Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, 2016

VOL. 30, NO. 6, 706–713

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2016.1231788

Digital storytelling as ‘national cinema’?

Kelly McWilliam 
Faculty of Business, Education, Law and Arts, School of Arts & Communication, University of Southern Queensland,
Springfield, Australia

ABSTRACT
Digital storytelling is a co-creative media practice developed in California in
the early 1990s in which ‘ordinary’ people are taught to create short, usually
autobiographical ‘digital stories’. This article focuses on arguably the most
famous digital storytelling project – the BBC’s ‘Capture Wales’ programme –
to argue that not only are these digital stories, which are produced in
workshop settings by non-professionals and exhibited primarily on the
Internet in digital archives, ‘cinema’ but, moreover, that they collectively
constitute a kind of ‘national cinema’. Crofts has, for example, argued that ‘[l]
ocal cultural traditions and their articulation through film’ have ‘underpinned
the best-known’ national cinema ‘movements’, which have tended to emerge
at ‘historical moments when nationalism connects with genuinely populist
movements to produce specifically national films that can claim a cultural
authenticity or rootedness’ (4). This is the reading of Capture Wales – as, in
fact, a co-creative national cinema – that this article offers.

Introduction
Digital storytelling is a co-creative media practice developed in California in the early 1990s, and formally
launched at the American Film Institute in 1993, in which ‘ordinary’ people (or, simply, non-professionals)
are taught to create short, usually autobiographical films or ‘digital stories’ (Hartley and McWilliam 2009,
3–5). This article focuses on perhaps the most famous digital storytelling project: the BBC’s ‘Capture
Wales’ programme, which ran monthly digital storytelling workshops for the community between 2001
and 2008 and produced almost 600 digital stories. But while the BAFTA Cymru award-winning Capture
Wales has received considerable scholarly attention as both participatory media (see e.g. Meadows
2003; Meadows and Kidd 2009; Kidd 2005; Thumim 2006, 2009; Spurgeon et al. 2009; Spurgeon and
Burgess 2015) and pedagogy (see, e.g. Fletcher and Cambre 2009; Gordon 2011; Reeves 2013), it has
received comparatively limited attention from film scholars outside of brief acknowledgments like
Killborn’s (2004) that it is part of a tradition in documentary film-making ‘dedicated to the gathering of
oral testimony’ (29). This article seeks to address that absence by considering the implications of the
rise of digital storytelling to film studies in general and to studies of national cinema in particular, using
Capture Wales as a case study.
To do that, I offer an analysis of the texts, promotional discourses and larger theoretical contexts of
Capture Wales with reference to two aims: first, I consider digital stories of approximately 2-min duration,
which are produced in workshop settings by ‘ordinary’ people and exhibited primarily on the Internet
in digital archives as ‘cinema’; and second, I argue that these digital stories collectively constitute a

CONTACT  Kelly McWilliam  kelly.mcwilliam@usq.edu.au

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies   707

kind of ‘national cinema’. Crofts (2009) has, for example, argued that ‘[l]ocal cultural traditions and their
articulation through film’ have ‘underpinned the best-known’ national cinema ‘movements’; moreover,
these have tended to emerge at ‘historical moments when nationalism connects with genuinely populist
movements to produce specifically national films that can claim a cultural authenticity or rootedness’
(4). This is precisely the reading of Capture Wales that this article offers.

