Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Text Types and The History of English (Manfred Gorlach, 2004)
Text Types and The History of English (Manfred Gorlach, 2004)
English
Manfred Görlach
Mouton de Gruyter
Text Types and the History of English
≥
Trends in Linguistics
Studies and Monographs 139
Editors
Walter Bisang
Hans Henrich Hock
Werner Winter
(main editor for this volume)
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Text Types
and the History of English
by
Manfred Görlach
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.
앪
앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines
of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.
Görlach, Manfred.
Text types and the history of English / by Manfred Görlach.
p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs; 139)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes.
ISBN 3-11-017372-7 (acid-free paper)
1. English language ⫺ History. 2. English language ⫺ Variation.
3. Literary form ⫺ History. I. Title. II. Series.
PE1075.G58 2004
4201.9⫺dc22 2004040231
ISBN 3-11-017372-7
” Copyright 2004 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin
All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this
book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechan-
ical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, with-
out permission in writing from the publisher.
Cover design: Christopher Schneider, Berlin.
Printed in Germany.
Contents
List of figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
List of texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x
List of facsimiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
1 Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Facsimiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
Indices
Index of persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Index of topics, terms, places and anonymous works . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326
Index of words and phrases. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
List of figures
1 To Longacre (as well as Biber and many others) text types are expert categories defined by internal,
formal features, while genres are folk categories defined on external, contextual grounds. Görlach’s text
types are folk categories in whose definition internal and external criteria are combined (ch. 3.2.2). My
use of text type follows Longacre. Whenever a distinction between genre and text type seems unneces-
sary, I use the superordinate term text class.
xvi Foreword
Since the study of Indian English has already been touched on, it is perhaps
best to begin with the third group. That the number of text classes is an im-
portant measure of the social function of a language, and of the complexity
of the society using that language, is an insight that has long been familiar to
historians of the English language. What has been called the “reestablishment
of English” is reflected in the growing number of text classes using English
after the Norman Conquest. Görlach applies this insight to language varieties,
noting a decrease in Scottish and an increase in Indian English. While the
decrease in Scottish English merely shows one native variety giving way to
another, Indian English is a variety with few if any native speakers (ch.
10.1). Much of the material offered by Görlach will cause amusement as
well as guilty consciences. As linguists we like to think of our discipline as
objective and value-free. With characteristic boldness, Görlach honours this
principle in the breach rather than the observance, using naughty words like
deviation, wrong, garbled or overuse in his description of a provincial Indian
journalist’s English (ch. 10.2, all in one paragraph). There is an awkward
lesson to be learnt here: many linguists will argue that such qualifications
simply reflect our Eurocentric arrogance and have no place in a truly scien-
tific description of Indian English. We may even add, in a rather less value-
free vein, that to discriminate against the variety of English so characterized
is to alienate its users from their own culture. But must we not keep in mind
that accomplished Indian writers in English of world-wide repute will never
use that kind of English and that, for instance, Arundhati Roy’s justly fierce
criticism of President Bush would never find a hearing if it were expressed
in such language? Görlach’s epithets may raise some anti-prescriptivist eye-
brows, but they do reflect the complex relationship between exogenous
norms and endogenous practice which characterizes the use of English as a
second language. Norms are an important facet of linguistic reality which
sociolinguists and language teachers ignore at their own and others’ peril.
The growth of his collection of text class names is perhaps the most
eloquent testimony to Görlach’s energy and the comprehensiveness of his
approach. By 1990 he had already found more than 1,000 lexemes denoting
text classes (Görlach 1991d: 203; 1992b: 743). That number has now grown
to about 2,000 (Görlach 2001: 53, 56, 63–81, 2002c: 17; cf. this volume,
ch. 2). The sheer numbers demonstrate the daunting dimensions of the field
which he has opened for us. As I have tried to show with the example of
foreword, many of these lexical items are polysemous. Polysemy or vague-
ness is a necessary condition for semantic change, a fact which Görlach
illustrates, above all, with recipe (ch. 4) and advertisement (ch. 5). In recent
years he has extended his approach to a more ambitious enterprise: a com-
ponential analysis of the entire lexicon of text class names. In the original
Foreword xvii
version of ch. 2 (Görlach 2001: 53) he admits that he had decided “with
many qualms” to base his analysis on “more or less encyclopedic distinc-
tions”. In the present volume (ch. 2.3) the qualms have been reduced from
“many” to “some”. In my humble opinion that is a step in the right direction,
and I am looking forward to the day when the qualms will have been entirely
overcome. The distinction between “encyclopedia” and “lexicon” or “diction-
ary” is so uncertain (cf. Lyons 1995: 100 –101) that it should not be allowed
to stand in the way of an important and useful project. If a lexicon of text
class names is to be of use to historical text linguists, it must draw on
knowledge of the objects designated by those names, i.e. on encyclopedic
knowledge. The example of foreword and its synonyms preface and intro-
duction shows that a semantic analysis in terms of lexical distinctive features
is insufficient: all three words may refer to texts written either by the author
of the book or by someone else. The opposition [± by author] thus does not
seem to be distinctive in the lexicon. But the linguistic characteristics of the
texts concerned will vary greatly according to whether the feature in question
is specified plus or minus.
In Görlach’s work the study of text class names is intimately connected
with that of individual text classes. The food recipe, the dedication and the
advertisement have become the object of important case studies (chs. 3, 4,
5). They have a single, sharply defined purpose and are accordingly instan-
tiated in short texts: the recipe tells us how to do something, the advert
urges us to do, i.e. buy, something, and the dedication praises a person. This
fact alone should make them ideal for a study of the nexus between form and
function which is the basic Erkenntnisinteresse of all linguistic research. But
since these genres represent non-expository, non-narrative text types sensu
Longacre, they are seriously under-represented in the computer-readable
corpora of both contemporary and historical English which have so far pro-
vided the basis for the best-known text-typological studies. The absence of
a procedural text type from Biber’s typology may well be a consequence of
his sampling frame. A Biber-type feature analysis of these and similar genres
as suggested by Manfred Görlach (ch. 2.6, 3.2.2) may indeed open exciting
perspectives. Above all, it may tell us to what extent those genres remain
limited to their original functions and thus to their original text types.
Typologically, we think of the cookery book as a book telling us how to
cook. But Görlach’s analysis has shown that historically it may acquire
other functions as well. The extent to which these other functions are
reflected in linguistic form is a question which should be of interest to all
linguists – not just historical ones. Our hope must be that in his new status
as professor emeritus Manfred Görlach will find the time and the resources
to extend his research in these promising directions.
1 Preface
Laass who produced a computer printout of the text with great care, to
Werner Winter who accepted the book for publication and to experts at
Mouton de Gruyter who advised me during the last stages of production.
2.1 Introduction 2
As has been known for some time, linguistic investigations cannot be lim-
ited to the classic disciplines of phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicol-
ogy, whether we approach the topic in a synchronic or a diachronic way.
The correlation between types of situation, textual functions and con-
ventionalized linguistic features, a discipline structured by what has been
called register or style (cf. Crystal and Davy 1969), is certainly one of the
most attractive fields available for future research. In the history of philol-
ogy/ Sprachwissenschaft/ linguistics certain topics and periods have been
prominent fields of investigation – the tradition concentrated on Laut- und
Formenlehre in 19th-century comparative linguistics and philology, whereas
syntax and semantics have been more prominent in diachronic investiga-
tions more recently. Such refocusing is not just a matter of changing meth-
ods and scholarly objectives, but should also – ideally – be guided by the
salience of linguistic developments on a specific level in a particular period.
Thus, it can be argued that OE is the ideal period for investigating inflex-
ional morphology and calques, the OE/ ME transition phase for the loss of
inflexion and the resulting typological changes, ME for the impact of
French/ Latin on the native vocabulary and societal triglossia, EModE for
unmonitored homogenization in spelling and functional selection as well as
borrowing necessitated by the expansion of domains affecting syntax and
stylistic variation, the 18th century for attitudes on correctness and prescrip-
tive grammar, and the 19th/20th centuries for phonetics and phonology,
dialectology, sociolinguistics, and multilingualism, and so forth (cf. Görlach
2
This chapter is based on my contribution to the Bochum conference (= Görlach 2001). It is here
greatly expanded to serve as an introduction to the present book and comprises a thoroughly revised list
of text types, supplied with short definitions and dates taken from the SOED. The original paper has
profited from comments of participants at the conference. I also gratefully acknowledge the intellectual
debt to Peter von Polenz, who mentioned in a seminar some thirty years ago (!) that an analytical
description of text types might well start with a componential analysis of types which have conventional
names given to them – in German or in any other language. The same idea was followed up by Dimter
(1981: 33), who counted entries designating everyday concepts of text types in German in Duden
(1973); he found some 1642 names, of which 480 are basic (grundlegend) and 1162 derivative
(abgeleitet: mostly compounds), but thinks there may be as many as 5,000 categorizable in 120 classes
(1981: 20).
4 A history of text types: A componential analysis
Figure 1. The functional distribution of English in various domains from 700 to 1800
(adapted from Görlach 1992b)
because oral traditions predominate, cf. 4.4; also note the unusual type of
Philippine advertisements employing English and Filipino in the same item,
facs. 26). Alternatively, existing native categories were often transferred to
the nationalized varieties of English in the country. Compare my analysis of
the situation in India (ch. 10): if we wish to explain why a certain text in
IndE strikes us as peculiar, we will have to determine:
1. Which text types are not found in English and never have been
2. Which text types are represented locally only by IntE – either because
such books are always imported, or written by expatriates
3. If local Englishes are used, what present-day regional and social varia-
tion there is (as in the metropolitan vs. provincial contrast in many
anglophone countries’ daily newspapers, which combines with the
tabloid vs. quality distinction to form very intricate patterns)
4. If there has been a historical development within the genre, in what ways
existing deficiencies have been filled (indigenous developments, or
through borrowing of styles from BrE, AmE or other forms of English)
5. How conspicuous ‘misuses’ of register found in the individual category
are, and whether these are to be explained by the carry-over of features
from related text types. How important stylistic traditions and expecta-
tions in the local languages are, i.e. how far deviances from IntE can be
explained as stylistic calques
6. What new text types have developed in regional Englishes to satisfy
communicative needs, and how (5.) features in old and new text types
compare
7. What evidence of stylistic ‘colonial lag’ is found in individual text types
in different varieties, i.e. why some local traditions strike us as markedly
‘Victorian’. (quoted from Görlach 1998a: 130)
3
One of the most ambitious attempts at establishing methodical foundations of the discipline by com-
parison of the major tenets of scholars writing on genre/ text type is provided by Diller (2001). His
results are, however, difficult to apply to an empirical study such as mine. Lee (2001) has recently
attempted to sort out the problem of text types for the classification of genres in computer-readable cor-
pora, but his results are not totally convincing, and not applicable to problems treated in my study .
4
For the rhetorical tradition which correlated stylistic appropriateness with functions and situations, and
thus provides a kind of prehistory of the discipline, with an enormous time depth and substantial impact
in the formation of new text types and the elaboration of old ones, especially in the Renaissance, see below.
5
In one of the first redactional conferences at Cambridge I strongly urged (without any success) that
each volume should have a chapter on text types rather than merely on ‘literary language’ so that readers
might become aware of what types made use of English (rather than Latin or French, cf. graph 1 above).
The restriction to literature in the CHEL now means that the special position of the literary language is
less clear than it might have been and that many text types are excluded (or dubbed ‘literary’with dubi-
ous claims to that qualification).
8 A history of text types: A componential analysis
Analysis should then, I suggest, start with the compilation of a list of words
designating specific text types. The assumption is that although not all con-
ventionalized uses of a language have a term relating to them, those that
have can probably be correlated with specific functions and recurring lin-
guistic features as well as writers’ intentions and readers’ expectations 6.
However, a decision on which terms qualify for inclusion is quite problem-
atic, as it is with exhaustive listings of members in other semantic fields; the
difficulties of such a delimitation are here caused by the following points in
particular:
6
As a consequence my approach excludes research aimed at establishing universal categories derived
from communicational, pragmatic, speech-act and logical classifications (cf. Große 1974).
The inventory of text types and distinctive features 9
4. A few terms are obviously foreign and their applicability to English con-
texts is doubtful; often the foreign nature combines with their occurrence
in historical contexts or extremely specialized jargon.
5. There is an old controversy as to whether compounds should be included
in the analysis of lexical fields. There is, in the field under discussion, no
limit to the possible specifications which make a term applicable to indi-
vidual domains: consider here the combinations of bill of x, or com-
pounds with writ, book, etc. as first or second elements. The degree of
lexicalization, that is, of the loss of transparency, can indicate whether
designations should be listed, but the criterion is impossible to apply in
an objective way (cf. the detailed discussion of bill and letter below).
Literary scholars tend to distinguish between different kinds of stories
and tales, but it is uncertain which of these qualify as text types, and on
the basis of which criteria.
6. Many expressions relate to certain portions of individual text types (a
dedication) or, by contrast, collections of items (a newspaper); these
terms should all be included since they can be described in a kind of
‘syntax’ of text types.
7. By contrast, the following terms do not qualify for inclusion in a list of
text types as I define the concept:
a) names of styles (headlinese, euphuism)
b) names of rhetorical figures (such as anadiplosis, … zeugma) and syn-
tactical structures (anaphora, parataxis)
c) expressions relating to ways of speaking and writing in a non-specific
manner, or to differences in the production of texts (scribbling, stut-
tering etc.)
In sum, we can state that when text types become conventionalized, the
need for specific designations arises. These names will be in the form of
new items – ad-hoc compounds or paraphrases which in due course will
become lexicalized – or consist in existing terms applied to the new text-
specific context, or derive by metonymy from the object on which the text
is placed or (more frequently) the name of an action/activity being trans-
ferred to the result in form of a written text, and finally speech acts coming
to be also used as text types (cf. figure 2).
