentin all
socialclassesofPakistan.

Proposition HI
(That themostsignificantindicatorof status-centric
orientation
is emergence
of theartificial
middleclass whichcan be distinguished
fromtherealmiddleclassin
termsof norms.)(See Fig.3.)

StatusOrientation Status-Centric
Orientation

Upper « » . Upper

ii
Middle i

п.
Middle

Lower I Artificial

< Lower
Figure3

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 Social Structureof Pakistan 627

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628 SabeehaHafeez

ArtificialMiddle Class
Artificial by the incomelevelcomparableto that
middleclass is characterized
of the realor ideal middleclassbutwithoutcomparablechangesin theireducational
attainments and the natureof occupation2 . Ideal middleclass is characterized
by
distinctoccuptionalboundaries withitsnorms.According to Weber,themiddleclass
includes groupswho have all sortsof property,or marketableabilitiesthrough
trainingand who are in a positionto drawtheirsupportfromthesesources. Ideal
middleclasscanbe distinguished fromartificial
middleclassin termsof thefollowing
norms. Each of thesenormsneedsto be operationalized and measuredon diverse
socio-economic groups.
TableI
Artificial
MiddleClass Ideal Middle Class

1. Emigrationof overseas workers Brain drain is one factorwhich is

is one factorwhichhas givenrise responsiblefor shrinking
the middle
to uneducatedwealthyclass or class.
middleclass.
artificial
2. Wealth or affluenceis the basic Education or trainingis the basic
necessityforadvancement in this necessityfor advancementin social
social class. Studieson overseas status.
workers and the urban poor
indicate that they spend their
money mainlyon the construc-
tion of theirown houses which
accordingto thembringsstatusto
them.[1;4;9; 19].
Preference forowninga house
is indicatedin a studyon poor
womenlikefactory workers based
on the responsesof more than
2000 womenfromdiversesectors
of industry in 30 cities[8] .
The secondpriority in spend-
ing money is for marriageof
children.High spendingon these

2 The
artificialmiddle class is notjust the class of emigrants.Its normsare sharedby those
who have not gone abroad to earn.

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 629

ceremonies enhancesthe statusof

the family. A respectablemar-
riagewill cost one year's savings
[9] . In case of factorywomen,
preferencefor expenditureon
preparationof dowry for their
daughtersis indicated;thisvaries
withtheprovinces.[8] .
Another exploratory study
based on 10 villagesfromSind
suggests that the community
preferred to spendon buildinga
wedding hall ratherthana school.
The otheritemsof expenditure by
the familiesare clothes,cooking
utensils, crockery, household
furnitureand some imported
articles, such as T.V., cassette
recorders,transistors, etc., pos-
sessionof which is considereda
status symbol. "However,
electrical goods for domestic
comforts like airconditioner,
refrigerators, washing machine,
etc. are not brought by the
emigrantsfor home [9] . This
consumptionpatternof earnings
is sharedby the factorywomen.
In Sind thepercentageof women
who had purchasedT.V. after
they entered working in the
factorieshas gone up from10.0
to 24.6 . In the Punjab the
increase in the percentageof
womenwho said theypurchased
T.V. onlyaftertheyhad takenup
a job in the factorieswas tre-
mendous: from0.43 percentto
25 percent. Similarly,in the
NWFP 75.5 percentsaidtheyhad

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630 SabeehaHafeez

T.V. at home comparedto only

0.4 percentwomenwho saidthey
possessed T.V. before they
entered paid employment.The
samepatternwas followedby the
womenfromBaluchistan:5.5 per-
cent had T.V. against3.7 percent
womenwho possessedT.V. before
theyundertookjobs [7] . Data
from the studies on overseas
workersfurther indicatethatthey
do not spendon providing educa-
tion to their children. They
engagetheirchildrenin workin-
stead of educatingthem. In the
study on factorywomen it is
foundthatalthoughtheyratethe
provisionof good-qualityeduca-
tion as an importantreason for
working,they actuallyspendon
items other than education of
theirchildren.Mostof themhave
purchaseditems of luxuryand
statusaftertheystartedworking.
They said they consumedtheir
earningson necessitieslike food,
clothing,transport, and payment
of loan. This finding,by implica-
tion, suggeststhat the instant
satisfaction of status needs
throughthe purchaseof desirable
luxuryitemsfromtheirhusbands'
wages delays the satisfaction of
their basic needs for food and
clothing.The delay cannot be
stretchedlong. The basic neces-
sitiesmustbe providedfromthe
limited salaries of women. The
expectationis to earn fast and
more. There is a dis-interest in