Digital storytelling
‘Digital storytelling’ has been used to describe a variety of diverse media forms and practices which
can be broadly categorized into two main conceptions, namely the ‘generic’ and ‘specific’ conceptions:
the generic conception of digital storytelling is epitomised by writers like Carolyn Handler Miller who, in her Digital
Storytelling (2004), uses the term broadly to refer to any media form that digitally facilitates interactive storytelling
(from online games to interactive DVDs). The specific conception refers to the co-creative filmmaking practice
developed by Dana Atchley, Joe Lambert and Nina Mullen in California in the early 1990s, now homed in the Center
for Digital Storytelling. […] Here, the process of creating a digital story is interactive, but the digital story itself is
not. (McWilliam 2008, 146)
It is the latter form I focus on in this article. ‘Specific’ digital storytelling, or what Knut Lundby describes as
the ‘by now classic model of Digital Storytelling’ (2) and is hereafter referred to as ‘DST’, takes a standard
format. Typically, DST adopts a workshop-based pedagogy with workshops lasting between 3 and 5 days
(Lambert 2010, 17). Workshops are structured around both narrative skill-building (for example, script
writing and storyboarding) and technical skill-building (for example, scanning photographs, recording
voice-overs and using editing software). However, ‘despite the term ‘digital’ in digital storytelling, the
emphasis in workshops ‘is on the story and the telling’, rather than on digital innovation (Hartley and
McWilliam 2009, 3). Burgess (2006) elaborates:
Digital storytelling in this form balances the ethics of democratic ‘access’ with an aesthetic that aims to maximize
relevance and impact. Economy is a core principle of this aesthetic – stories are around two minutes in length, using
scripts of around 250 words which are then recorded as voiceovers, and a dozen images, usually brought from
home. These elements are then combined in a video editing application such as Adobe Premiere or Apple’s iMovie
to produce a digital video that is of sufficient technical quality for Web streaming, broadcast, or DVD distribution.
The philosophy behind this economy is that formal constraints create the ideal conditions for the production of
elegant, high-impact stories by people with little or no experience, with minimal direct intervention by the work-
shop facilitator. The personal narrative, told in the storyteller’s unique voice, is central to the process of creating a
story and is given priority in the arrangement of symbolic elements. Narrative accessibility, warmth, and presence
are prioritized over formal experimentation or innovative ‘new’ uses for technologies. (207)
In this sense, DST is very much an institutionally dependent practice, relies as it does on access to trainers
in digitally equipped teaching spaces. As Hartley (2009) notes, ‘[t]he unusual thing about digital story-
telling compared with other digital products is that it is taught’ (31). ‘Indeed’, Hartley (2009) continues,
‘digital storytelling thrives among the very same community centers, voluntary organizations, and arts
activists who devote their time to improving the creative and performance talents of the otherwise
untutored multitude’ (32). Unsurprisingly, then, while there have been examples of DST being used as
part of commercial consultancies – most notably, Dana Atchley’s work in the late 1990’s with multina-
tionals like Coca-Cola – it is still overwhelmingly associated with the public sector: community centres,
schools, libraries and, as with Capture Wales, public broadcasters (McWilliam 2009, 39).

BBC’s Capture Wales

Capture Wales was a joint initiative between BBC Wales and Cardiff University that ran monthly DST
workshops in both English and Welsh languages between 2001 and 2008. Led by founding producers
Karen Lewis and Gareth Morlais and creative director Daniel Meadows, the programme encouraged
‘as diverse a group as possible’ to attend workshops, calling for ‘men and women of all ages, from all
parts of the country and from all walks of life’, with participants ultimately ranging from teenagers to
the elderly (‘About’ 2008). According to Meadows (n.d.), workshops were held in:
708    K. McWILLIAM

village halls, schools, libraries, miners’ institutes, and other local facilities around Wales. Over the course of five days
the team facilitated a mixed-ability group of ten people, many completely new to computers, working together
in a portable multimedia lab to create two-minute autobiographical stories, often drawing on images from their
family albums (‘Capture Wales’).
Participants brought in ‘photos and memorabilia to workshops’ for initial ‘storytelling sessions’ (Thumim
2006, 258) or ‘story circles’ (Hartley and McWilliam 2009, 3) – group sessions that began with exploring
story ideas and culminated in drafting a short script – before being tutored in Adobe PhotoShop and
Premiere in the portable media lab (Thumim 2006, 258). Once completed, the stories were initially
shared in a screening with workshop participants before being publicly exhibited in a number of ways.
During the life of the project, for instance, digital stories aired ‘most evenings’ on Welsh television,
including ‘on the flagship BBC Wales News programme, Wales Today’ (Thumim 2006, 258), as well as
being screened in some cinemas (Fyfe et al. 2009, 11). And now, years after the project’s conclusion,
the digital stories are still being exhibited. While most (404 of the 588 digital stories produced) are still
accessible from the Capture Wales’ digital archive, all were added to the National Screen and Sound
Archive of Wales in 2009 in a sign of their significance to Welsh screen culture (‘Short Films’ 2009).

Digital storytelling as ‘cinema’