While these restrictions are comparatively easy to formulate in principle,
they are very difficult to apply to specific instances. This becomes quite evi-
dent when a list of potentially relevant terms and their distinctive features is
put to the test. Ephemera present a special problem for text-type classifica-
tion. Categories offered in relevant studies or encyclopedias (Richards 1988,
10 A history of text types: A componential analysis
ad hoc
compounds applications
paraphrases text
types objects with
inscriptions
speech
acts activities
> results
2000; Allen and Hoverstadt 1983; Lewis 1962; Makepeace 1985; Curties
1994) are based on encyclopedic criteria and leave open how far specific
types of text are constitutive for, or contribute to, the classification. I have
here chosen Richards’ Encyclopedia of Ephemera (2000) – all 1,100 entries
conveniently listed on the fly-papers. The headwords provided very few
additions to my earlier list (such as equivoque) – most are subclasses (at
best) defined by specific applications (mostly in form of compounds) or
they designate items which may have a text on them rather than constituting
text types. Thus Richards details under Funeralia alone:
invitations to funerals, undertakers’ papers, monumental masons’ papers,
mourning outfitters’ papers, funeral meeting announcement, burial card,
mourning stationary, memorial card, cemetery papers, mortuary and coro-
ner’s cards and state funeral papers (Richards 2000: 155–8).
7
For other types of revision cf. bowdlerization, rewriting ad usum Delphini or ‘easy readers’ pro-
duced for use in language learning. They share the intentionality of the rewriting, and the fact that they
do not transcend the boundaries of the text types (in contrast to, say, librettos based on prose works). All
these types, it is needless to say, provide serious problems for textual editing.
12 A history of text types: A componential analysis
independent
accomp. el.
speech act
homogen.
technical
intention
fictional
original
written
formal
prose
topic
letter ± — + + O ± — + — R + — I
diary — — + + O — — + — O + — Rm
joke ± + + — O — — + — E — + A
conversation — — + — O — — + — O + — O
drama — — + + O — — ± — O + + A
act/bill + + + + L + + + — Dr — — C
newsp. advert — — — + O — — + + C + — Pu
sermon — — + — R + — + — R + — T
polit. speech — — + — P ± — + — R + — T
leader — + — + O + ± + — R + — T
hymn + + + + R + — — + O — O T
sonnet + + + + Lt + — — — O + + A
libretto — — + + O — — ± + O + + A
oath ± + + — O + — + — C — — Af
proverb + + + ± O — — + — O — O T
Figure 3. A first componential analysis of fifteen text types (quoted from Görlach
1999): topics: L = legal, Lt = literature, R = religion, P = politics; speech
acts (in a general understanding): C = commissives, D = declarations, Dr =
directives, E = expressives, Rp = representatives; intention: A = amuse,
Af = affirm, Cd = codify, I = inform, Pu = publicize, Rm = remind, T =
teach; O = indistinct or various
The inventory of text types and distinctive features 13
The componential analysis of lexical items should ideally start from compar-
isons of senses establishing the minimal semantic differences. The method
has been fruitfully applied to smaller lexical fields, especially where the
number of distinctive features is limited and fields are organized in obvious
patterns. A tentative feature analysis of a few text types will be useful to
illustrate the method here described (cf. figure 3 above).
Such a comprehensive description was out of the question in a field com-
prising some 2,000 terms. (There are even more if we count the individual
senses of polysemous items separately.) I have therefore decided, with some
qualms, to start from more or less encyclopedic distinctions, which have
been impressionistically postulated in the hope that they will turn out to
reflect semantic contrasts.
If we want to visualize the position of text type linguistics, the obviously
closest disciplines are rhetoric (dealing with appropriateness of expression)
and stylistics (treating the choice of linguistic alternatives) – two disciplines
that are very close to each other and for some scholars in fact largely identical;
text linguistics investigating coherence and cohesion as constitutive features
text
linguistics stylistics
socio-
linguistics English
for special
purposes
2.4 Procedure
1. The field of religion has always puzzled me. If we group the concepts of
prayer, sermon and church hymn under this label (cf. Figure 4), we will
find that most of the individual features making up their contents agree
with those of the items petition, political speech/lecture and folk-song
respectively. Obviously, what we have here is a multidimensional set of
contrasts rather than one solely organized within the field of religion.
rel. to Bible
stereotyped
educational
in service
by priest
dialogue
address
by rote
public
sung
read
anthem + + + + — — — + — — —
hymn + + + — — — — + — + —
sermon + + — ± ± + + — + + —
homily + + — ± + + + — + + —
lesson + + + + — + + — — ± —
prayer ± ± ± — — — + — + + —
litany + + + ± — — ± ± + — +
Figure 6. Analysis of seven religious genres (quoted from Görlach 1999: 143)
2. A few items might have been given two entries in my list. However, I
have not yet made a full study of my provisional classification into poly-
semous and homonymous items. It appears evident that legend ‘narrative
dealing with a saint’s life, intended for believers as a pattern to imitate’
Procedure 17
Finally, subdivisions tend to break up into more and more subtypes which
may well be clearly distinct in linguistic form as they are in communica-
tional function. Consider the general item report which can be specified as
sports report, which is again subcategorized as to medium (newspaper,
radio, television, etc.) and further according to the type of sports, more
detailed categorizations which are correlated with major textual differences
not only in the field of lexis.
As regards the actual state of my reflexions, I cannot do any better than
to explain the categories used in my preliminary classification. Note that
not all distinctions are binary, or binary plus ‘does not apply’, as in many
systems of structural semantics. I have rather tried to keep my system as
flexible as possible, with later categorization in stricter form to follow if
advisable. Also, the sequence of my parameters A to Y has no logical order
so far – an analysis of existent clusters and gaps, preferably with the use of
a data bank, will in future hopefully tell us more about the generality or
salience of the categories and how they might be optimally arranged.
D and E relate to types in which the words do not come alone but are
always accompanied by either music (esp. in songs) or illustrations/graphs/
graphics (ranging from cartoons to maps). I have so far only noted the fact
in a binary form as yes/no, or with/without. Further subclassification may
well be necessary.
F, G, and H relate to the status and complexity of a given text type. A com-
parison with the terminology of mineralogy will be useful for F: I have
called types like letters or newspapers conglomerates because they contain
a melt-down of component parts of different genres, unified by their position
in the larger whole, but also by their accommodation to the personal, group
and period style of the text in which they occur. By contrast, ‘composite’ is
meant to indicate that there is a fixed sequence and functional distinction
between parts, as a book can be expected to start with a dedication, ac-
knowledgements, table of contents, etc. and end with a reference section and
an index. These categories are, according to H, bound, that is, they do not
occur by themselves, as prefixes and suffixes do not in word-formation, but
they are of course text genres, as much as affixes are morphemes. A free text
type, then, corresponds to a lexeme in that it is independent.
Q – the degree of formulaicness varies a great deal from type to type, and
from culture to culture. It cannot even be assumed that the degree of for-
malization will be stable, or teleologically develop towards greater formu-
laicness, as examples like the cooking recipe or the dedication show (cf.
chs. 3 and 4). By contrast, legal texts have developed towards a perfectly
unambiguous formulaic form, and then frozen into a permanent shape
which can be supplemented, or replaced, but cannot vary idiosyncratically.
Since we have to do with a cline or a more-or-less of formulaicness, the
20 A history of text types: A componential analysis
W – whether a text type has a public function or not, and whether an indivi-
dual text is formulated to meet this requirement, has obviously to do with the
field, the situation, the formality and the finality of the form; again overlaps
with other parameters will be investigated to see how the classification can
be refined.
Y – the official character of a text means that there is an authority that sees
to it that the contents are binding for the people affected – a typical feature
Outlook 21
2.5 Outlook
The sketch here presented will have to be tested for its validity in a more
comprehensive study. My aim, which may indeed prove impossible to
achieve, is to contrast terms of the ModE semantic field of text types, using
methods of componential analysis, in order to include an exhaustive inven-
tory of designations (and exclude terms that are similar but do not belong),
and to explore the internal structures of the field. This will mean establishing
synonymous relations, homoeonyms (co-hyponyms) and their semantic
differences to find out about minimal distinctions, and finally establish what
sets of encyclopedic or notional features are necessary for the description
and to see how these can be supplemented by semantic components that
serve to distinguish between two items, or two senses of the same signifié.
I hope that the reduction to clusters of features of the individual text
types will lead to more plausible descriptions of why there are similarities
and contrasts of types across the fields and styles they appear to form part
of, such as similarities between the sermon, the political speech and the uni-
versity lecture – and if you happen to have misclassified this exposition as a
sermon, you have nicely confirmed my hunch.
Even if my attempt at a classification of the evidence for ModE, and an
explanation of semasiological and onomasiological/cultural development in
the history of English, will prove not fully manageable in the long run, it
will, I hope, help us to understand why certain linguistic features are pre-
ferred in individual text types and not in others. I hope that my approach
will complement the outstandingly relevant research undertaken by Biber
(1988, 2001, etc.), which more or less starts from the other end, analysing
the patterning of a large set of linguistic features, their frequencies and com-
binability in various text types.
In a historical dimension, it appears to be rewarding to follow up various
paths. There is an obvious connection of my approach with the Historical
Thesaurus of English (forthcoming), even if the parameters used for classi-
fication do not entirely agree with mine. (The OE Thesaurus, Roberts and
Kay 1995, has proved to be useful for the OE list, with data arranged by
subject matter, although the categorizations were far from similar to those
arising from my semantic analysis). We might also wish to investigate, with
the help of the OED, the chronological growth of the vocabulary relating to
22 A history of text types: A componential analysis
the field, and the notional and semantic expansion that has occurred, partly
as a response to the development of a culture that relies increasingly on
written documents, but in which communication in general has gained a
degree of frequency, importance and thematic as well as social and geo-
graphic diversity undreamt of even a hundred years ago. Even if first occur-
rences of lexical items and individual senses as documented in the OED are
incomplete and otherwise not fully reliable, an analysis made of the OED
data promises to bring us much closer to a description of how text types
have developed in the history of English (cf. 2.7). One of the complicating
factors is that both semantic distinctions and factual, notional, or ency-
clopedic categories cannot be expected to have remained stable, and that
vague, unspecific uses in texts cannot always be detected without involving
the interpreting linguist in a heuristic circle. However, it will be fascinating
to find whether the development of new functionally defined categories and
the textual history of linguistic features à la Biber have a detectable connec-
tion.
A first step was to complete the 2,000 entries by definitions, including
semantic subdistinctions and dates, which permits us to see this lexical
expansion of the field much more clearly. It was suggested at the Bochum
conference that a book-length compilation would be of eminent value even
if analysis did not proceed beyond this dictionary of terms.
Another major problem is how far a categorization based on present-day
structures can be transferred to the history of English. This has so far been
neglected because:
Entries: I have added (to my list in Görlach 2001) over a hundred new items
that I came across when doing the definitions or which I found in browsing
in several dictionaries. On the other hand, at least the same number of the
old list was deleted, because items did not seem to qualify, either not desig-
nating text types proper, or being too rare or too technical or too foreign.
Moreover, I have now omitted most of the compounds for which no diction-
ary evidence was to be found – transparent items are usually not entered
because they can be understood from their parts. Although for a scholar
interested in text types these items can be well-defined distinct entities, lex-
icographical evidence necessary for my entries is absent8.
Definitions and dates are normally taken from the SOED: its reduced
data make it much easier to select the relevant items, or identify individual
senses that belong to the semantic field. Only relevant senses of polyse-
mous items are included. Definitions which sometimes provide extensive
factual information (as in types of bills or writs) have been shortened to an
extent that permits identification but needs turning to the SOED for a full
understanding. Items or senses marked as obsolete or archaic are accompa-
nied by a dagger (†); those that are said to be hist(orical) have been left
unmarked. However, in compounds and derivations, definitions are some-
times omitted, and dates frequently so. Although the SOED method of dat-
ing first occurrences to the first, second or last third of the century is not
entirely satisfactory, I have here retained it since it is adequate for a chrono-
logical analysis. Wherever dates were added from other sources, they have
been adapted to the SOED pattern. Definitions not from the SOED are aster-
isked, but I have not found an easy way of supplying first occurrences
where neither SOED nor OED gave any information.
On the basis of these admittedly incomplete data the following first steps
for an analysis have been taken:
8
The SOED/OED and Webster 3 contain strikingly different selections of legal compounds like bill
of…, letter of…, order of…, writ of…. Most of these terms are highly technical (and would therefore not
qualify for an inclusion in my list); however, it is impossible for a non-specialist to be sure, or to decide
which of these are exclusively part of the British or US legal system – only Scottish items appear to be
consistently marked as such.