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 63 1

education among male children

afterClass III [4] and a decline in
the number of male students
pursuinghighereducation because
of incentives associated with
emigration[19] . In the studyon
factory women, 76.8 percent
from the Punjab, 78.7 percent
fromthe NWFP and 62.8 percent
from Baluchistan said their
relatives were impressed by their
improved standard of living.
Fewer said they were impressed
because of their capacity to pro-
vide services such as education
to their children(46.9 percent in
Sind; 41.4 percent in the Punjab;
58.1 percent in Baluchistan) [8].
Wheneverthe expenditureon the
education of childrenis made, it is
directed towards acquiring status.
Approximately 15 percent of the
returnees are keen to educate
their children through English
medium institutions. However,
4 percent among them are cur-
rently educating their children
through English medium school
[14; 15].
3. People do not utilize education
for self-advancement. Despite
higherinvestmentduringthe Fifth
Plan period or the investmentof
80 percent of allocated budget,
the enrolmentin primaryschools
increased marginally. The partici-
pation rate in primary schools
declined from 54 percent in
1977-78 to 50 percent in

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632 SabeehaHafeez

1982-83 and the femaleparticipa-

tion rate was far less than the
average. (See the Sixth Five-Year
Plan: 1983-88 published by the
Planning Commission, Govern-
ment of Pakistanin 1983.)
4. Multiple-generation or intergen- One -generation journey or intragen-
eration social mobility gradually eration occupational mobility lead-
leading to upward occupational ing to social mobility. Studies in
mobility. A study indicates general on occupational mobility
that those returnees who are indicate that a child or a son acquires
employed wish to continue with a higheroccupational status,although
their present jobs except a few evidence also exists about the sinking
(12 percent) who plan to change middle class.
their economic activity over the
next one year - "When asked to
mention the desired income, they
gave a figure which was at least
four times theircurrentincomes"
[14].
5. Degree tag is significant. A study Instruction process or learning ex-
on rural Sind indicatesthat adults perienceis significant.
of 18 years get themselves re-
gistered in primary schools in
the hope of acquiring a tag, of
having completed primaryeduca-
tion. This is done to acquire
social status.
6. Education or degree may be Education is aspired as a condition
acquired simply as the condition to meet the requirements of up-
to meet the requirements of ward social and occupational mobility.
middle class after acquiring the
wealth.
7. Social process for the artificial Social process for the real middle
middle class is an instantleap into class is legitimized occupational mo-
materialstatusor instantmobility. bility. It is contest mobilitywhereall

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 633

Some from the middle class can compete, and competitorsare not
use sponsored mobility for segregated.
protectingthe individualsof their
own class fromsinkinginto lower
class. In the case of sponsored
mobility '4he elite supervisethe
process of accent entry by
sponsorship into a club and their
segregations in favoured institu-
tions" [12]. In this sense artificial
middle class is generated from
withinthe middle class.
8. The artificial middle class sees The middle class sees society as a
society in terms of an individual's kind of ladder and an individual as
illegitimized struggleto accumu- master of his fate in so far as that
late material gains as he is not is decided by his place on it.
successful in gaining status
throughlegitimizedmeans.
9. Presupposes struggle -orientation Presupposes self-disciplineand com-
for quick gains in social status. In mitment to certain career goals. The
the case of overseas workers, in middle class sees the present only in
order to effectivelyfulfilmoney- relation to some futurepersonal goal,
makingmotive, life-style at home to achieve which, plans are con-
and abroad is organized and the sciously formulated and the possibil-
possibilities of present social psy- ities of present gratifications are
chic gratificationsare sacrificed. sacrificed.
Minimal cultural interactionwith
the Westernersis kept because of
the money-saving motive. Fre-
quent visitsto Pakistan are avoid-
ed for the same reason. Living
conditions abroad: perceived
discriminatory treatment and
cultural isolation do not seem to
have any upsettingeffecton them
so long as their earningcapacity
is not interferedwith by any
factors such as above. They