Digital stories have been alternately described as ‘citizens’ media’ (Salazar 2010, n.p.), ‘scrapbook tele-
vision’ (Meadows 2003), ‘digital sonnets’ (Hartley and McWilliam 2009, 5) ‘multimedia movies’ (Roland
2006, 26), ‘self-portrait[s]’ (Kilborn 2004, 28) and ‘short films’ (Brice and Lambert 2009, 4). The varied
descriptions reveal a broader lack of consensus about how digital stories might best be conceptualized
in contemporary screen culture which would, at least, not surprise Meadows. Meadows notes that
digital stories ‘are not quite like any previous form of broadcast material – yes, they look a bit like films
[…] Yes, they are like radio-with-pictures’ (2003, 189). They are certainly not cinema in the traditional
sense of being a late nineteenth-century invention of the ‘moving image’, given that they are usually a
collection of still images, like scanned photographs, with a voice-over and soundtrack.
And yet, this can be true of films, too. Not only does cinema’s history begin with the magic lanterns
that emerged in the mid-1600s and were effectively the first projectors of still images (Borton and
Borton 2015), there are contemporary precedents, also. Historical documentaries often use archival
photographs with a voice-over, albeit briefly, and music videos can similarly use still images with the
song as an amalgamation of voice-over and soundtrack. Experimental films too adopt still images as a
visual strategy. For example, Chris Marker’s La Jetée (1962) – described as ‘one of the greatest films ever
made’ (Hall 2011, n.p.) and the inspiration for Terry Gilliam’s 12 Monkeys (1995) – is a short science fiction
film that is made almost entirely of still images, a voice-over and soundtrack. In other words, there are
certainly cinematic precedents that allow a consideration of digital stories as film.
More importantly, ‘cinema’ itself has been the subject of a broader reconceptualization catalysed
by the emergence of digital media, for as Manovich (2011) notes, ‘[d]igital media redefines the very
identity of cinema’ (n.p.). Henry Jenkins (2006), for example, positions digital cinema ‘in terms of demo-
cratic participation and amateur self-expression’ (574), the precise intersection digital storytelling neatly
occupies. Moreover, Manovich (2011) specifically argues that a focus on filming live action sequences –
in contrast to the emphasis on still images in digital storytelling – was actually the defining feature of
twentieth-century film, but which no longer holds true with the emergence of digital cinema:
As traditional film technology is universally being replaced by digital technology, the logic of the filmmaking process
is being redefined […] equally […] for individual or collective film productions, regardless of whether they are using
the most expensive professional hardware and software or its amateur equivalents. (7)
Manovich (2011) elaborates: ‘Beginning in the 1980s, new cinematic forms’ emerged that are ‘exhibited
on a television or a computer screen, rather than in a movie theatre’ (12). Citing the examples of music
videos and computer games like Myst (1993) that ‘unfolds its narrative strictly through still images’
(13), Manovich (2011) argues that while ‘cinema traditionally involved arranging physical reality to be
filmed through the use of sets, models, art direction, cinematography, etc. […] [i]n digital filmmaking,
 Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies   709

shot footage is no longer the final point’ (9). But, he argues, we do not need to see the progression
from traditional to digital cinema in a linear fashion, but rather as a succession of ‘distinct and equally
expressive languages’, the point of which is that ‘instead of dismissing visual strategies of early multi-
media titles as a result of technological limitations, we may want to think of them […] as a beginning
of digital cinema’s new language’ (Manovich 2011, 15).
While digital storytelling can at the very least be considered a part of digital cinema’s ‘new language’,
if not a legitimate site of digital cinema itself, it is perhaps unsurprising then that Capture Wales also
encourages a cinematic reading of its digital stories. Indeed, on the Capture Wales website, digital
stories are described as both ‘mini movies’ and ‘short films’ (‘About’ 2008). But to what extent can they
also be read as a project of ‘national cinema’?