24 A history of text types: A componential analysis
A
abbreviation abridgement LME
abbreviature abridgement L16
ABC †3a spelling-BOOK, reading primer LME-M17
abecedary †1a primer LME
abjuration 1 renunciation on OATH, recantation LME
abnegation 1 DENIAL, rejection (of a DOCTRINE) LME
abracadabra charm, SPELL M16
abridgement 2 epitome or COMPENDIUM of a larger work LME
abrogation repeal M16
absolution 1b FORMULA in which remission of sins is declared LME
abstract B1a SUMMARY of BOOK or DOCUMENT LME
abuse 4† verbal INSULT M16
acclamation shout of approbation or welcome M16
accolade 1 salutation marking the bestowal of knighthood E17
accord peace TREATY, AGREEMENT ME
ACCOUNT 2 STATEMENT of moneys, goods ME, 3 STATEMENT as to the
discharge of any responsibility ME
ACCOUNT BOOK BOOK in which ACCOUNTs are kept, *ledger L17
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 6 (law) WRIT against a bailiff etc. E16, NOTE:
compounds
acquittance 3 a release in WRITING, a receipt in full LME
acquittal (law) 4 deliverance from a CHARGE by VERDICT … L15
acrostic(h) 1 POEM in which initial (etc.) LETTERs make WORDs L16
act 4 DECREE passed by legislative body, a STATUTE LME, 5 RECORD of
DECREEs, verifactory DOCUMENT LME, 7a each of the main divisions
of a PLAY E16, 8† THESIS publicly defended E16
adage traditional MAXIM, PROVERB of common experience M16
adaptation something adapted M19
addendum additional matter at end of BOOK L19
An alphabetical list of English text types 25
B
babble 1 idle TALK L15, 4 crossTALK from CONVERSATIONs on other
telephone lines M20
backbiting SLANDER ME
badinage humorous banter M17
bagatelle piece of VERSE in light style M18
balance sheet written STATEMENT of the assets of an organization M19
ballad light simple SONG L15, 3 lively POEM, in which a popular NARRA-
TIVE is graphically told M18
ballad-opera *PLAY into which popular SONGs are introduced L18
ballade POEM divided into stanzas of equal length LME
ballot-PAPER voting PAPER used in a secret voting M19
ballyhoo showman’s touting SPEECH, bombastic nonsense L19
ban †1 public PROCLAMATION or EDICT, SUMMONS ME, †3 formal eccles.
denunciation L16, 4 interdict M17
bank-BILL = AmE bank NOTE L17
bank BOOK BOOK to provide a RECORD E18
banker’s ORDER *standing ORDER to a bank L17
bankNOTE = bank BILL L17
banns 1 NOTICE of an intended marriage ME, †2 PROCLAMATION of a
performance of a PLAY, prologue ME
banter nonsense talked to ridicule L17
barney noisy altercation M19
battle-cry war-cry, slogan E19
battledore (BOOK) † hornBOOK, primer M17–19
bedside BOOK BOOK for reading in bed E20
bedtime STORY STORY told to child at bedtime E19
behest †1 vow, PROMISE OE–L16, 2 COMMAND ME
Belief † the Apostles’ Creed ME
belles-lettres ESSAYs, criticism M17
An alphabetical list of English text types 29
C
cable(gram) MESSAGE by telegraphic cable M19
cahier PAMPHLET, fascicle M19
cajolery instance of flattery, deceit M17
calendar 4 LIST, REGISTER (of saints, cases for trial) LME
call 4 SUMMONS ME, 5 DEMAND, CLAIM ME, 9 communication by tele-
phone L19? call-up (PAPERs) SUMMONS, conscription M20
calumny slanderous STATEMENT or REPORT LME
cancel *written PASSAGE suppressed or deleted E19
cancellation annulment of a reservation, of a legal DOCUMENT M16
canon 1 eccles. LAW, DECREE, RULE OE, 2 part of Mass ME, 3 general
LAW, RULE, EDICT, principle LME
canon LAW *body of ecclesiastical LAW
cantata NARRATIVE recitative E18
canticle 1 SONG, HYMN in LITURGY ME
canto 1 division of a long POEM L16, †2 SONG, ballad E17–E18
cantrip (Sc) SPELL, charm L16
canvass solicitation of support L18
canzone Ital./Prov. SONG or ballad L16
capias (law) WRIT for arrest LME
capitulary 1 COLLECTION of ORDINANCEs M17
capitulation †1 COVENANT, TREATY M16–M19, pl. ARTICLEs of AGREE-
MENT, 2 STATEMENT of main divisions L16
capitulum *PASSAGE or reading from the Bible M18
caption 3 (law) CERTIFICATE attached to legal instrument L17, 4 heading
of chapter, wording appended to illustration, subtitle L18
CARD †2 map, chart E16
CARD INDEX INDEX with each item on separate CARD M19
caricature *ludicrous distortion of LITERARY WORK M18
carol 4 joyful HYMN LME
carte du pays a STATEMENT of the state of affairs M18
cartel †1 written challenge M16, †2 written AGREEMENT, 5 manufac-
turer’s AGREEMENT E20
cartogram map with statistical information L19
cartoon amusing drawing with or without caption; a sequence in a strip M19
32 A history of text types: A componential analysis
D
daily B1 daily newsPAPER M19
damn OATH, imprecation E17
databank *repository of data accessible by many users L20
38 A history of text types: A componential analysis
E
eclogue pastoral POEM LME
ecphrasis (rhet) lucid, self-contained EXPLANATION E18
EDICT 1 ORDINANCE, PROCLAMATION ME
editorial newsPAPER ARTICLE M19
effatum † SAYING, dictum, MAXIM M17–L18
effusion 3 literary COMPOSITION regarded as an outpouring of emotion E17
elegit (law) WRIT of execution E16
elegy 1 SONG of lamentation E16, 2 POEM in elegiac metre L16
éloge †1 encomium M16–E19, 2 DISCOURSE in honour of a deceased person E18
elogy † 1 SAYING, EXPRESSION, INSCRIPTION L16–M17, 2 eulogy E17–M18, 3
biographical NOTICE, only M17, 4 funeral ORATION, only L17
elucubration 2 literary COMPOSITION M17
e-mail information sent by telecommunication network L20
enabling act STATUTE empowering a person to take action L19
enabling BILL legislative enactment L19
enabling STATUTE act allowing leases L19
enaction = enactment M17
enactment 2 ORDINANCE, STATUTE E19
enarration † 1 EXPOSITION, COMMENTARY L16–M17, 2 DESCRIPTION, detailed
NARRATIVE L16–E19
enchiridion handBOOK, MANUAL LME
encomium high-flown EXPRESSION of PRAISE; panegyric M16
encyclical (LETTER) papal LETTER sent to bishops M19
encyclopedia 2 BOOK containing information on all branches of knowl-
edge, arranged alphabetically M17
42 A history of text types: A componential analysis
F
FABLE 1 fictitious NARRATIVE ME, 2 MYTH, LEGEND ME, 3 short STORY
of animals conveying a moral ME, 5 idle TALK LME, 9 plot of PLAY or
POEM M17
fabliau burlesque VERSE TALE E19
fabrication false STATEMENT, forgery L18
facetiae 1 witticisms E16
facsimile (edition) 2 exact COPY, reproduction L17
fact sheet PAPER on which facts are set out briefly M20
factum (law) 2 STATEMENT of facts L18
fairy TALE TALE about strange incidents, unreal STORY M18
fantasy literary COMPOSITION on imaginary worlds M20
farce dramatic work presenting ludicrously improbable events E16
fascicle part of a BOOK M17
fax MESSAGE sent by facsimile telegraphy M20
feature prominent ARTICLE in newsPAPER M19
feature PROGRAMME broadcast based on one specific subject M20
felicitation(s) congratulatory SPEECH or MESSAGE L18
festival †1 BOOK containing an exhortation for each feast day L15–E17
festschrift volume of WRITINGs collected in honour of a scholar E20
fiat 1 authoritative pronouncement, DECREE, ORDER LME, 2 COMMAND L16
fib trivial or venial lie E17
fiction NARRATIVE of imaginative events L15
fidei-commissum bequest instructing heir to transfer the legacy E18
fieri facias (law) WRIT to sheriff for executing JUDGEMENT LME
figment invented STATEMENT, STORY, DOCTRINE LME
An alphabetical list of English text types 45
G
gab †1 mockery, derisive deception, only ME, 2 piece of bravado, boast M18
gabble voluble confused unintelligible TALK E17
gabfest prolonged conference or CONVERSATION L19
gaffe clumsy or indiscreet REMARK E20
gag JOKE M19
galimatias meaningless TALK, gibberish M17
galley proof proof from phototypesetter L19
gambit 2 opening move in DISCUSSION M19
game LICENCE LICENCE to hunt M19
garland 7 COLLECTION of short literary pieces, ANTHOLOGY E17
garnishment (law) legal NOTICE E16
gasconade extravagant boasting M17
gazette 1 news-sheet, newsPAPER E17, 2 official journal of government
appointments etc. M17
gazetteer 2 geographical INDEX or DICTIONARY E18, †3 newsPAPER, only
M18
genealogy 1 ACCOUNT of person’s descent, pedigree ME
georgic(s) 1 BOOK or POEM dealing with husbandry E16
gest †2 STORY, VERSE/prose romance ME
ghazal Persian LYRIC POEM L18
ghost-WRITING TEXT written on behalf of another person E20
gibberish unintelligible SPEECH E16
gibe scoffing SPEECH, TAUNT L16
gleanings * excerpts gleaned from other works M17
GLOSS 1 EXPLANATION of a WORD, COMMENT, PARAPHRASE M16, 2
GLOSSary, interlinear TRANSLATION L16
glossary COLLECTION of GLOSSes; LIST with EXPLANATIONs of obsolete,
dialectal, or technical terms LME
glossology (EXPLANATION of) terminology in any science M19
gnome short pithy STATEMENT, MAXIM, aphorism L16
GOSPEL one of the four RECORDs in the NT OE
GOSPEL harmony *conflation of the four GOSPELs indicating parallel PASSAGEs L16
GOSPEL SONG *TEXT accompanying evangelical singing E20
GOSSIP 4 idle TALK E19
GOSSIP column newsPAPER devoted to social NEWS M19
Gothic NOVEL/STORY NOVEL with supernatural or horrifying events L18
graffito WRITING on a wall M19
GRAMMAR 3 TREATISE on GRAMMAR M16
GRAMMAR BOOK *BOOK containing GRAMMAR for use in schools E16
An alphabetical list of English text types 47
H
habeas corpus (law) WRIT requiring a person to be brought before a judge
LME
hagiology CATALOGUE of saints E19
haiku short Japanese POEM E19
handBILL printed NOTICE circulated by hand M18
handBOOK MANUAL, GUIDEBOOK E19
handLIST of BOOKs etc. for easy REFERENCE M19
handout circular or PAMPHLET giving information E20
handWRITING written DOCUMENT M16
harangue SPEECH addressed to an assembly, impassioned address or
monologue LME
head 17c HEADLINE in newsPAPER E20
heading 8 TITLE at head of page M19
HEADLINE 3b (sub)TITLE in newsPAPER, SUMMARY of main items during
broadcast bulletin E19
head NOTE (law) SUMMARY giving the principle of the DECISION M19
hearing 4 trial before judge L16
hearsay REPORT, RUMOUR LME
heckling interruption with aggressive QUESTIONs or abuse M17
herbal BOOK containing DESCRIPTIONs of plants E16
heresy 1 OPINION opposite to orthodox DOCTRINE ME
hierograph sacred INSCRIPTION M19
hint 1b small piece of practical information L18
historical (NOVEL) M17
historiette ANECDOTE, short STORY E18
history 2 methodical RECORD of events LME, 4 historical PLAY LME
history PLAY *PLAY based on historical events M20
hitLIST (sl) LIST of prospective victims M20
hitparade LIST of best-selling RECORDs M20
48 A history of text types: A componential analysis
I
identity CARD identification CARD E20
ideology system of ideas E20
idioticon DICTIONARY of a dialect M19
idyll 1 short DESCRIPTION in VERSE or prose L16
impeachment †3a ACCUSATION, CHARGE LME, ~ for treason M17
impersonation dramatic or comic representation of a character E19
imploration supplication L16
imprecation 2 PRAYER, entreaty L16, 3 INVOCATION of evil, CURSE L17
imprimatur official LICENCE authorizing printing; official approval, sanc-
tion M17
imprint 2 publisher’s name with details of publication on TITLE page L18
inaugural (address) SPEECH, address or LECTURE marking the beginning
of period of office M19
incantation magical FORMULA chanted or spoken LME
indenture(s) 2 DEED, sealed AGREEMENT LME, 2b apprentice’s CON-
TRACT LME, 2c official voucher, INVENTORY, CERTIFICATE LME
An alphabetical list of English text types 49
J
jeer 2 jibe, TAUNT E17
jeremiad lamentation, doleful tirade L18
jest †2 SATIRE, LAMPOON LME–E17, 3 mocking SPEECH, raillery M16, 4
witticism, JOKE M16
jest BOOK BOOK of amusing stories M18
jeu d’esprit humorous literary trifle E18
jig †2 comic SONG; metrical version of a PSALM L16–L17, †3 comic sketch at end
of PLAY L16
An alphabetical list of English text types 51
K
kaffeeklatsch GOSSIP L19
keen Irish funeral SONG M19
key 5c BOOK containing solutions OE
keyNOTE address/SPEECH *SPEECH outlining central principle E20
kinderspiel dramatic piece performed by children E20
king’s SPEECH STATEMENT read by the sovereign at opening of parliament, cf.
queen’s SPEECH L16
knock-for-knock (AGREEMENT, policy) AGREEMENT between insurance com-
panies E20
knowledgement formal ACKNOWLEDGEMENT M17
L
LABEL †3 codicil LME–M17, 9 classifying phrase L19
LAMENT POEM or SONG of grief, elegy, dirge L17
lamentation 2 LAMENT LME
LAMPOON virulent SATIRE M17
lapidary 2 TREATISE on stones LME
last will = will 9/TESTAMENT 3
latitat (law) WRIT summoning a defendant M16
laud 2 PRAISE, high commendation LME
laudation eulogy LME
LAW 1 RULE of conduct OE
52 A history of text types: A componential analysis
M
macaronics VERSEs in mixed language M17
madrigal 1 short lyrical love POEM L16
MAGAZINE 5 PERIODICAL publication M18, 5b regular TV or radio
broadcast M20
Magna Carta CHARTER of 1215, establishing personal and political liberty L15
maiden SPEECH first SPEECH delivered (by MP)
MAIL LETTERs sent or received M17
MAILgram MESSAGE transmitted electronically and then delivered by ordinary
post (US) M20
mailing LIST LIST of people to whom advertising matter etc. is posted E20
MAIL ORDER ORDER for goods to be sent by post M19
maintenance ORDER court ORDER directing payment M19?
malediction CURSE, SLANDER LME
malison † CURSE, malediction ME
mandamus (law) WRIT, MANDATE by monarch M16
MANDATE 1 COMMAND, ORDER, injunction E16, 2 judicial or legal COM-
MAND E16, 2b papal rescript E17, 4a commission L18
An alphabetical list of English text types 55
N
nancy-TALE folk-TALE popular in W.Africa and the Caribbean E19
narration 1b STORY, ACCOUNT LME, 2a (rhet) part of an ORATION in which
the facts are stated E16, 2b NARRATIVE part in a POEM or PLAY L16
NARRATIVE 1a ACCOUNT of series of events, STORY M16, 2c (Sc law)
part of DEED or DOCUMENT… M16
necrology 1 monastic REGISTER of deaths E18, 1b death-ROLL M19, 2 obituary
NOTICE L18
negation 1 negative STATEMENT, REFUSAL, contradiction, DENIAL LME,
1b (logic) ASSERTION that a proposition is false L16
58 A history of text types: A componential analysis
O
OATH 1 solemn DECLARATION OE; 2 corroboration of STATEMENTs;
profane or blasphemous UTTERANCE, CURSE ME
OATH of allegiance *formal DECLARATION of support in feudal system E17?