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634 SabeehaHafeez

continueto work abroad. Thus

an emigrantorganizeshis life
abroadto earnand saveas much
as possible [9] but this is not
done without social and emo-
tional costs of the familiesleft
behind. Althoughno change
is reportedin the assumptionof
additionalresponsibilities,women
sufferfrom various anxietysymp-
toms:fainting attacks,backaches,
sexual frustration and an increase
in drugabuse. [1] .

Table II

Status-centric
Orientation StatusOrientation

1. Snatchingand grabbingof privi- Acquisition of rights/ s

privilege
leges eitherthroughexploitation through the legitimizedmeans is
of family affiliations/provincial thepatternedbehaviour.
affiliationsor by use of pressure
tacticsis thepatternedbehaviour.
2. High aspirationsfor quick in- High aspirations for development
creasesin size of earnings
through of inner talents,abilitiesand capa-
unfairmeans,overwork, multiple bilities.
employmentand emigrationto
othercountries.
3. Compensationforlow prestigeis Prestige is enhanced through the
foundin quick increasein earn- development of culture - inner
ings. Hawkersof Karachi in the talents,inner capabilitiesand inner
study mentioned earlier were horizons.
found to desire money, not
changein theiroccupation.Fifty-
three percent felt that they
needed more money and with
more money they could easily

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 635

improve their lot. But 12 per-

cent sellers expressed the desire
for a better job. They do not
aspire to become shopkeepers to
improve their lot, although most
feel that othersview theiroccupa-
tion as a low one. Upward mobil-
ity which withinthe professionis
taken to mean moving up from
mobile to stationaryhawker and
that to shopkeeper is found to be
not pronounced. The study shows
that 55.9 percent of the mobile
hawkers, 55.2 percent of the
stationaryhawkers and 5 1.2 per-
cent of the shopkeepers have
remained in theirjobs ever since
they came to Karachi. Only 8.5
percentof the shopkeepersstarted
offas mobile hawkersand 4.8 per-
cent as stationary hawkers and
12.11 percent of the station-
ary hawkers as mobile hawkers.
tni.
4. Prestige is asserted at wrong time Prestigeis earned througheducation or
in wrong situation. In any situa- expressionof culturedbehaviour.
tion those who do not have
power or privilege assert their
prestige,or, till power or privilege
is made accessible, prestige is
asserted.This is manifestedin day-
to-day livingand in sensitivityto
any criticismpositive or negative.
Even if the criticismis legitimized
and correct it is not accepted or
heeded. It arouses strong reac-
tions. Mistakes are seldom ac-
knowledged or accepted. Instead,
theyare defended.

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636 SabeehaHafeez

5. Power3 is the strongestmotive. is thestrongest

Achievement4 motive.
Individualsaspireforpowermost
and societyinternalizespoweras a
more significantmotive than
achievement.It is foundin one
studybased on thecontentanaly-
sis of 20 novelsand shortstories
from Urdu and English text
books of the four provincial
boards for classes VI to X that
power motive is the strongest
motive in the total fictionto
which childrenin Pakistan are
exposed. The imageryforpower
motiveis foundin 82 percentof
the fictions. The fictionassigns
least significanceto the achieve-
mentmotive.The imagery forthis
motiveis foundonly in 50 per-
cent fictions. The thirdmotive,
viz. affiliation,
is placed in be-
tween. It is foundthat70 percent
of fictioncontainsimageryfor
motive[ 18] 5.
affiliation
6. Desire for recognitionexists to Recognition is acquired through
compensate for powerlessness. achievement.
The lowerparticipants in organi-
zationsperpetuateelitismas they
preferspendingtime in khush-
amad (sycophancy)thaninwork.
In a studyconductedon 999 male
voluntaryleadersand 22 female
voluntaryleadersin one slumof

