Media serves the interests of the state/ ruling class/capitalism. Assess this view.

Media has become free in its content production. Assess.

The Marxist theory of media is most relevant to today’s role of media channels. Assess.

Introduction about definition of media, new media, the changes it went through, state and
private ownership, controllers and managers, trends of concentration and conglomeration
Favor of Marxism Trend of concentration
Curran concentration in British newspapers
Compaine Global media market dominated by 7 media giants
Mcleish large firms owned by private families
Miliband General assumptions of Marxism in control of people’s minds
through persuasion and repetition
media content favors capitalism and rarely criticize it
Marxists believe that in order to legitimate and reproduce this
system of inequality, the capitalist class uses its cultural power to
dominate institutions like education and the mass media and
transmit ruling class ideology

Althusser Ideological state apparatus, false consciousness

Bagdikian News in the interest of capitalism gets coverage
business news gets coverage while critical views of state or poverty
gets lesser air time.
Owner dictate the political opinions expressed through papers or
channel/ the type of audience it would reach to/ and managerial roles

Newman Media’s representation of working class

labels working class as social problem

Curran and Seaton Media assumes the working class is not interested and capable
enough to seriously analyze political or social news.

Gate keeping:  The refusal to cover some issues e.g. strikes are widely reported
whereas industrial injuries hardly are.

Agenda setting according to the Glasgow University Media Group (GUMG) the
media sets the agenda and decides what issues are discussed by
society and which ones are not. This is known as agenda setting. The
GUMG argues that the media consequently present society with a
fairly narrow agenda for discussion. Agenda setting therefore results
in cultural hegemony.
Harrold Lasswell Hypodermic syringe model
Orsen Welles direct effect of media on passive audience
 Marxist cultural effects model sees the media as a very powerful
ideological influence that is mainly concerned with transmitting
capitalist values and norms. Marxists argue that media content
contains strong ideological messages that reflect the values of those
who own, control and produce the media. They argue that the long-
term effect of such media content is that the values of the rich and
powerful come to be unconsciously shared by most people – people
come to believe in values such as ‘happiness is about possessions and
money’, ‘being a celebrity is really important’, etc.
Disagreement with  argue that media content is mainly shaped by consumer demand in
Marxism the marketplace. Media owners therefore only give the public what
Pluralists they want. . Pluralists argue that it is practically impossible for
owners to interfere with the content of newspapers and television
programmes
Galbraith (1967) many media organizations are not controlled by one individual but
shareholders and the managers make the important decisions.
Competition leads to diversity

Neo marxists They argue that it is the dominance of ruling class’s culture (cultural
hegemony) that shapes the media.
This approach questions the idea that the behavior of working class is
directly manipulated, because the ruling class lacks the level of
cohesion that is needed to do it.

Compaine concentration trend is in small amounts

Postmodernists social media gave power to everyone. the public can use media to
oppose the policies they don’t feel are right
Marxism is deterministic and the concept of false consciousness has
also been questioned. Because today people have much more choice
than they used to have.

It also portrays audience and consumers as passive.

Gauntlett (2008)  The methodological critique of the hypodermic syringe model
Active audience approaches
Blumler and The uses and gratifications model
McQuail (1968)
and Lull (1995)
Conclusion The strengths of the pluralist approach would be that it recognises that
Evaluate pluralism at audiences are not passive recipients of media messages; and that they are
the end and finish with able to make choices about what they watch, read and listen to. A second
postmodernist model strength would be that the pluralist approach recognises bias in the media,
and how the scenario but maintains that audiences are also able to recognise bias so the media
 changed with arrival of loses the power to manipulate the public. The weaknesses of the pluralist
new media approach would be that media diversity does not in reality mean wide
ranging choice this is due to the concentration of the ownership of the
media e.g. Rupert Murdoch taking control of Digital Television. A second
weakness would be that journalists are closely vetted before they are
recruited so very few dissident voices are heard. A final weakness would
be that one question still remains; do we get the media we want, or do we
learn to want what we actually get?