obiter dicta judge’s EXPRESSION of OPINION, *incidental REMARK E19
obituary 1 REGISTER of deaths E18, 2 RECORD or announcement of a
death, esp. in a newsPAPER M18
objection 1 counter-ARGUMENT, † ACCUSATION LME
objurgation severe rebuke L15
obligation †1 formal PROMISE ME, 2 (law) binding AGREEMENT LME
obloquy 1 abuse, calumny, SLANDER LME
obrogation modification or repeal of a LAW M17
obsecration 1 entreaty, supplication LME; 1b (rhet) figure of SPEECH in which
assistance is implored E17, 2 intercessory PETITION in Litany L19
observance 1b ORDINANCE; RULE, regulation of a religious ORDER LME
OBSERVATION 5 REMARK, COMMENT M16, 6 MAXIM gathered from
experience M16
obtestation entreaty, solemn APPEAL M16
ode LYRIC POEM L16
OFFER 1 PROPOSAL, INVITATION, bid LME
OFFER DOCUMENT *DOCUMENT with details of takeover bid
offertory anthem sung during the Eucharist LME
office 4 authorized form of divine SERVICE ME, 4b introit ME
office-COPY *authenticated or certified COPY of an offical or legal RECORD
offprint separately printed COPY of an ARTICLE L19
old wives’ TALE old but foolish STORY L16
omnibus (volume) reprinted works by a single author E19
on dit GOSSIP E19
one-liner HEADLINE consisting of one line, witty REMARK, JOKE E20
onomasticon vocabulary or alphabetical LIST of names E18
open LETTER LETTER of protest made public in a newsPAPER etc. L19
opera 1 dramatic musical work; its libretto M17
opera buffa comic opera, with dialogue in recitative E19
operetta (= light opera) short opera on a light theme L18
OPINION 3 formal STATEMENT by expert LME
opinionnaire series of QUESTIONs, questionnaire M20
OPINION poll/ survey assessment of public OPINION M20
oracle ambiguous or obscure response or MESSAGE M16
oral formulaic POEM POEM characterized by FORMULAe handed on in spoken
tradition M20
60 A history of text types: A componential analysis
P
pact AGREEMENT, TREATY LME
paction AGREEMENT, COVENANT LME
paean 1 INVOCATION or HYMN, solemn SONG L16, 2 written or spoken
attribution of PRAISE L16
palaver 1 TALK, conference, parley M18, 2a profuse or idle TALK M18, 2b
flattery M18
palindrome phrase that reads the same backwards as forewards E17
palinode recantation (esp. Sc law) of a defamatory STATEMENT L16
PAMPHLET booklet, LEAFLET LME
pandect 1 complete body of LAWs, compedium M16, 2 TREATISE covering the
whole of a subject L16, 3 manuscript covering all the BOOKs of the Bible L19
panegyric 1 public SPEECH or published TEXT in PRAISE of …, eulogy E17
pantomime 3 (performance of) dramatized fairy TALE or nursery STORY M18
PAPER 3 DOCUMENT, pl. NOTEs, LETTERs, 3c pl. DOCUMENTs attesting
the identity, credentials etc., 3d printed set of QUESTIONs in examination
An alphabetical list of English text types 61
porteous / portas 1a portable breviary LME, 1b MANUAL E16, 2 (Sc law) LIST of
indicted offenders M15 = porteous ROLL L16
portuary = porteous M19
postCARD CARD conveyed by post without envelope L19
poster 2 NOTICE displayed in public place as an ANNOUNCEMENT or
advertisement M19
postil 1 marginal NOTE or COMMENT LME, 2 COMMENTARY, expository DIS-
COURSE or homily on a GOSPEL or Epistle, a BOOK of such homilies L15
postlude written or spoken epilogue, afterWORD E20
postmortem 2 analysis or DISCUSSION after a game etc. E20
postscript(um) 1 paragraph or REMARK added at end of LETTER M16,
2 additional PASSAGE in other TEXTs M17
postulate 1 DEMAND, REQUEST, stimulation L16, 2 postulated proposition
M17
postulation 2 REQUEST, DEMAND, CLAIM LME, 3 assumption M17
posy 1 short MOTTO inscribed within ring etc. LME, †3 ANTHOLOGY of VERSE
M16, †4 poetical COMPOSITION L16–M17
power of attorney (CLAUSE in) a DOCUMENT giving a person legal
authority to act for another L15
praemunire 1 (law) WRIT charging a sheriff… LME
prate chatter, TALK L16
prattle chatter, TALK M16
praxis COLLECTION of examples used for practice E17
PRAYER 1 solemn REQUEST to God ME, 1c FORMULA or form of WORDs
ME, 3 entreaty, REQUEST, APPEAL ME
PRAYER BOOK BOOK of forms of PRAYER L16
preaching 2 MESSAGE or DOCTRINE preached, SERMON LME
preachment (tedious) SERMON, exhortation ME
preamble preliminary STATEMENT, introductory paragraph, section or
CLAUSE LME, 1b (law) introductory paragraph in a STATUTE, DEED
L16, 2 presage, prognostic M16
PRECEPT †1 ORDER, COMMAND LME–E16, 2 general INSTRUCTION,
MAXIM, injunction LME, 3 written ORDER to attend a parliament etc.,
3b an instrument granting possession… (Sc law) E16, 3c ORDER issued
on tax L19, †4 written authorization E16–M18
précis SUMMARY, abstract M18
predication 2 ASSERTION L15
PREDICTION 2 forecast, PROPHECY M16
PREFACE 2 INTRODUCTION to LITERARY WORK LME, 3 introductory part
of SPEECH, preliminary EXPLANATION E16
An alphabetical list of English text types 65
Q
quare impedit (law) WRIT … L15
quarrel 1 COMPLAINT, disagreement ME, †2 COMPLAINT in LAW, ACCU-
SATION LME–M17, †3 objection L16–E18, 4 altercation, ARGUMENT
L16
queens’s SPEECH *STATEMENT read by sovereign at opening of parliament, cf.
king’s SPEECH
query QUESTION M17
QUESTION 1 inquiry ME, pl. catechism (Sc) L18, 2b PROPOSAL to be
debated M16, 5 judicial interrogation LME
questionnaire formulated series of QUESTIONs … for statistical analysis L19
quibble †1 PLAY on WORDs E17, 2 petty objection L17
quip 1 sarcastic REMARK, witty SAYING, epigram M16, 1b quibble L16
quitclaim (law) formal renunciation of CLAIM ME
quittance 2 DOCUMENT certifying release from a debt ME
quiz set of QUESTIONs, questionnaire, examination, test of knowledge M19
quodlibet scholastic DEBATE, THESIS, exercise LME
quotation 4a quoted PASSAGE or REMARK E17
68 A history of text types: A componential analysis
R
race CARD PROGRAMME of races M19
radio cast radio broadcast E20
radiogram radio telegram E20
radio PLAY *PLAY specially written to be broadcast E20
radio telegraph wireless telegraphy L19
raillery banter M17
rallying-cry slogan E19
rap(ping) piece of music, or the WORDs, recited rapidly and rhythmically
L20
rapport †1 REPORT, TALK, only M16
rapportage reporting of events, mere DESCRIPTION E20
rating 4 assessment of person’s or thing’s performance, skill, status E20
rationale 1 reasoned EXPOSITION of principles, EXPLANATION or STATE-
MENT of reasons M17
rave 2b enthusiastic or laudatory REVIEW E20
reader 5 BOOK containing PASSAGEs for INSTRUCTION, ANTHOLOGY L18
reading 3b EXTRACT from previously printed source; (pl.) selection of
such EXTRACTs M19, 4 the form in which a given PASSAGE appears in
an edition M16
reading-BOOK 1 lectionary OE, 2 BOOK containing PASSAGEs for INSTRUCTION M19
reason 4 STATEMENT used as an ARGUMENT ME, †5 STATEMENT, NAR-
RATIVE, SPEECH, SAYING, OBSERVATION, TALK, DISCOURSE, ACCOUNT
or EXPLANATION ME–M17
reasoning ARGUMENTs involved in arriving at a CONCLUSION or JUDGEMENT LME
reassurance 1 renewed assurance E17, 2 reinsurance E17
rebuke 2 REPROOF, reprimand LME
rebus representation of phrase, TEXT by pictures, symbols etc. E17
rebuttal refutation, contradiction M19
recall 1 SUMMONS to return, REQUEST for return of a faulty product E17
recapitulation summing up LME
receipt 1 = recipe ME, 1c FORMULA of a preparation E17, 3b written
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT of payment E17
receiving ORDER ORDER authorizing an official receiver to act L19?
recension 1 survey, REVIEW M17, 2 revision of a TEXT E19
recipe †1 FORMULA for remedy, PRESCRIPTION L16, 3 STATEMENT on
ingredients required E18
recital 1 (law) STATEMENT in DOCUMENT of fact(s) E16, 2 ACCOUNT or
detailed DESCRIPTION, CATALOGUE M16
recitative a PASSAGE in libretto M18
An alphabetical list of English text types 69
S
sacrament 3 OATH, solemn engagement ME, 4a sacred pledge,
COVENANT ME, 5 (Rom. law) OATH L19
safe-conduct 2 DOCUMENT conveying protection LME
saga 1a Old Norse prose NARRATIVE E18, 1b story of heroic achievement
M19, 2 STORY handed down by oral tradition M19
sailing ORDERs INSTRUCTIONs given by the captain… L17
saint’s LEGEND pious STORY of a saint = LEGEND 1 ME
sales TALK persuasive ARGUMENT to promote the sales E20
sally 7 audacious UTTERANCE or literary COMPOSITION, brilliant REMARK,
witticism, piece of banter M18
salutation 1 form of WORDs greeting a person, 1b liturgical FORMULA
LME
salutatory (address) ORATION by a member of graduating class L17
salute 1 greeting, salutation LME
sample †1 STORY serving to bear out some proposition ME–E16
74 A history of text types: A componential analysis
T
TABLE 15 tabulated STATEMENT, display of information in columns etc. LME
TABLE-BOOK small BOOK for NOTEs and memoranda E16
TABLE of contents = content 1b
TABLE TALK miscellaneous informal CONVERSATION at meals M16
tabloid 2 popular newsPAPER of small size E20
tabula gratulatoria LIST of subscribers in festschrift L20
tail rhyme romance (medieval POEM with stanzas ending in tag or additional
short line)
takeover bid OFFER to gain a controlling interest in business concern M20
An alphabetical list of English text types 81
U
ukase 1 DECREE or ORDINANCE by tsarist government E18, any PROCLA-
MATION or DECREE, arbitrary COMMAND E19
ultimatum 1 final terms presented by one party M18
unseen unseen PASSAGE for TRANSLATION L19
update REPORT or ACCOUNT containing the latest information M20
UTTERANCE 3 spoken STATEMENT LME, 3b uninterrupted chain of
WORDs (ling.) M20
V
vade-mecum small BOOK, handBOOK, GUIDE BOOK E17
valediction 2 STATEMENT, address made at leave-taking M17
valedictory (address) 1 ORATION or farewell address L18
valentine (CARD) CARD with VERSEs sent on Valentine’s day E19
varia lectio variant reading in TEXT M17
variant 2 alternative reading in TEXT M19
variorum (edition) 1a edition containing NOTEs of various commentators and/or
variant readings E18
vaudeville 1 satirical or topical SONG M18, 2 light stage PLAY E19
vaunt 1 boastful, vainglorious SPEECH LME, 2 boastful ASSERTION, brag L16
venire facias 1a judicial WRIT … to summon a jury LME
verbal 2 verbal STATEMENT, damaging admission M20, 3 (pl.) INSULTs, abuse,
invective L20, 4 (pl.) WORDs of a SONG, dialogue of a film L20
VERDICT 1 (law) DECISION of a jury ME, 2 JUDGEMENT, CONCLUSION
LME
verification 1 formal ASSERTION of truth E16, 4 ratification L18
VERSE 2 stanza ME, 3 metrical COMPOSITION, poetry ME, 5 (eccl.) =
versicle 1, OE, †6 CLAUSE, SENTENCE, ARTICLE of the Creed OE–M16,
7b any short numbered section of the Bible M16
versicle 1 short SENTENCE said or sung antiphonally in a litany ME, 2 a little
VERSE = VERSE 6, ME
versicule/versiculus short VERSE or POEM L15
version 4b piece of TRANSLATION, esp. as a scholastic exercise LME, 5
partial, incomplete ACCOUNT, REPORT L18, 6 particular edition or draft
of a work M19
vers libre unrhymed VERSE E20
vespers 2 sixth daytime canonical office, evenSONG L15
86 A history of text types: A componential analysis
W
wager †1 solemn pledge, only ME, 5 (law) form of trial E16
waiver 1 DOCUMENT attesting waiving of CLAIM E17
want ad (US) classified advertisement
war-cry phrase shouted by fighters, party slogan M18
warning 3a cautionary ADVICE OE, 5a advance NOTICE ME, 6 NOTICE of
termination of business connection LME, †8 notification of a fact or
occurrence LME–E17, 9 SUMMONS LME
WARRANT 4 authorization, sanction ME, †6 assurance given, guarantee
LME–E19, 8 DOCUMENT authorizing action LME, 9 WRIT or ORDER …
LME, 10 DOCUMENT authorizing payment LME, †11 voucher, CERTIFI-
CATE LME–L16, 13 receipt E19
warranty 1 (law) COVENANT annexed to a conveyance of real estate ME,
1b manufacturer’s written PROMISE LME, 1c ASSERTION that STATE-
An alphabetical list of English text types 87
X
xerocopy photocopy M20
Y
yarn 2 rambling STORY E19, 2b chat, TALK M19
yearBOOK 1 BOOK of RECORDs of cases L16, 2 annual publication by a
society etc. E18
yellow pages classified section of, or supplement to, telephone directory E20
2.7 Analysis
The status of the text types listed above varies a great deal. Many, such as
the 101 items marked ‘law’, belong to the special language of the legal pro-
fession, and terms used in ecclesiastical or poetical contexts can have simi-
larly restricted insider uses.