3Power motive is "an

attemptto controlthe means of influencethroughthought,feelings
of action."
Achievementmotive is "a desire to attain a goal throughcompetingwith some standards
of excellence,unique accomplishmentor with a long terminvolvement."
Affiliation motive is "a concern over maintaining,establishingor restoringa positive
effectiverelationshipwithanotherperson.

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 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 637

Karachi,it has emergedthat the

leaderswho have scoredhighon
throughthe open-
powerlessness,
ended questionsdemandedpres-
tige/deferencefrom the govern-
ment and other elites, not so
much services and programmes
for the physicaldevelopmentof
theircommunity.They felttheir
voices could be heared if and
when they are accordedrespect,
and theircommunity'sstatusin
socio-economictermsis improved
[7].
7. Underlyingassumptionin inter- Underlying assumptionin interperso-
personalcommunication:"I am nal communication:"I can acquirea
always right, you are always highsocialstatuslikeyou ifI acquirea
wrong"; "I am betterthanyou. certainlevelof educationand occupa-
Yourarenotas good as I am". tioncorresponding to a certainlevelof
education."
8. Prestigeis self-definedor self- Judgementon prestigeis made in
ascribed. terms of norms relevantto sociali-
zationand achievements.
9. High aspirations,low achieve- Highaspirations,highachievements.
ments.
10. Priority: Winning. Good Performance
Priority:
of nationalwork:
11. Elitistdefinition
strong of political
identification
elites with national or centre.
Local elites, while maintaining
their group pride, seek identi-
ficationwith nationor centreor
powerin orderto be in a higher
statusthan they would be in if

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638 SabeehaHafeez

and when they identifythem-

selves with their local areas or
provinces.Grouppridebecomesa
motivationforceto seekposition
and statusin poweror centre.

Hypothesis
In Pakistan,themagnitudeof status-centricnormsis higherthantherateand
magnitudeof legitimizedoccupationalmobility,with the resultthat instantor
middleclass has emergedas a new social structure,
artificial perhapslargerin size
thantheideal or the realmiddleclass. The emergedsocialformationcompeteswith
theidealmiddleclassand posesthreatto itsemergence and growth.

A CriticalIssue
Two incompatible pathsto moveupwardin socialstatusoperateconcurrently.
The one is promotionof educationand employment;the otheris instantaccumula-
tionofwealthstronglydesiredand pursuedbymost.

PolicyImplications*
Competitionforgainsin wealthand incomesis enhancedat the expenseof
of education,particularly
under-utilization in theruralareas.

PolicyConcern
How to decreasethe rateand magnitude of status-centricorientation
or how
to increasetherateand magnitudeof occupationalmobility.

REFERENCES
1. Abbasi, Nasreen,and MohammadIrfan. "SocioeconomicEffectsof Inter-
nationalMigrationon the Families Left Behind". Islamabad: Pakistan
Instituteof DevelopmentEconomics. 1983. (Studiesin Population,Labour
ForceandMigration Project,ReportNo. 7)
2. Alauddin, Talat. "Mass Povertyin Pakistan: A FurtherStudy". Pakistan
Development Review. Vol. XIV, No. 4. Winter1975.
3. Bates, L. Frederick,anc^C. ClydeHarvey. TheStructureof Social Systems.
NewYork: GardnerPress,Inc. 1975. p. 309.
4. Bilquees,Faiz, and ShahnazHamid. "Impact of InternationalMigration on
Womenand ChildrenLeft Behind. A Case of a PunjabiVillage". Islam-
abad: Pakistan Instituteof DevelopmentEconomics. Janaury1981.
(ResearchReportSeries,No. 115)
♦Thereare manyotherpolicy implicationswhichwill call forseparatediscussion.