‘Capture Wales’ as national cinema

There are two main conceptions of national cinema: as an industry and as a cultural project of national
representation (see e.g. Hill 1992, 10, 11; O’Regan 1996, 143; Street 1997, 1). If we take the first – an
industry that contributes to the ‘national economy in terms of the creation of jobs, attraction of over-
seas investment, export earnings’ and the like (Hill 1992, 10) – then digital storytelling can surely not
be considered as national cinema. Capture Wales was funded through the BBC or through television,
although so is much British cinema, to the extent that Ben Gibson has argued that the British film
industry is actually ‘a small service sector of the British television industry’ (Gibson 1992, 30; Petrie 1992,
3–5). And digital storytelling does, perhaps, contribute to a modest creation of jobs, as in the case of
those who conduct the workshop training, oversee the project and manage the digital archive, but it
is never likely to attract substantial overseas investment, nor export earnings.
However, if we take the second conception of national cinema, as a cultural project of representing
the nation through film and in such a way that ‘differentiates itself from others’ (Street 1997, 1), then there
are many more similarities than differences between Capture Wales and national cinema. For example,
the digital stories were all filmed in Wales, which is not insignificant given earlier criticisms that films
set in Wales were often filmed outside of Wales with non-Welsh actors, such that the early history of
Welsh cinema was often ‘made by outsiders’ (Berry 1994, 5, 11). More importantly, however, the digital
stories are also all collectively framed as a representation of Wales. The project itself was advertised on
the following premise: ‘The idea is to show the richness of life in Wales through stories made by the
people of Wales’ (‘About’ 1998). The title of the project, ‘Capture Wales’, similarly encourages a reading
of the project as a representative ‘snapshot’ of the nation, in the same way that ‘[c]inema’s public image
stresse[s] the aura of reality “captured” on film’ (Manovich 2011, 6; Balsom 2013, 24). Meadows, who is
based in Wales, has also described the digital stories as forming a ‘jigsaw that is the bigger story of our
time and our country’ that collectively shines a light ‘on an invisible nation’ (2003, 190). In other words,
the project has been consistently publicized as one of national representation, the key aspect of the
cultural conception of national cinema. In fact, even outside the project, scholars like Kilborn (2004)
have reflected that ‘Capture Wales’ is a ‘self-portrait of Wales today’ (28).
In some ways, the project’s location as a BBC Wales’ project both simplifies and complicates any claim
to national cinema. It simplifies it inasmuch as both ‘the idea of a national community has long been
entwined […] in particular with systems of public service broadcasting’ and the representation of that
nation ‘central to one view of what public service institutions in the cultural domain are for’ (Thumim
2006, 266, 267). Capture Wales is thus part of an institutional project of national representation. At the
same time, Britain is, of course, comprised of a number of nations, of which Wales is but one. What, then,
is meant by the ‘national’ in ‘national cinema’ in this instance? Is it a Welsh national cinema, a British
national cinema or something else? Capture Wales was commissioned by BBC Wales, the Welsh arm of
the BBC, but which also contributes significant content to its parent company, the BBC (including the
mega hits Merlin, Dr. Who and Sherlock), which might indicate that the project is institutionally British.
However, both the explicit framing of Capture Wales as a project of Welsh national representation and
the content of the stories as frequently engaging with notions of what it means to be Welsh – examples
710    K. McWILLIAM

of which I discuss later – suggest that the project is not simply located in Wales, but is also contributing
to a Welsh national imaginary. In other words, Capture Wales can be seen as contributing to a project
of national cinema that is institutionally British, but semiotically Welsh.1
It is equally what I will term a co-creative national cinema.
In different ways, national cinemas are often characterized as ‘a story of the local people-among-them-
selves framing their histories, their stories, their lifeways, their locations’ (O’Regan 2002, 156; see also Crofts
2009, 4). But Capture Wales epitomizes this tendency with its explicit enabling of self-representation,
which is the result, of course, of digital storytelling’s co-creative practice. While representing the public is
obviously part of BBC Wales’ mandate, ‘inviting that public to represent themselves’ is a shift in practice
that Nancy Thumim has described as ‘democratising’ (2006, 266). In some ways, the project’s location
within the ‘democratising’ innovations of a public service broadcaster also invites us to expand how we
think about national cinema because it addresses one of the most consistent criticisms of it. As John
Hill notes, it is a ‘constant criticism’ of national cinema that it ‘seeks to impose upon the nation not only
a historically frozen and hermetically sealed […] conception of identity but also an imaginary sense of
unity which fails to take account of the variety of collective identities and forms of belonging’, which
he describes as a ‘suppression of difference’ and, I might add, a suppression of historicity, too (1992, 15).
He goes on to call for a national cinema that ‘addresses nationally specific materials’, but which is ‘none
the less critical of inherited notions of national identity’ and which ‘does not assume the existence of a
unique or unchanging ‘national culture’’ (Hill 1992, 16; Turner 2002, 136). While Hill bemoans that this
kind of national cinema is ‘not the kind’ that is ‘encouraged by the market-place’ (1992, 17), it is, in fact,
precisely the kind of national cinema enabled by digital storytelling.
Consider, for example, ‘Proper Welsh’, a digital story completed by Stephanie Roberts in Maesteg, in
the south of Wales, in October 2007. Roberts’ story begins with the statement (directed at her) that ‘You
are the Welshest person I’ve ever met’, before the sound of a heavy stamp, indicating her frustration with
the sentiment. Her digital story is subsequently occupied with considering ‘But how Welsh am I?’ which
she does by reflecting on how her ‘Welsh-ness’ is received in different places (at home, at university and
abroad). Roberts light-heartedly measures her identity against stereotypical markers of ‘Welsh-ness’,
noting that ‘I don’t have a weird obsession with sheep, I gave up the harp to play the trumpet and I’ve
never thrown my knickers at Tom Jones’, although ‘I’m definitely Welsh. […] I speak Welsh and I’ve got
a father called Dai who worked down the pits’. Here, Roberts reflects on how others position her as an
idealized site of Welsh national identity as a means of problematizing the very possibility of it, which she
achieves through a satirical comparison with prominent stereotypes. It is both emphatically individual-
istic as well as a ‘direct response to the imposed uniformity of Welsh stereotypes’ (Woodward 2003, 193).
Indeed, there is frequently an active engagement with national stereotypes in Capture Wales
digital stories. For instance, John Gates’ digital story ‘Stitch Master’, produced in the same workshop
as Roberts, discusses his role as a 20-year veteran of coal mining. The Welsh coalminer is, of course,
arguably the most common stereotype of industrial Wales and is one associated with a macho work-
ing-class masculinity (Richards 1997, 228). As Deidre Beddoe (1986) writes, ‘Not only is the dominant
image of Wales male and mass, it is also macho. Coalminers […] evoke visions of strong male bodies
caked with grime’ (227). Here, however, that stereotype is undermined with Gates’ revelation that his
biggest passion is not only embroidery, but also teaching embroidery to others. Kevin Plant’s ‘Steel’,
produced in Wrexham in the north-east of Wales in 2001, continues the focus on Welsh industry. In
his story, Plant is interested in the ‘profound effect’ the steelworks and its subsequent closing had
on both his family and village, the point of which is not to render nostalgic a popular site of Welsh
nationalism, but rather to emphasize the dynamism and constant change of life and locale. Plant
concludes his story, ‘Places change, people change. Brymbo and I are no exception. My children will
have new experiences, new ties, new memories – and that’s just fine – that’s how it should be’. Across
these digital stories, then, there is a frequent engagement with key sites of Welsh nationalism, but
one which does so through the dynamism of the individual, offering Hill (1992, 15–17) the precise
model of national cinema he sought, but had yet to see.
 Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies   711