Explain how pluralism and Marxism theories have different opinions about media being
the ideological state apparatus. 9 marker
Pluralism is the idea that society should be based on a wide range of social and political views
which takes into consideration the diversity of norms and values which exist in society today.
Pluralists therefore would have a very positive view of the mass media today as they would
argue that the growth in digital technology, user-generated content and social media has allowed
a voice to minority groups in society that may otherwise not have had a platform to state their
views and challenge the dominant ideologies of the ruling elite. Other sociologists however take
a more critical approach to ownership and control within the mass media, arguing instead that it
is purely another tool of the ruling elite to perpetuate capitalist ideologies.
According to Pluralists, “the media are an important part of the democratic process” because
they offer a voice to those who would perhaps otherwise not have their voices heard. Pluralists
believe that the mass media has at its heart the notion of profit and this means it is forced to meet
the needs of its audience, irrespective of the wishes of the media owners if it wishes to be
successful economically in a competitive media saturated market. Pluralists also point out that
there is huge diversity within the mass media in terms of format, from mobile phones to
newspapers, which have varied target audiences. This huge diversity means it is nearly
impossible for media owners to control the ideas and thoughts of the audience who are neither
homogeneous nor passive. However, this does not stop advertisers attempting to exercise power
and control over their audience. Sky and Google generate billions of pounds from selling
advertising space. This is clear evidence to support the hypodermic syringe model that argues the
audience can in fact be very passive and highly susceptible to dominant capitalist influence.
Marxist sociologists would argue that “powerful groups are able to control the output of the
media so that it reflects their own interests”. Miliband (1973) argues that the mass media
represents an ideological instrument that justifies class inequality by glamorising consumerism
and creating a myth of meritocracy. Marxists argue that the role of the media in scapegoating
social groups such as ethnic minorities as being criminal or the cause of social problems is
simply their way of dividing and ruling the working classes and this has become evident recently
in British society with the result of the Brexit referendum, where the media built a strong case
around the arguments to leave the EU - and justified this based on the threats that immigrants
have caused to British society, be it the pressure they place on public services, the threat they
cause to local jobs or the threat to public safety caused by Islamic extremism. This example
clearly demonstrates the way the ruling elite used the mass media to deflect attention from their
own exploitation of the working classes by placing the blame for social problems at the door of
ethnic minority communities. Similarly by ensuring the working classes remain divided, the
ruling classes are reducing the likelihood of a proletarian revolution as predicted by Marx. This
is clear evidence against the pluralist view that the mass media has empowered the working
classes or somehow exists to serve them. Based on the evidence, sociologists would agree that
the pluralist view does have some merits, but largely it is regarded as being far too positive.
Feminist sociologists would also point to the portrayal of women in the subordinate roles of
housewife/mother or sexual object. Critics argue that with more women than ever before
working in the mass media gender stereotypes have moved on from this outdated patriarchal
control (along with changes in the law to ensure equal pay). However it is important to note that
women are still over-represented in their traditional roles in the media and it is still
predominantly a male dominated industry - particularly at the higher levels.
It is also undeniable that the vast majority of media outlets are owned by a small number of
global media conglomerates, with six in the USA according to Bagdikian (2004). Similar trends
exist in Britain within the newspaper industry, according to Curran (2003) who stated that seven
individuals dominate the ownership and content of the UK press. There has also been a
significant growth in the power of media owners to spread their dominant ideologies with the
advent of globalisation which has allowed them instant access to a global online audience. This
again suggests that the mass media does not exist to serve the interests of the audience as
pluralism suggests, but instead is a tool of capitalist control which benefits the interests of the
ruling classes.
Quantitative content analysis is a better way to research the influence of media. Assess
explain the difference bw quantitative and qualitative research process in media.

Strengths of The main method used by sociologists for analysing media reports,
quantitativemethods/ whether they are textual or visual, has been content analysis. This is
agreements essentially a quantitative method which counts the frequency of
particular words, images or themes

Lobban content analyses of children’s books, to highlight how boys are

usually shown in active, creative, practical roles, whereas girls are
shown as passive, domestic, and as followers rather than leaders. This
involves creating a list of categories such as ‘takes lead’ or ‘follows’,
‘gives orders’ or ‘obeys orders’, ‘works out of doors’ or ‘works
indoors’, ‘mends car’ or ‘does housework’, and counting up each
occasion on which the characters in the book do these things.

Practical strengths Mass media reports exist in a variety of readily available and
accessible forms and consequently it is relatively cheap to construct a
sample and content analysis schedule.

Reliability It is regarded as a reasonably reliable method, especially if a research

team cross-checks its use of the content analysis schedule in order to
understand precisely what constitutes a particular category or code

Ethical strength It is a non-reactive and unobtrusive method, i.e. the document is not
affected by the fact you are using it and no human sample is directly
involved in the research.