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 SocialStructure
ofPakistan 639

5. Gould, J., and W. L. Kold. A Dictionary of the Social Sciences. New York:
Free Press. 1964.
6. Hafeez, Sabeeha. "Glimpses into Rural Sind". (In preparationforpublication)
7. Hafeez, Sabeeha. Poverty, VoluntaryOrganizationsand Social Change: A
Study of an Urban Slum in Pakistan. Karachi: Royal Book Company. 1985.
8. Hafeez, Sabeeha. Womenin Industry. Islamabad: Women's Division, Govern-
ment of Pakistan. 1984.
9. Kazim, Ali, and Mohammad Pervez. Psycho -Social Background of Pakistani
Emigrant Workersto the WesternWorld. Islamabad: National Instituteof
Psychology. 1978.
10. Kemal, A. R. "Income Distribution in Pakistan: A Review". Islamabad:
Pakistan Institute of Development Economics. 1981. (Research Report
Series,No. 123)
11. Klitgaard, Robert E., Sabeeha Hafeez and Others. Exploring the Neglected.
Karachi: Applied Economics Research Centre, Karachi University. 1975.
(Resarch Report No. 4)
12. Little, John James. Social Stratification:An Introduction. London: George
Allen and Unwin Ltd. 1972.
13. Naseem, S. M. 4<MassPoverty in Pakistan: Some PreliminaryFindings".
PakistanDevelopment Review. Vol. XII, No. 4. Winter1973. p. 325.
14. Overseas Pakistanis Foundation. Left behind Families and Returnees. A
Surveyof Problemsand Proposed Solutions. Vol. I. Islamabad. 1983.
15. Overseas Pakistanis Foundation. Strategyfor Action, District Profiles and
Research Design. Vol.11. Islamabad. 1983.
16. Pakistan. Ministryof Interior,States and FrontierRegions. Census Organiza-
tion. Housing, Economic and Demographic Survey of Pakistan. Islamabad.
1973.
17. Pakistan. Population Census Organization. Census of Pakistan, 1981 (Census
BulletinNo. 8). Islamabad. 1981 .
18. Pervez, Seema. A ContentAnalysis of Text Books and Fictions Popular among
Secondary School Students. Islamabad: National Instituteof Psychology.
1984.
19. Shaheed, Farida. "Migration and its Effects on Women in the Villages of
Provenance". Paper prepared for the InternationalLabour Office Tripartite
Asian Regional Seminar on Rural Development and Women; Mahabaleshwar
(India), April 1981.

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 Commentson
"Social Structureof Pakistan: An Attempt
at DevelopingSome Concepts"

Dr Sabeeha Hafeez has givenus an excellentpaper in whichnew concepts

dealingwiththe socialstructure of the Pakistanisocietyhave beenexplored.Start-
ingwithconceptsof statusorientation and status-centric orientation, the contra-
dictoryforcesactivein the societyare discussed,namely(i) to emulatethe higher
class, specificallyin economictermsand the accompanying statussymbolsand the
of
form conspicuousconsumption, (ii) and the countercurrent, thecentricity of each
groupin termsof moralityand feelingof superiority in moraland normative terms.
These conceptswere thenappliedto two groups,therealmiddleclassand the up-
comingnew middleclass termedartificial,and it was shownthatthereexistsa
certaincorrelation.
Dr Hafeez thus builds up concepts about phenomenathat are otherwise
rumoursor simplygenerallybelievedto be rightand the development of these
concepts is built on factualand empirical evidence collected from studies made in
Pakistan.Theseconceptsthenare further builtintoan analyticalframework useful
fortheunderstanding of socialphenomenaimportant to thePakistanisociety.
Furtheron, it is shownthatconventional wisdomcan be rightby indicating the
of
accuracy public opinion in such an
cases,throwing interesting light on how and
whypublicopinionis formed.
Furtheron, the paperbringsup important questionsleadingnecessarilly to
further researchon theseand similarissues,someofwhicharementioned below.
By takingthe standpointof the real middleclass,as the authordoes in the
paper,it stillremainsto be seenwhichand whatthismiddleclassis. The definition
of the middleclass needsclarification and shouldbe morepreciseifthisinstrument
of analysisshouldbe usefulin future.The relationofthismiddleclassto theother
classesshouldbe includedand economicindicators shouldbe integrated.
the
Secondly, percentage of the middleclass in relationto theoverallsociety
and theworkingforceshouldbe approximated; likewisethepercentage of theartifi-
cialmiddleclassshouldalso be approximated.
Thirdly,it has to be consideredwhetherthe realmiddleclass is not actually
the IDEAL middleclass,as it seemsthat normselaboratedhere forthe artificial
middleclassarealso to be foundin the"real" middleclass.
Fourthly,the questionof educationneeds closerinvestigation. Does educa-
tion reallydecreaseor are the latestfiguressimplynot available? Certainreports
fromselectedareasofhighout-migration indicatethateducation,especiallyforgirls,
is on therise,whatever problemthisentailsforthefuturegeneration of brides.