I have made an attempt to categorize the items listed by way of the
generic word used in the SOED definition (capitalized in my list). The fre-
quency of such uses can be seen from my ranking below; the word is fol-
lowed by a figure, 1–5, which indicates the frequency in the Cobuild Corpus
Analysis 89
and which is taken over from the Cobuild Dictionary entry. It will be obvi-
ous that the two frequencies – unsurprisingly – are not the same.
The frequencies indicated in Cobuild do not fully agree with the defining
vocabulary of ALD (1995) and Longman, DCE (1995), either. Of the 218
items, Cobuild gives the following frequency values (to which the figures
are added in parentheses of words which are part of both the ALD and DCE
defining lexis): 5: N=24 (22), 4: N=42 (29), 3: N=44 (17), 2: 46 (6) and 1:
46 (0). The general conclusion is obvious (and not controversial): Text type
designations are mostly not part of the core vocabulary, but it may be useful
to name those which have high priority in all three dictionaries:
Cobuild 5: account, answer, book, charge, decision, demand, law, letter,
list, news, offer, paper, plan, play, programme, question, record, rule, serv-
ice, story, talk, word.
Cobuild 4: advice, agreement, article, bill, card, contract, copy, defence,
discussion, document, guide, magazine, mass, message, note, notice, opin-
ion, order, promise, proposal, reply, request, sentence, song, speech, suit,
table, ticket, title.
The weight of such counts is admittedly weakened by the fact that it is
not quite clear how reliably text type meanings can be separated from other
senses, and how consistently this was attempted in the dictionaries used.
For instance, writ is used quite often in definitions of law terms, but is
rare as a word in common usage.
Of all 218 defining terms sampled I have here listed in descending order
all used in 166 definitions (law 5) to report 5 (30 definitions): 166 law 5,
124 statement 4, 117 document 4, 93 letter 5, 92 list 5, 89 writ 1, 71 word 5,
67 speech 4, story 5, 66 poem 3, text 3, 64 account 5, 63 song 4, 61 order 4,
60 record 5, 55 play 5, script 3, 54 talk 5, 48 note 4, 43 agreement 4,
announcement 3, 42 (news)paper 5, 39 notice 4, 38 collection 4, narrative 2,
writing 4, 37 declaration 3, 36 decree 2, 35 bill 4, passage 3, verse 2, 32
composition 1, summary 2, 31 certificate 2, 30 remark 3, report 5.
The basis for all these calculations are the individual sememes, since
defining words (as well as dates in Table A and B) occur separately in indi-
vidual definitions. The total figure of sememes comes to 2651 which means
for 1990 lexemes that words referring to text types do so at a polysemy rate
of 1.33, that is (if 2 senses relating to text types were the upper limit) that
every fourth item has two senses in the field.
Years giving first occurrences are avoided in the SOED of 1989; the indi-
cations ‘early’/‘mid’/‘late’ nth century which I have taken over into my list
have been counted automatically in order to test whether the increase in
designations of text types agrees with the general growth of English lexis,
90 A history of text types: A componential analysis
%
100 OE 68 2.6 %
LOE 3 = 71 2.7
90
ME 237 = 308 11.6
80 LME 450 = 758 28.6
M18
LME
E16
M16
L16
E17
M17
E18
L18
E19
M19
L19
E20
M20
L20
OE
ME
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
%
OE ME LME 1600 1700 1800 1900 2000
Figure 8. The growth of English lexis ( , from Finkenstaedt and Wolff 1973: 13)
compared with that of designations of text types ( )
Only two periods remarkably differ in the two counts: the 15th century/LME
shows an extreme rise in the number of text types – obviously illustrating
the functional expansion of English – as against a more moderate lexical
growth. By contrast, the 19th century, with its extreme increase of technical
terms in the sciences, has a steep rise in lexis – but the need for new text
types had obviously become more saturated.
Although the Anglo-Saxon period was not particularly noteworthy for a so-
ciety excelling in written communication and for the development of a great
number of text types necessitated by the use of OE in many well-defined
functions, the number of words designating textual categories is surprisingly
92 A history of text types: A componential analysis
A Æ B bismerl¢o_
ambiht ‡ bann bismerspr‡c
andcwiss ‡bebod b¢aluspell bismerung
andetla ‡b‰c bebod bismerword
andetnes ‡bod bebodr‡den b£spell
andettung ‡fengebed becl%sung b£spellb‰c
andsæc ‡fenl¢o_ bed b£word
andswaru ‡fenlof bedr‡den b£wyrde
andwyrde ‡fenr‡ding bedu bl¢tsingb‰c
¡nr‡dnes ‡fensang befr£nung bl¢tsing sealm
anspel æfterfylgednes begang bl¢tsung
antefn æftersang beh‡s b‰c
antefnere æfterspr‡c beh¡t b‰criht
¡r‡dnes ‡rcwide bel¡dung bod
¡rung ‡rendb‰c b¢n bodl¡c
¡weor_nes ‡rende benn bodscipe
¡rweor_ung ‡rendgewrit b¢odfers bodung
¡setnes ‡rendspr‡c b¢ot borgwedd
¡_ ‡rendung b¢otword br%dbl¢tsung
¡_geh¡t ‡riht bet%nung br%dl¢o_
¡_stæf ‡sce beweddung br%dsang
¡_swaru ‡scung ? bewerenes burhriht
¡_wedd ‡swic b£cwide byrgelsl¢o_
¡writ ‡swicnes b£geng(e) byrgelssang
¡wyrgednes ‡swicung bisen byrg(en)l¢o_
¡wyrigung æt%wnes bismer byrgensang
A list of Old English text types 93
The 669 OE terms here listed are quite impressive for an older Germanic
language, since they make up a third of the ModE supply. However, as
stated above, many of the terms have a dubious claim to the category ‘text
type’ and many are ‘superfluous’ compounds coined adhoc for reasons of
metre and especially alliteration. Where the relation to texts is clear, seman-
tic vagueness is often apparent; some of this may be a consequence of gaps
A list of Old English text types 97
in the transmission of OE – but lexical losses are possibly less drastic in this
field than in others, since the terms are largely designations within a written
tradition. The apparent vagueness is more likely to be a consequence of a
different cultural background, in which written communication, and there-
fore precision, played a much more restricted role than in modern societies.
No comprehensive study has been undertaken of how far the text types are
not only defined by function, but also by specific linguistic characteristics
(cf. my provisional description in ch. 4.1). The analysis of recipes (ch. 4)
indicates that some are well-defined – even though not all features necessar-
ily continue into modern usage.
Another striking feature of the list is the small number of text type desig-
nations surviving into ModE. There are some 66 of these (= 10%), and a
few of these are doubtful, because some are reborrowings (regol – rule)
rather than continuations. It is also obvious that Latinate terms (many of
which had a very marginal status in OE lexis) like canon, cantic, creda,
curs etc. had a much better chance of survival since they were supported by
French and Latin in ME.
3 Text types and the linguistic history of modern
English 9
3.1 Introductory
9
This chapter was first printed in the proceedings of the Anglistentag Marburg 1990 (Görlach 1991d);
parts were included in my New Studies (Görlach 1995b: 141–78). The text as here printed is more or less
that read out at the Anglistentag; for helpful suggestions regarding contents and style I am grateful to my
colleagues R. Gläser, M. Markus and, in particular, H. Bonheim. Swales (1990) reviews ‘genre’ in liter-
ary and linguistic thinking, pointing out that few linguists (Hymes, Saville-Troike, Halliday, Couture)
used the term and why it has generally been neglected. (Cf. now Diller 2001).
100 Text types and the linguistic history of modern English
One might, with due caution, compare the development of English with that
of an individual speaker’s competence: it expands from more or less mono-
stylistic stages to those of more sophisticated degrees of communicative
competence; that is, the ability to react to a given situation with the appro-
priate expression increases.
It is evident that historical linguists attempting to describe socio-stylistic
conditions and how they correlate with linguistic variation are up against a
great number of problems. But these should not hinder us from grasping the
nettle. I am convinced that many of the important developments of English
(and of the other European languages, especially in their standard forms)
took place in the field of text syntax and the emergence of text types; thus
any kind of historical linguistics that fails to take account of this field can-
not explain why English developed the way it did.
What we obviously need is a fresh look at how varieties of a language
can be defined on a formal level and what functions they serve. My Figure 9
can help to illustrate what I wish to say: it is important to define each of the
categories (boxes) and enumerate and define its members; but it is also vital
to say which elements from which box can be combined, e.g. to state that a
lyrical poem in English can be in dialect, but political comment in a news-
paper can not, or, rather, it cannot now, although it could in 19th-century
Scotland (cf. ch. 9).
In particular, a linguistic (symbolic-functional, sociolinguistic or dia-
chronic) analysis of text types appears to be overdue. With an increased
focus on the social aspects of language, and with interest in units larger than
the sentence, we must look at what determines the author’s choice – not only
stylistically, but also to find out why he sticks to a specific form obviously
expected by his readers. We must, then, describe what the patterns are which
the writer has internalized, as a consequence of his listening or reading
experience. These are forms that fulfil more or less conventional functions in
a society: it can be expected that writers and readers know what an obituary,
a cooking recipe or a nursery rhyme is, and what their linguistic features
are, but they are also able to detect deviations from the expected pattern,
including playful or other intentional modifications.
Survey based on Halliday et al. (1964); Crystal / Davy (1969); Gregory / Carroll (1978); O’Donnell / Todd (1980); Quirk et al. (1985).
VARIETIES
A “DIALECTS” B “REGISTERS”
according to users according to uses
acquis. & regional social period medium subject m. text type, status, mode, attitude
functional dialect dialect language (mode) province, genre (tenor, modality
status field style)
ENL (non-) St class-, age-, spoken, techn./ recipe, speaker: aim, speaker:
ESD E. national sea-, generation- written common letter, listener purpose, listener
ESL standard group- specific (form?: topic toast, relation, amuse, mood,
letter,
EFL restrictions, liter./ teleph., ESP epic, role, convince, comment, Correlation
pidgin. profess. written drama, law, formality teach, slander, on various
creole jargon, OE, ME, speech, proverb order, sympathy, linguistic
ESP Victorian sermon) narrate irony, awe... levels:
10
The definition of text types in Fachsprachen (cf. Gläser 1990) is easier than the fuzzy categories
used in everyday speech; also, many of the designations of these are standardised – Gläser (p.c.) has
counted 130 of these (in German). However, since there are obvious connections between the two cate-
gorizations, any discussion of text types should include both.
The concept of text types 103
ond edition), this structural feature has not been repeated in the individual
volumes of the Cambridge History of the English Language (Hogg 1992–
2001).
Another classification of historical text types based on German condi-
tions is that of Reichmann and Wegera (1988). They group Early German
texts in nine sections (texts with socially binding force; legitimation; docu-
mentation, education; edification; entertainment; information; instruction;
agitation), and enumerate characteristics of each, including prominent lin-
guistic features and a list of individual types. However, their attempt is less
than convincing, for they place undue weight on psychological features
such as attitudes, intentions, and responses.
In the same tradition, although more directed towards a classification of
features of text linguistics than to (EModE) text types proper are my
attempts at listing selected factors which determine the structure of a sen-
tence and the entire text, namely (cf. section 6.1.2. in Görlach 1991b: 96):
Such functions have obvious consequences for the micro- and macro-struc-
ture of a text. Some of these possible correlations are tentatively formulated
as follows (1991b: 131–2):
BrE, and tentative suggestions have been offered to remedy the situation
(cf. Meurman-Solin 1989 and Schmied, 1989 respectively). One of the basic
questions is what text types there are in an individual community – and
which of these are sometimes/normally/always in English, a topic for which
it will be useful to return to Figure 1 above and to ch. 10 below.
3.2.2 Definition
a) Features of text types are necessary to define a specific category, but are
themselves not text types: ‘religious language’ – whatever that means –
comes into the definition of ‘sermon’, ‘church hymn’, ‘prayer’ etc. (as
‘voiced-ness’ comes into the definition of a class of phonemes), but fea-
tures are not -emes in either application.
b) Text types can be ‘bound’ or ‘free’, as morphemes can: a ‘dedication’
always forms part of a larger unit, a book, and is therefore similar to a
prefix in morphology; compare the status of a headline, a footnote, or
even a reply as part of a conversation.
c) Conglomerate forms allow the incorporation of smaller types (within a
convention regulating the compilation).11 Apparently we will have to dis-
tinguish minimal text types from composite ones – as we distinguish
morphemes from higher-level lexical items on various ranks. Figure 10
attempts to illustrate the problem of, for instance, an individual poem in
the works of an author.
Note that the conglomerate ‘newspaper’ is different from the types of
books listed in fig. 10: it has no introductory section and end-pieces, but
the ‘collection’ is nevertheless made up of an orderly variety of types,
often allocated to individual pages (leader, comment, sports report,
weather forecast, classifieds, death notices etc.).
d) As realizations of text types, individual texts conform with the emic type
to a greater or lesser degree, according to the writer’s awareness of the
conventions and his linguistic/stylistic competence.12
11 As will become clear from the analysis of hymn books in ch. 6 orderly structure in complex text
types is a matter of degree; John Wesley was the first to insist on the well-planned structure of his hymn-
book (cf. note 30).
12
The alternative method of analysis might be based on prototypes; however, such classifications
restrict the comparability of synchronically determined types, and can disguise the regularities of their
historical development.
letters
– title page & table of contents & dedication & preface – similar
(optional)
t1c1d1p1 t2c2d2p2 t3c3d3p3 t4c4d4p4 t5c5d5p5 t6c6d6p6 frames
Of some two thousand text types that have a name and are apparently rec-
ognized by both writers and readers as well-defined according to form and
function the dedication appears to be a particularly rewarding topic to illus-
trate the development of a ‘bound’ category in the definition of fig. 10
above. This is so because:
1. the type has a checkered history with obvious peaks in the Elizabethan
and Augustan eras;
2. its specimens are very sensitive indicators of socio-historical linguistic
developments, in particular the author:publisher:reader relationship and
the dominating influence of patronage;
3. its intricate relationship with
a) neighbouring categories such as the preface, “to the reader”, or intro-
duction;
b) the letter from which it historically derives but from which it becomes
formally detached as a consequence of the new function;
c) other forms of laudatory texts like gravestone inscriptions, congratu-
lations, etc.;
4. a dedication can be expected to be written with great care and to illustrate
rhetorical conventions more conspicuously and often more ostentatiously
than other parts of the book;
5. international traditions permit not only translatability from one nation to
another, but also make possible dedications in various languages within
one nation, such as those found in bilingual books;
6. dedications are related to the contents of the book they introduce on the
one hand, but also to period conventions independent of the specific use
in an individual book on the other.