Conclusion
Kate Woodward (2003) writes that film ‘contributes in its own ways to the construction of a national
imaginary’ (189) and this is perhaps particularly true of the digital stories of the BBC Wales’ Capture Wales
project. From mining strikes (Les Rees ‘The Miners’ Struggle’ 2007) and closing steelworks (Kevin Plant’s
‘Steel’ 2001) to factories (Patricia Jones’ ‘A Stitch in Time’ 2007) and male choirs (Geraint Rhys Davies’
‘The Conductor’, 2007), the Capture Wales’ digital storytelling project produced hundreds of short,
‘specifically national films that can claim a cultural authenticity or rootedness’ based in the self-rep-
resentations of locals (Crofts 2009, 4; Woletz 2008, 594). Enabled by the co-creative practices of digital
storytelling, a practice that emerged in the early 1990s in California and was taken up by the BBC in
the early 2000s, Capture Wales arguably moves us closer to Hill’s vision of a national cinema that is
specifically national and emphatically pluralistic in its ‘multiple articulations of national identity’ (Hill
1992, 16; Turner 2002, 136).
Yet, this model of national cinema – which, housed within the auspices of the BBC but part of a Welsh
national imaginary is both institutionally British and semiotically Welsh – is not quite like anything
we have seen before. As Fyfe et al. (2009) write in their review of the project, the ‘sum of these stories
creates a meta-narrative that is far greater than the sum of its constituent parts’ that is not only ‘[t]he
story of Wales’, but a story that is ‘very different from the story that is often told about Wales’ (35). Here,
then, Capture Wales reveals the ways ‘co-creative media practices’ can and do ‘help to create spaces
in which new knowledge and culture can emerge’ (Spurgeon et al. 2009, 284). In this instance, what
the ‘new’ Capture Wales offers us is a model of co-creative national cinema. And while it is the first of
its kind, it will no doubt not be the last innovation digital storytelling, and participatory culture more
broadly, has to offer studies of film.

Note
1. 
There is, in fact, a broader historical precedent to this kind of institutional and cultural negotiation. As Dai Smith
writes, ‘Wales was seen by the Welsh as an integral part of the Empire of Nations. Welsh could be thus Welsh by
origins, language, territory and religion and British in politics, social aspirations and links. Except for a few nationalist
patriots, there was no contradiction in this’ (Smith 1984, 45).

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor
Kelly McWilliam researches and teaches widely in contemporary screen culture. She is the co-editor, with John Hartley,
of Story Circle: Digital Storytelling around the World (Blackwell, 2009) and, with Jane Stadler, the co-author of Screen Media:
Analysing Film and Television (Allen and Unwin, 2009).

ORCiD
Kelly McWilliam   http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3991-4593

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