Limitations may be influenced by the political and ideological values of the

researchers, and consequently biased.
Analysing media reports tells us very little about the effect on
audiences – we may find evidence of what we are looking for, but that
is no guarantee that audiences are taking any notice of it.
Content analysis ignores questions about why the media report was
produced and presented in the way that it was in the first place.

Qualitative data More detailed, valid,

strengths Glasgow University Media Group (GUMG) were probably the first
 research group to formally employ semiotics in textual and visual
analysis. They found that the language and images used by the media
are more sympathetic to the interests of the powerful and often devalue
the points of view of less powerful groups.
Lee Using internet for research

Media representation of social groups has limited, stereotypical, and narrowed approach
even in postmodernist society. Assess this view.

Agreement Marxist model, agenda setting, concentration’s effect on diversity

Representation of argue that mass media representations of social class tend to

class celebrate hierarchy and wealth. Those who benefit from these processes, i.e.
Neo Marxist the monarchy, the upper class and the very wealthy, generally receive a
positive press as celebrities who are somehow deserving of their position.

Newman Media’s representation of working class

labels working class as social problem

Curran and Seaton Media assumes the working class is not interested and capable enough to
seriously analyze political or social news.

Almy et al media representations not only stereotype masculinity and femininity into
(representation of fairly limited forms of behavior, but also provide gender role models that
gender) males and females are encouraged to aspire to.

Barnes argues that mass media representations of disability have

generally been oppressive and negative.
 Akinti argues that television coverage of ethnic minorities over focuses on
crime, AIDS in Africa and Black children’s under-achievement in schools,
whilst
ignoring the culture and interests of a huge Black audience and their rich
contribution to British society
Van Dijk content analysis of tens of
thousands of news items across the world over several decades confirms that
news representations of Black people can be categorised into several types of
stereotypically negative news.

Disagrees Pluralism
Digital pessimism--Digital social communication has reduced social inequality’.
Gaunlet – media as empowering women
postmodernism

Digital social communication has reduced social inequality’. Assess this point of view. [16]

Digital social communication refers to messaging others via technology such as the internet. Some argue
that the increase in use of digital social communication can widen participation in democracy and has
the potential to help people in their pursuit of life chances. For example, digital social media is a means
in which the public can participate in the democratic system. Members of the public can contact their
MPs through email, Twitter or create an online petition that can be shared through social networks.
Jurgenson argues how social networks were a useful tool in which people could make connections with
each other in the lead up to what became the Egyptian social revolution. This links to the pluralistic
theory of mass media: that the wider the range of media providers, the wider the range of opinions
being shared which leads to a more equal political system. Some argue that when people communicate
through digital social media, they are not face to face, and therefore, the interaction is free of anyone
being pre-judged based on how they appear. This was true in the research by Bloustein and Wood:
Second Life research, in which there seemed to be a post-modern opportunity to create a self-identity
free from being judged on appearance. For example, research by the charity group SCOPE (2000) found
that the leisure habits of 11-15 year olds were similar between people with and without disabilities e.g.
online activities such as social gaming. This point links strongly to Goffman’s presentation of the self: as
the players of online games never meet in person, a person who may face prejudice and discrimination
due to their body or the way they look, might feel empowered by the greater control of the
presentation of their self to others. However, other researchers are less optimistic about the equalising
effects of digital social communication. For example, access to digital social communication does rely on
the means to pay for online access. Although the price of devices has come down over time, the more
affluent will be more privileged in using digital social communication. The data that can be collected
from the use of digital social media can lead to greater surveillance and therefore manipulation of the
public. Foucault argued that over time, Governments and powerful institutions would develop
sophisticated means of surveillance over the population. Websites such as youarewhatyoulike.com and
a TED talk by Golbeck, 2013, regarding “Why Social Media Likes Say More Than You Think”, might lead
to a more unequal society in the sense that those in power gain even more control over the public. This
point has strong links to Marxist ideas that the state manipulates the public in order to maintain the
power of the bourgeoisie.

Digital social media may also be criticized from a feminist point of view as there is a large amount of
evidence describing the level of patriarchy that is online. Many examples of misogyny exist online shown
by the work of Ringrose et al (2013) who found evidence of how sexting between teenagers led to a
traditional control and exploitation of girls via the possession of photos stored on mobile phone devices.
To conclude, digital social communication can be used in ways to both reduce and further social
inequality. If we took a global view on this question, the gap in internet access between different
countries around the world suggests that the global village is an unequal one.