Since the dedication can be expected to reflect period style13 much better
than other parts of the book and the connection with the main bulk of the
work can be tested in contents, style, and other respects, the category
‘dedication’ can also serve to test how stable a concept (and the text type
reflecting it) is, and what distinctive features in an individual period delimit
it from similar text types.
1. Gebert (1933) presents 119 dedications and prefaces from between 1557,
Tottel’s Miscellany, and 1623, the First Folio. In her introduction, she
provides an overview of the tradition, pointing out the distinctive fea-
tures determining the two related text types mentioned in the title.
However, all her texts come from literary works, they are quoted without
the necessary bibliographical context, and there is no indication of how
representative the selection can be taken to be. It is likely, however, that
the author was guided in her compilation by the literary interest of the
pieces included.
13 It is interesting to look at the dedications in the modern books used for this chapter: Bennett has “To
J. Where my heart lies, let my brain lie also” (1970: v), Gebert “To my father” (1933: v), Miller “To the
memory of Hyder Edward Rollins” (1959: v), and Williams “To the fellowship of librarians whose learn-
ing, patience and kindness made the book possible, whose rare lapses made the pursuit exciting” (1962: v).
Only Williams has traces of the old pattern surviving in that he mentions the ‘virtues’ of the dedicatees.
Exemplification: the dedicatory epistle 111
Figure 11. Numbers of books included in Gebert (1933 = x) and EL 1520 –1640
Figure 12. Numbers included in EL; absence of dedication is shown by empty box
112 Text types and the linguistic history of modern English
learned men have vsed to offer and dedicate such workes as they put abrode,
to some such personage as they thinke fittest, either in respect of abilitie of
defense, or skill for iugement, or priuate regard of kindenesse and dutie.
Euery one of those considerations, Syr, moue me of right to offer this my
late husbands M. Aschams worke vnto you. (EL 20, 1570).
Hannay (1622, in Gebert 1933: 252) refers to the ‘worth’ of a dedicatee and
private respect for her or him, again combining both causes to justify his
praise.
No statistics are available on the annual proportion of volumes with ded-
ications to those without them (their overall frequency could be calculated
on the basis of Williams, except that he includes the text type of ‘com-
mendatory verses’). The analysis of my corpus of English Linguistics
reprints, small and otherwise limited as it is, shows that there was never any
period when dedications were found in all volumes (cf. fig. 12). It will
therefore be useful to look at the evidence regarding omissions:
that the occurrence of the bound text type ‘dedication’ is not only interesting
in itself, it also serves to characterize the higher level of text type, namely
the type of book it is found in. Thus ‘respectability’ plays a part in the
absence from dramatic works, but it cannot be held responsible for the lack
of dedications in early sermons or sermon collections, where dedications
become common only in the 17th century.
Although no reliable statistics can be based on such slender evidence it
is obvious that in the EL collection the periods from 1560 to 1620 and from
1680 to 1720 show the highest frequency of dedications. Moreover, the
length of dedications is more extensive than in other periods: from 1740 on,
up to half of the total are reduced to a dedication on the title page or a few
words on a page specially reserved for the purpose.
It can be argued that not to include a dedication is the sharpest form of criti-
cism of the tradition. However, as we have seen, not all omissions can be
ascribed to this reason; the authors’ intentions are unambiguous only if they
formulate them in print. Writers that looked at fashions with a critical eye
were quick to notice the negative effects that dedications had on the confi-
dence of the writer and the quality of the product.
It is no surprise that Francis Bacon, who so vigorously objected to other
fashions of his time, also spoke out against dedications: “Neither is the
modern dedication of books and writings, as to patrons, to be commended”
(Advancement of Learning (1605), I.III). It is sad to see that his own dedi-
cation is particularly – and needlessly – sycophantic (printed in Gebert
1933: 157–60).
Dr Johnson, too, as we would expect, objected to the custom (which had
passed its peak by his time): “Nothing has so much degraded literature from
its natural rank, as the practice of indecent and promiscuous dedication”
(Rambler 136, 1751).
An ironic form of rejection is to flaunt the conventions and dedicate the
book not to a rich and powerful patron but to the gentle reader or even a fic-
titious person: Dekker dedicated his News for Gravesend to “Syr Nicholas
Nemo, alias Nobody” (Miller 1959: 135), Scoloker in 1604 dedicated his
Daiphantus “To the mightie, learned, and Ancient Potentate Quisquis …
Aliquis wisheth … Or to the Reader” (Gebert 1933: 154). For 1797, at a time
when the traditional long dedication was almost dead, H. Croft quotes
Young’s Sixth Satire “On Women” as a kind of anti-dedication.
Linguistic features characteristic of dedications 115
3.5.1 Introduction
14
The number of possible features is very large; every different new approach will render new terms.
My colleague H. Bonheim was kind enough to suggest a great number of features relating to syntax, dic-
tion, rhetoric, speech acts and attitudes on the basis of a literary scholar’s introspection. However, the
data base did not yield evidence of significant recurring patterns that would have permitted a list of
obligatory and predictable linguistic features.
116 Text types and the linguistic history of modern English
forms of address
opening and closing formulas
adjectives and nouns of eulogy
adjectives and norms expressing the author’s humility
1. dedications, even those covering several pages, are normally too short to
provide sufficient data on an individual linguistic feature;
2. authors are too intent on being individual, personal or witty (even where
they conform with the pattern) so that they leave little that is comparable
from one dedication to another.
I will therefore have to pick out individual dedications that contain specific
features in a conspicuous way. Although this method may seem to be
unduly subjective, I cannot think of any better for my purpose, the data
being what they are.
Linguistic features characteristic of dedications 117
3.5.2.1 Heading
In the earliest texts various headings were used for what are obviously dedi-
cations (Proheme 1531/EL 246, Preface etc.), but the term epistle dedica-
tory takes over in the mid-16th century. This designation stresses the histor-
ical connection with the letter (cf. 3.5.2.2). When the term dedication
becomes dominant around 1680, the letter form had long been abandoned;
the new designation permits the use of very brief texts (which could have
never been called an ‘epistle’).
Note that the section addressed to (but not normally dedicated to) the
Reader is commonly called Preface, Foreword, Introduction, Induction,
etc., but titles such as “The Epystle to the Reader” are occasionally found.
The dedication is clearly marked by the address “To so-and-so” which can
tail off into something like:
N.N. wisheth all health and prosperitie (Hart 1569, EL 209)
N.N. wisheth health of body, wealth of minde, rewarde of vertue, advaunce-
ment of honour, and good successe in godly affaires (Gosson 1579, in
Gebert 1933: 48)
N.N. wisheth increase of all health, worship and learning, with the immor-
tall glorie of the graces adorning the same (Wilmot 1591, in Gebert
1933: 77)
N.N. all happie and prosperous successe, which may either augment your
glorie, or increase your wealth, or purchase your eternitie (R.G. 1609,
in Gebert 1933: 171)
The full forms clearly show the historical source of the convention in the
‘normal’ Latin letter which opens with such a formula; they disappear in the
17th century when ‘dedication’ becomes the common term.
one hand, and of the humble qualities of the author on the other. The quality
of his writing is often shown by the stereotypical repetition of laudable char-
acteristics at the one extreme and by skilful variation on the other. Here are
a few of the most frequent words used: amiable, (best) beloved, benevolent,
(most) excellent, honourable, illustrious, noble, potent, prosperous, virtu-
ous, worthy; fame, generosity, goodness, judgment, nobility, virtue, wisdom.
W. Duncan (The Elements of Logick, 1748, EL 203) has: Merit.. Affability,
Complacency of Manners… an extensive Humanity and Benevolence… The
author states that his “little talent humbly beseeches, as a humble servant, to
have his trifles, slender presents, small fruits accepted.” Such sentiments
can develop into sickening sycophancy, as in Lane (EL 334, 1695):
I could not free myself from the just Imputation of the foulest Ingratitude, if
I did not lay hold of this Opportunity to make my humble Acknowledgments
of your Lordship’s manifold Favours as publick as my Book…
J. White (EL 135, 1761) after addressing the Earl of Bute as “another
Maecenas” even finds that the patron’s character “far exceeds all the
expression that I am master of, to describe or represent it in any suitable
degree.” Sometimes writers disclaim what they are doing, as McCurtin (EL
351, 1728) does after sycophantic eulogies:
A variant form sees the relation to the patron characterized by duty, obliga-
tion, or veneration which can be expressed in highly emotional terms as in
Tuite’s (EL 41, 1726) “a Heart over-flowing with Duty and inviolable
Attachment to His Most Sacred Majesty.”
The closing formula is the only part that survives intact from the letter
form. The authors sign as the “humble servant”, possibly modified as “in
humble duty”, as “your most faithful, obedient, obliged and humble servant”
or even “your Sovereign Majesty’s inviolably devoted subject and most
obliged servant”. If the wishes for the patron have not been expressed in the
address, they may be now, asking God’s help (in early dedications) for the
patron’s “long life and perfect felicity” (EL 246, 1531).
3.6 Conclusion
say that the long type of epistle dedicatory was definitely dead by 1800, and
that its modern successors, very short dedications (cf. Piozzi in 1794, EL
113), are even more unpredictable, apart from the fact that we expect them
to be very brief, ranging from two to about twenty words. The dedication
illustrates a text type that, although well-known and much used, was so
much dependent on specific extra-linguistic factors on the one hand, and
relations to the main body of the text (being a bound category) on the other
that no stability or unidirectional development of the form can be identified.
The statement made by Bennett (1970: 29) from a literary or more general
point of view is, then, true also for linguistic analysis:
Men were certainly led by ‘sundry and very different respects’ when they
came to write their dedications, and we shall certainly be wrong if we
attempt to schematize their efforts too tidily.
The topic chosen for this chapter would be much better dealt with in an
entire book. The amount of material and the complexity of the subject
would justify it. However, having to restrict myself to a few pages, I intend
to deal with text types briefly under the following three headings:
4.1 Introduction
As my summary in 3.2.1 has shown, the concept of text types is a fairly recent
addition to the instrumentarium of synchronic and historical linguistics.
As I have argued above, I take it that writers (or speakers) correlate a
certain form and function with an entity known as ‘telegram’, ‘address of
welcome’, ‘recipe’ or ‘limerick’, and that readers (or listeners) have certain
expectations regarding an appropriate use of such form/function correlates.
My hypothesis is, then, that the distinctive features defining text types can
be made explicit by a semasiological analysis of designations. Since every
text type would be made up of a cluster of such features, in classic compo-
nential analysis, regarding form and function, an inventory of distinctive
features could even serve to test which combinations of features are not
recorded.
15
This study was first presented at the Helsinki ICEHL conference in 1990 and printed, in slightly
abridged form, in the proceedings (Görlach 1992b). A comparison of the national traditions of the text
type in Western Europe is an urgent desideratum; for German cf. Glaser (1996) and Gloning (2002).
122
Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
Figure 13. OE text types and their designations (Görlach 1992b: 744)
Introduction 123
4.2.1 Preliminary
The recipe offers itself as a test case for an investigation into the emergence
of conventional forms and their relation to sociohistorical change because it
represents a category
The purpose of this investigation is, then, to find the functional and linguistic
features that make up the text type ‘cooking recipe’, and to document its
sociohistorical development. The following considerations can, tentatively,
be assumed to be of relevance.
B Social
3. Language used
4. readers addressed (normally on the title page, in blurbs/flaps, fore-
words), especially the noble/genteel/court vs. ‘middling’, family con-
texts, and the professional vs. amateur/housewife;
C Linguistic
5. Analysis of eight main features, and their development through time
(and correlation with the type of user):
The cooking recipe 125
D Technical
6. Specification (especially weights, measures, aspects: types of instru-
ments/ovens used, temperatures and times)
7. standardization of arrangement (e.g. subsections ‘title’, ‘ingredients’,
‘procedure’, ‘how to serve up’).
Correlation: How does the fact that the contents of a book are restricted to
cooking recipes determine the standardization of the form of the individual
item?
How much the pattern of a cooking recipe has become general knowledge is
illustrated by playful misuses. Alexander Scott used the text type in his
“Recipe: To Mak a Ballant”:
To mak a ballant:
tak onie image sclents frae the dark o your mind,
sieve it through twal years’ skill
i the fewest words can haud it
(meantime steeran in your hert’s bluid),
spice wi wit, saut wi passion,
bile i the hettest fire your love can kindle,
and serve at the scaud of your strangmaist stanza
(the haill process aa to be dune at aince)
Gif man calu sie, Plinius se micla læce seg_ _isne læcedom.
Genim deade beon; gebærne to ahsan; and linsæd eac; do ele to on _æt.
Seo_e swi_e lange ofer gledum.
Aseoh _onne and awringe; and nime welies leaf, gecnuwige, geote on _one
ele. Wylle eft hwile on gledum.
Aseoh; _onne smire mid æfter ba_e.
‘If a man is bald, Plinius, the great doctor, gives the following recipe: Take
dead bees, burn them to ashes, and also linseed, do oil on that. Boil for quite
a long time on glowing coals. Then strain and wring; and take a willow leaf,
pound it, pour the oil on. Boil again for some time on glowing coals. Strain;
then smear with after bath.’
The cooking recipe 127
4.2.3.1 Form
The recipe came too late to be fully affected by the dominance of rhymed
form in the12th–14th centuries – possibly it was also a text for which rhyme
was not considered appropriate.
Thus, only two surviving MSS have rhymed recipes in them:
Text 2: ME, 15th century (from MS Sloane 468, Hieatt and Butler 1985: 88)
To make a mawmene. Tak figges and resynes and wasch hem in ale and
braye hem wel in a mortere, and do _erto wyn, and braye _e flesch of hennes
128 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
or capounes and do _erto. and do good almound melk in a pot, and do _erto
_yn thynges, and stere wel togedere and make it for to se_e. and coloure it
with blod of a goot or of a pygg and lok it be sothe and grounde and
streyned, and put _erto poudere of gyngere and of galyngale and clowes and
greyn de parys, and sesen it with sugre and salt it, and do it fro _e feere.