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 Comments 641

Furthermore, the warningsabout Englishmediumschoolsspringing up from

nowhere,withoutreal resourcesfor an adequate education,and the subsequent
warnings about theseschoolsin the massmediaseemto indicatethatthese"educa-
tionists"caterto theneedsof certaingroupsthatdo comefromthemiddleclass,real
orartificial.
It can also certainlybe assumedthat the premiumon vocationaltraining is
stillveryhigh,as a welder,a plumber, etc.,is a
still sought-afterperson, also in terms
of migrant labour. That theseskillscan be gainedwithoutliteracyis certainly true,
buttheydo constitute a formof education.
Anotherimplication of thethesisof thispapershouldbe considered:thenew
or artificialmiddleclass,accordingto the definition of thispaper,seemsto be more
of an ad hoc groupwith economic equivalenceto the traditional middleclass. The
artificial
middleclass seemsto be further identicalto themigrant labourgroup.The
paper thuscontainsvaluableinformation on attitudesof migrant labourand their
familiesand providesa quantitative and qualitativeprofileof theseworkersin the
columnon theartificial middleclass.
The mostimportant questionto be asked in thiscontextseemsto be whether
thesephenomenaare of a lastingnature,i.e. whethertheupcomingmiddleclasswill
be able to maintainits statusas a middleclass, sinceDr Hafeez has also shown
thata changein valuesand normsof thiswillhaveto takeplaceiftheywantto con-
stitutea lastingpartof themiddleclass.
Whentalkingor writingabout the artificalmiddleclass as mainlyrecruited
fromthe migrant labourgroup,it has to be keptinmindthatby no meansis migrant
labour a homogeneousgroup. Migrantlabourdoes includeprofessionals such as
doctorsand engineers as wellas skilledand unskilledlabour.
Furthermore, insidePakistan,migrant labourdoesbelongto groupssimilarly to
be differentiated:an unskilledworkercan by all meansbelongto a middleclass,ifa
certainamountof landholding or a reasonablebusinessis partof thefamilyproperty.
All theseconsiderations - who is the workerinsidePakistan,and who is out-
sidePakistanin termsof class- haveto be takenintoaccount.
Furthermore, theincomeeffectson thefamilyshouldbe viewedwithcaution:
theaveragetimespentabroadis no morethan2.8 years,whichis a shorttimewhen
seenin relationto thewholeworking lifeofa person.The averagesavingsofmigrant
workersare no morethan60,000 rupees. Now,comingback,havinglosta placein
the Pakistanilabourmarket,the returneespendsmost of the moneynot onlyfor
consumergoods,but certainlyalso to bridgethe timebetweenthecome-backand
thetakingup of a newjob inPakistan.

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642 DorisNayyar

The questionof the upcomingmiddleclass is thus foremosta questionof

whetherthe phenomenaunder considerationare reallyof a lastingnature,thus
contributing to a newmiddleclass.
significantly
The questionof thedefinition
of classstillloomsthelargest.

Quaid-i-AzamUniversity, Dr Doris Nayyar

Islamabad

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