‘To make a malmeny. Take figs and raisins and wash them in ale and pound
them well in a mortar and add wine, and pound the flesh of hens or capons,
and add. And put good almond milk in a pot, and add your things, and stir
well together and let it boil. And colour it with the blood of a goat or of a pig
and look it is cooked and ground and strained, and add powder of ginger and
sedge and clove and grain of Paris, and season it with sugar and salt it, and
remove it from the fire.’
Text 3: ME rhymed (from MS Pepys 1047, ca. 1480, Hodgett 1972: 32)
ffor frytures
With egges and flowr a batour thow make
Put barme therto I vndertake
Collour hit with saferon or thow more do
Take poudur of pepur and cast therto
Kerve appyls evyn A thorte cast _eryn
ffry ham in swete grece no more I myn
Cast sugur therto yf thow be gynne.
‘For fritters. With eggs and flour make a batter/ Add yeast, I advise/ Colour
it with saffron before you proceed/ Take powder of pepper and add/ Slice
apples evenly. Throw in unleavened bread/ Fry them in sweet fat no more, I
remind you/ Add sugar [over them] when you begin.’
The rhymed versions exhibit all kinds of patchwork, which proves that they
were ad-hoc versifications, and did not constitute a proper tradition – they
represent last reflexes of an earlier fashion. Collections of recipes (if they
were not written in commonplace books or in the margins of manuscripts)
normally came in collections containing advice on household management.
They were especially close in form to, and often found mixed with, recipes
for drugs (but also advice on making ink, etc.).
The cooking recipe 129
The Latin recipes collected by Apicius in the 3rd century exhibit variation
in the verb forms used: all are finite (no imperatives are used), but the
forms, all 2nd ps. sg., are most frequently in the future tense, often in the
present indicative, and sometimes in the present subjunctive. Dependent
clauses show a variety of forms, including the future perfect.
The Anglo-Norman recipes that form the immediate sources of the ME
tradition have plural imperatives (in -ez) throughout.
No distinction between sg. and pl. imperatives is made in the late 14th
and the 15th centuries. Although the imperative is almost invariable in the
texts, minority forms with shall do occur, such as hou me schal make, hou
_e schalt maken or schul/schullyn be V-yd, or what is possibly best inter-
preted as subjunctive:
Nou grey_e we x.
It appears, then, that the English tradition was modelled on Norman con-
ventions and became stable quite early on; modifications of the pattern are
likely to be intentional deviations (to produce a more informal atmosphere
etc.) – cf. use of thy/your hare (below).
The corpus (Hieatt and Butler 1985) is not extensive enough to permit one
to base sociolinguistic conclusions on this feature – they are much better
drawn from other characteristics (including content). However, there is an
obvious cline involving formality, social status of author/addressee – and
diachronic developments:
b) and c) are minority forms, neither having more than 10–20 % frequency
in any individual text. Whereas in early texts, degree of formality can be
expressed by use of Ø / your vs. thy, the sg. form tends to be replaced more
or less mechanically by your from 1500 onwards, so that your possibly
130 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
4.2.3.4 Objects
4.2.3.6 Quantifications
The earliest English recipes, then, are terse, leaving a great deal to the
cook’s basic knowledge, but nevertheless precise and discriminating in their
directions for seasoning and colouring. As these recipes were passed down
through succeeding generations, however, there was a tendency to spell out
procedures at greater and greater length and to add or vary ingredients.
The development after 1500 131
The cooking recipe shares the development of other text types in the follow-
ing respects:
Figure 14. Numerical increase of cookery books 1500–1900 (from Görlach 1992: 750)
132 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
whoever may be engaged in the important task of “getting ready” the dinner,
or other meal, to follow precisely the order in which the recipes are given.
Thus, let them first place on their table all the INGREDIENTS necessary;
then the modus operandi, or MODE of preparation, will be easily managed.
By a careful reading, too, of the recipes, there will not be the slightest diffi-
culty in arranging a repast for any number of persons, and an accurate notion
will be gained of the TIME the cooking of each dish will occupy, of the peri-
ods at which it is SEASONABLE, as also of its AVERAGE COST.
1. Title: name of dish only (as is usual from the 19th century).
2. Some telegraphese, which can result in cramped diction (Text 5/13
“when liked underdone”).
3. Imperatives, but some use of should not be V- ed; may be V-ed; also note
let and have constructions (have the skin taken off, T 5/4).
4. No possessive pronouns; address of the third person is found (p. 394 the
inexperienced cook… she should bear in mind).
5. Objects (nouns or pronouns) are more frequently expressed than omit-
ted; no general rule is apparent.
6. Temporal sequence is often quite complex, as is sentence structure in
general. Note constructions like “to which add…,” or “into which
pour…” (cf. which send T 5/10) and the great frequency of semicolons.
7. Mrs Beeton strives for genteel diction, as in: T 5/4 (quoted above) or p.
99: “the natural green of the fish (turtle!) is preferred by every epicure
and true connoisseur.”
497: “a chestnut force meat … is, by many persons, much esteemed as
an accompaniment to this favourite dish.”
501: “for a sudden tilt of the dish may eventuate in the placing a quantity
of the gravy in the lap of the right or left-hand supporter of the host.”
504: “this dish bodes a great deal of happiness.”
Text 6: No. 13. Bacon and Cabbage Soup (Francatelli 1852: 18)
When it happens that you have a dinner consisting of bacon and cabbages,
you invariably throw away the liquor in which they have been boiled, or, at
the best, give it to the pigs, if you possess any; this is wrong, for it is easy to
turn it to a better account for your own use, by paying attention to the fol-
lowing instructions, viz.: – Put your piece of bacon on to boil in a pot with
two gallons (more or less, according to the number you have to provide for)
of water, when it has boiled up, and has been well skimmed, add the cab-
bages, kale, greens, or sprouts, whichever may be used, well washed and
split down, and also some parsnips and carrots; season with pepper, but no
salt, as the bacon will season the soup sufficiently; and when the whole has
boiled together very gently for about two hours, take up the bacon sur-
rounded with the cabbage, parsnips, and carrots, leaving a small portion of
the vegetables in the soup, and pour this into a large bowl containing slices
of bread; eat the soup first, and make it a rule that those who eat most soup
are entitled to the largest share of bacon.
1. Titles vary between how to (cook, prepare, make) and the name of the
dish;
2. Full sentences; semicolons frequent.
3. Imperatives predominate, but passives are frequent (sth. must, should,
may be V-ed).
4. Your is only rarely used with ingredients and implements and there are a
few addresses to the reader (patronizing?): “You do not require that I
should tell you that when you have no oven you can easily roast your
potatoes by …” (p. 71).
5. Objects are normally expressed; it/them/this is normal, or the full noun is
often repeated – possibly in an attempt at explicitness thought appropri-
ate for inexperienced readers.
6. Temporal structure is made explicit by sequence of sentences, indication
of time needed and occasional now, then; or first … next … then.
7. Some sentences are more complex than the context would lead one to
expect – possibly a carry-over from his normal style and manner of
thinking.
8. Although Francatelli talks down to his readers, he is not free of inkhor-
nisms (p. 91 mucilaginous).
136 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
The arrangement of his information varies much more than in Mrs Beeton –
it may be that Francatelli regarded this looseness and the informal style as
appropriate for his intended readers (compare “Ingredients, …” / “Put,
prepare, pick etc.” and Ø at beginning of recipes).
A comparison of Beeton and Francatelli, both published in the heyday of
the Victorian period, shows that there is period style as well as individual
features which can be correlated with the class of the expected readers as –
possibly – with the authors’ idiolects.
However, there is less in general features that can be interpreted as part
of a more regular historical development: the frequency of object pronouns
is higher and of systematic arrangement there is less, at least in Francatelli,
than would be expected.
The work is the first cookery book written by a Scotswoman for a Scottish
audience and published in Scotland. Although it has been praised for its
Scottish character, there appears to be nothing ‘dialectal’ in the book apart
from a few lexical items. Whether this is because no local traditions of
cooking recipes with distinctive linguistic traits ever evolved in Scotland, or
because the cookery book was taken over wholesale from England in the
18th century seems impossible to say.
McLintock’s work can therefore stand for a common 18th-century
British cookery book; specific features are owing to the period rather than
the region. Consider the following recipe:
Break them with the Back of a Spoon, wring them through a clean Cloth, to
every Mutchkin (3/4 pints) of the Juice of Rasps, take half a Mutchkin of the
Juice of red Rizers (redcurrants) to make it geil, and to every Mutchkin of
Juice 1 lib. of Sugar, clarifie it with the White of an Egg, boil it up to Sugar
again, put in your Juice, set it on a clear Fire, skim it well, boil it half a
Quarter of an Hour, and put it into your Geil-glasses.
1. Title: normally To make (to pot, pickle, dress…); How to make, and
For/ Ø (A) Sauce, Ø Syrop of… are rare.
2. Imperatives are used exclusively; there are no passives or modal verbs.
3. Your is frequent (1–2 tokens per recipe, but some have 3–6), espe-
cially with utensils (your pot).
4. Objects are always expressed.
5. then is normal to highlight consecutive actions.
6.–7. Sentence structure and lexis is simple; the text is apparently adapted
to less educated readers.
138 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
The pattern of the British cookery book was of course also transported to
the former colonies: whereas the ingredients, and partly the details of their
preparation, differ from British conditions, the structure of the recipe is very
similar. Consider the following item from Reejhsinghani (1989: 7):
6 dry dates or chuaras. 1/2 litre milk. 3 tblsps. sugar. 25 grams each of
almonds, pistachios, charoli and walnuts. 1 tsp. ground cardamon seeds.
Soak dates in water for half an hour. Drain and stone and grind to a paste
with almonds, walnuts and charoli. Pound the pistachios coarsely. Heat milk
and sugar together, when the sugar dissolves add the chuara paste and keep
on stirring until the mixture turns thick and cream coloured. Serve hot gar-
nished with pistachios. This kheer is not only very delicious, but it is full of
energy and is given to women who have recently conceived or to anemic
people.
On the basis of a larger sample from two modern Indian cookery books
written in English, the following remarks are in order:
4.4.4 Hailans Kuk Buk (Becker-Tietze 1978, Tok Pisin, Papua New Guinea)
Whereas the Punjabi cookery book was undoubtedly written by Indians and
for Indians, the character of the Tok Pisin book is less clear. It looks like an
educational attempt by white Americans – whether missionaries or Peace
Corps workers – to supply Highland people with culinary instruction, as can
be illustrated by the following text:
Putim sampela gris … long sospen na hatim. Kisim hap mit bilong bul-
makau no pik, no ating bun i gat liklik mit i stap yet. Kukim long gris inap i
kamap braun. Nau yu ken putim liklik sol no kawawar no galik samting long
dispela sospen wantaim wara na boilim. Orait bihain putim kango
(warakres) no sampela arapela kumu na kukim wantaim arapela samting yu
putim pinis long sospen. Kukim inap long kumu i tan pinis na yu ken kaikai.
Sapos yu no gat mit, orait yu ken wokim dispela sup long kumu tasol, em tu
i gutpela.
‘Put some fat … in the pan and heat it. Take a portion of beef or pork, or
possibly bones with a little meat remaining. Fry it in the fat until brown.
Now you can put salt or ginger root or some garlic in the pan together with
water and boil it. Well, afterwards put kango [water cress] or some other edi-
ble greens and cook together with what other thing you’ve put in the pan.
Cook until the greens are done and you can eat them. If you have no meat,
then you can do the soup with vegetables only; this is also good.’
The text type may well have seemed (or still seems) strange to the potential
readers. The structural similarity of the text with American norms may
therefore be owing to close translation. (Note that the very title of the book
would sound more idiomatic if expressed in something like Buk bilong Kuk
bilong Hailans).
Note transference of titles, use of imperatives (omission of objects does
not apply), address of reader (yu). A native structural element is orait (from
‘all right’, roughly equivalent to then, well).
My remarks imply that the structure of the recipes supplied a model for a
domain hitherto not connected with written or printed texts in Tok Pisin. If
there has never been a written tradition for the field in a specific culture,
then a foreign pattern is likely to be taken over once a need for it is felt.
140 Text types and language history: The cooking recipe
4.5 Conclusions
5.1 Introduction
16
A drastically shortened form of this paper was first presented at the Santiago ICEHL conference in
2000 and published in the proceedings (= Görlach 2002a). For interesting comparisons with the early
history of German advertising see Bendel (1998).
142 A linguistic history of advertising
compilers and readers. Instances of such individual bound types are the
leader, political comment, news report, weather forecast, letter to the editor,
astrological prognostication, birth and death notices, obituary, cartoon,
crossword puzzle, classified, and of course the commercial advertisement
(cf. Ungerer 2000). Research into what defines a text type functionally and
with which linguistic features the type is correlated (and why) and how the
form and concept have changed over time, have been among the most
rewarding fields of recent linguistic investigation, a quest that is only begin-
ning to provide a comprehensive view of the discipline in its synchronic and
diachronic, national and international perspectives, especially when we con-
trast the rich tradition of research into literary genres already available.
5.1.3 Methodology
Among the great wealth of literature on the topic of advertising, only a few
books are relevant for linguistic investigations, many works dealing exclu-
sively with commercial aspects, others presenting an incoherent amalgam
of various themes without providing a systematic or comprehensive
account. I found the following books most enlightening: Elliott’s History of
English Advertising (1962), Sampson’s History of Advertising from the
Earliest Times (1874 – and, largely based on this slightly rambling account,
Turner’s Shocking History of Advertising of 1965). The only consistently
linguistic interpretation in book form (which is, however, largely based on
20th-century material) is Leech’s English in Advertising (1966); more
recently, Gieszinger’s (2001) monograph has broken new ground, especially
with regard to statistical analysis of the changing patterns in The Times.
A historical linguist will for his diachronic analysis, then, have to piece
various bits together and attempt to correlate
Starting from the first advertisements in the Mercuries of ca. 1625, the fre-
quency and commercial importance of the genre greatly increased by 1700;
topics like lost horses and patent medicines appearing from 1650 onwards.
The appropriate style did not take long to develop. In the Mercurius
Politicus of 20 Dec. 1660 we find an advertisement in which the medicine
in question is already praised as the “most excellent and approved denti-
frice” (Elliott 1962: 18).
Also, critical statements on excesses were soon provoked. Addison’s
essay in the Tatler (14 Sept. 1710) summarized the first fifty years of inten-
sive advertising (for which, in the final phase, those published in Defoe’s
Review (facs. 17, 1705–11) can be compared). It seems appropriate to divide
the topic into four periods, of which the second and third will be dealt with
below:
17 All period boundaries in historical disciplines are open to objections. The one here suggested has no
particular claim to originality or validity, and may well have to be refined by future research. I have
found 1700 a useful borderline because the date includes Defoe’s data in the second, major phase of full-
fledged texts, because it fits with the publication of the first regular newspapers from 1702 on and
because it agrees with the division I have accepted in my other books. Gieszinger (2001: 8), summarizing
the existing literature, found a general consensus about 1890 (and 1920) being “turning points” in the
history of advertising. She claims for her own study that 1788, 1825, 1860, 1896, 1917, 1937, 1956, 1980
and 1997 “reflect significant historical and economic changes which may have influenced advertising
strategies” (2001: 19–20), but the correctness of this assumption is not tested in a pilot study.
Introduction 145
No one can read the advertisements of this period without marvelling at the
cumbrous Latin compounds, the grotesqueries of ‘Greek’ with which the
advertiser sought to impress his public. Teeth were stopped with ‘mineral
18 I have here used the pages reproduced in Morison (1932). They comprise a large proportion of
announcements of plays and concerts (under “public amusements”), and otherwise provide a mixture
praising inter alia money on bond, a sauce for cold meats, spring cloaks, beaver hat wardrobe, patent
bedsteads, silver pens – and anti-scorbutic medicine (thus The Star and Evening Advertiser no. 1, May 3,
1788).
146 A linguistic history of advertising
The third period treated in my paper starts in the 1830s and ends with the
competition of modern media in the 1890s. The beginning of the phase is best
defined extralinguistically by technological developments, an expanding
readership and a greatly increased circulation of newspapers in the 1830s
(though distribution was still hampered by the Stamp Act, repealed in 1855).
Perhaps the most striking Victorian innovation is the creative combination of
fanciful and often ingenious illustrations combined with (initially) still exten-
sive texts, which, however, tend to become shorter (cf. facs. 22) – to be taken
in in a hurry – as time goes on and becomes more precious. As it happens,
later texts (such as those from The Newspaper of 1844, facs. 18) can be very
traditional in typography and diction – apparently exhibiting a ‘cultural lag’,
the readers of the paper coming from agricultural circles in the provinces.
This developed into the stage where the product name, or the producer,
was the only text left, as illustrated by Pears’ soap from 1870 onwards
(compare facs. 24 with Punch’s remake) . This is, of course, the stage where
the linguist withdraws and the psychologist takes over. Rhymes had been
popular for advertisements from the early 19th century. These can range
from provincial doggerel to the patriotic ‘Buy British’ advertisement for
Bryant’s matches (facs. 22). Another innovation was tried for Eno’s Fruit
Salts which used extensive quotations mainly from literary sources:
The emergence of the advertisement is, then, closely bound up with the
early history of the newspaper (less closely with journals and books in
which advertisements tend to be found from the 19th century onwards; cf.
the endpapers facs. 23). How close the connection is can be seen by looking
at antecedents and competitors of the advertisement. The early forms of
drawing a customer’s attention can be said to exist in the form of street
cries, conventionalized jingles for sales in streets and markets, which how-
ever contain little of the expository information of the advertisement. This
is also absent from the trade-cards which tend to contain little description,
but include a pictorial element (cf. facs. 16). This combination makes it fun-
damentally different from 18th-century advertisements – but, coincidentally,
brings it very close to the modern concept of a usually eye-catching device
accompanied by little text, a combination which can be taken in in a mini-
mum of time. By contrast, early newspaper advertisements are characterized
by their similarity to the other texts printed on the same page. The implication
is that, whatever its distinctive linguistic features, advertisements are pre-
dominantly expository, and the information handed out to the reader is prin-
cipally of the same character as that found in news reports or death notices.
Whether there is a sly psychological trick behind all this, persuasion hiding
as information, is difficult to determine.
That the concept was established at an early time is also obvious from mis-
uses of the genre. At the same time when advertisements in Defoe’s Journal
provide the first large body of examples, a description in the Tatler (1709)
uses the advertisement to parody the stylistic overuse of evaluative adjec-
tives. The irony is apparent only if the incongruity of text type and linguis-
tic form is recognized. In a different way, a poem by Woty satirized the
genre of the advertisement by the use of rhymed verse. The principle is
turned round in a 19th-century advertisement which employs the form of a
public notice (facs. 21) as a poster, using the typography of official
announcements and largely also the text-type specific diction in order to
19 It is well known that modern advertese is often and easily imitated; cf. Leech: “The fact that people
are able to parody advertisements shows that they have some operational knowledge of advertising
English” (1966: 6) – but it is interesting to see how early such parodies evolved. By contrast, later
instances of playfulness as exhibited in Punch appear to tell us less about the original being parodied.
148 A linguistic history of advertising
capture the readers’ attention. However, to advertise with the help of a non-
serious text is clearly a modern development (5.4.5 below).20
were printing advertisements, not only of books and freaks, but of lost
horses and the earliest patent medicines (Turner 1965: 16)
(Note in particular the descriptive adjectives used – formally not all superla-
tives, but semantically equivalent to them).
The situation was ironically commented on by Addison in the Tatler of
September 14, 1710. He included an advertisement for spirit of lavender
written in a Ciceronian manner – apparently no appropriate genre-specific
style had been found for the text type. Finally, Addison also pointed to modest
innovations in typographic (not linguistic) style to attract the reader’s attention:
20
This finding is confirmed by Gieszinger on the basis of The Times; she devotes a long chapter to
“Language play” (2001: 155–98); whereas rhetorical figures occur quite frequently in early advertising,
jokes/puns are used from 1900 onwards only, peaking in the most recent decades (see her graph, 2001: 171).
Introduction 149
Asterisks and Hands were formerly in great Use for this Purpose. Of late
Years the N.B. has been much in Fashion; as also were Cuts and Figures, the
invention of which we must ascribe to the Author of Spring Trusses [cf. facs.
17q]. I must not here omit the blind Italian character, which being scarcely
legible always fixes and detains the eye and gives the curious reader some-
thing like the satisfaction of prying in a secret.
(quoted from Turner 1965: 26–7)
Some sixty years later, when advertising had become a huge industry,
Johnson, in the Idler of 1759, complained more strongly about negative
aspects of advertising:
Advertisements are now so numerous that they are very negligently perused,
and it is therefore become necessary to gain attention by magnificence of
promises, and by eloquence sometimes sublime and sometimes pathetic.
Promise, large promise is the Soul of an Advertisement.
(quoted from Turner 1965: 29)
With all his criticism, Johnson stated (ironically?) that “The trade of adver-
tising is now so near to perfection that it is not easy to propose any
improvement” – but he was careful to warn against excesses, especially
since advertisements stood side by side with international news on the front
page – often without any typographical distinction. Such criticism did not
of course stop the practice. We are therefore not surprised to find, another
eighty years later, complaints of a very similar kind: a contributor to the
Athenaeum, July 17, 1839, wrote:
There can be little doubt that the stupidest cluster of trashy papers, the most
insignificant articles, may by dint of eternal paragraph be forced into sale. It
could not otherwise happen that Day and Martin, Rowland, Colburn and
Bentley, Eady, Warren and those after their kind could lavish so much
money in the praises of their oils, their books, their pills and their polish if
there did not exist a class of human beings who are greedy of belief. It is the
duty of an independent journal to protect as far as possible the credulous,
confiding and unwary from the wily arts of the insidious advertiser.
(quoted from Turner 1965: 54 and Elliott 1962: 54)
150 A linguistic history of advertising
Note that there was then no legal objection against comparing products with
those offered by competitors – denigrating alternative medicines was com-
mon practice.
In most cases, these advertisements were endlessly repeated, without any
change of wording, but a few (such as those by the Kirleus widow, and the
oculist Read in Defoe’s Review) show a great deal of variation and diachronic
intertextual connections. Sampson (1874: 395–7) traced the successive ad-
vertisements of Mr Patence, “Dentist and Dancing Master” which appeared
between 1771 and 1775 in the Gazetteer and the Morning Post, each con-
taining more incredible accounts of his achievements, ending with the dictum
“Envy may snarl, but superior Abilities assists (sic!) the Afflicted.”
We are not sufficiently informed about the authors of these texts to prop-
erly interpret their linguistic relevance. Many must have been composed by
Linguistic analysis: The 18th century 151
the people offering their products and services, but others were certainly
written, or at least revised and polished, by hack writers in quest of a quick
buck. Sampson (1874: 394) draws attention to an advertisement in the
General Advertiser for June 21, 1749, praising the healing effects of snuff
“which was supposed to cure lunacy.” Making fun of the advertiser’s total
incompetence in formulating his message in intelligible English, Sampson
aptly comments: “Certainly it has an effect on the ideas with regard to the
construction of sentences.”
In other cases (11 Sept. 1705) the paragraph structure is closely modelled on
legal texts, with sections indicated typographically. The use of whereas a
Proposal has been made … These are to give Notice … All those Gentlemen
… are Desir’d.
To apply semiotic categories to the analysis of advertisements is obvi-
ously less relevant in early periods when illustrations were primitive or
mostly altogether missing, but it is not entirely fruitful for more recent
examples, either.21
5.2.2 Adjectives
21 Basing a categorization on the thoughts of Peirce, Morris and Eco (1972), we can distinguish between
three types of signs (cf. Hermerén 1999: 72):
A symbol as a result of traditional association is in a largely arbitrary relationship with a class of
referents, conventionalized in a specific speech or culture community. These relations are acquired
together with other parts of the linguistic system and are consequently considered to be natural.
An icon is highly motivated since it expresses a natural resemblance between the sign and its refer-
ent; a traffic sign, thus, becomes iconic by the addition of a visual emblem (such as a stylized locomo-
tive at level crossings). It is obvious that iconicity is a matter of degree.
An index is related to its referent by way of causality or contiguity. Therefore, the use of smoke signals
for communication is an instance of symbol, whereas smoke indicative of a burning house is an index.
In advertising all kinds of mixtures of the three categories are found, especially where we have to do
with visual quotations, specimens of intertextuality, and various types of non-serious, playful, eye-catching
devices. The general development has gone from the absence of visual representations (or primitive
iconic and symbolic forms) to an increasing intentional breach of conventions, in both linguistic and visual
expression; cf. Eco (1972: 267–8) who summarizes the rule that an advertisement draws greater attention
the more it offends against communicative norms (and thus conflicts with rhetorical expectations).
However, since the interplay of text, typography, layout, locale and illustration is highly complex
and applies to other forms of advertising more narrowly than to my early corpus, it is only occasionally
used in the following analysis: my texts contrast with forms used in posters (which have, for obvious
reasons, little text and more graphic designs, from the 19th century onwards) and in modern advertisements
(cf. specimens reproduced in Hermerén 1999 and in Vestergaard and Schrøder 1985).
Linguistic analysis: the 18th century 153
The involved syntax in many of these texts is perhaps the most astonishing
feature. Rather than praising the product in short sentences, the authors take
particular care to develop their argument in carefully constructed long sen-
tences often including a number of adverbial clauses and rhetorical figures
like antithesis. Two characteristics appear to be particularly close to legal
conventions – possibly features chosen to increase credibility:
The absence of any unusual word formations coined ad hoc and with the
aim to capture the reader’s attention is truly noteworthy.
5.2.5 Summary
(In the 18th century) the advertisements in all these publications were
directed only at a limited circle: the frequenters of coffee-houses, where the
newspapers were read. There was little or no advertising of household
goods. The advertiser was content to offer the wealthy their coffee, their tea,
their turtles, their books and wines and wigs … (Turner 1965: 24)
22
The practice continues into the 19th century when “Burbidge and Healy beg respectfully to inform
the Horticultural world” (The Newspaper 1844).
23
The OED (whereas 3) does not relate the use to any specific text types, but the rank-shifting func-
tion as a noun (whereas 4) at least supports the assumption of legal origin.
The 19th century 155
24
The cookery book (4.3.5), apparently handed out free of charge by the producers of Yorkshire
Relish, baking powder, egg powder, custard powder, but also plate powder and lavender water (Goodall,
Backhouse and Co. of Leeds) is a collection of disguised advertisements, comprising a series of one
hundred recipes all containing advice on how to use one of the Goodall products for successful dishes.
(Even the producer’s name Goodall sounds like an advertising trick!)
156 A linguistic history of advertising
directed at popular audiences (cf. facs. 23). The multilingual lexis used is
most conspicuous where simple contents are explained to simple readers.
The advertisement for Yorkshire Relish employs the words “viands palat-
able”, “piquancy”, “au naturel”, “concocting” – very much in the style of
Mrs Beeton (cf. ch. 4). Innovations include a more eye-catching variation of
typefaces, a clearer lay-out broken up into short sections, and a further vul-
garization of medical half-knowledge eclipsed in irresponsible captions like
“Do not let your child die!” and “Do not untimely die” and “None now need
to despair of life … The most extreme cases need not despair” (facs. 23).
Another 19th-century feature is the use of literary devices. This could be
in the form of advertisements cast in verse form, varying from trite doggerel
rhymes made by a local poetaster to verses commissioned from respectable
poets: British matches are advertised in a jingoistic ‘Buy British’ rhymed
advertisement (Hindley and Hindley 1972: 7.11, facs. 22), whereas a more
modest shopkeeper poet from Stranton attempted to have many of his arti-
cles mentioned in doggerel verse (Wood 1967: 206); alternatively, adver-
tisements could be accompanied by half-philosophical reflections bolstered
up by quotations from eminent writers. Thus Eno dug up a passage from the
17th-century essayist Sir William Temple on health and long living to intro-
duce the value of good food (and Eno’s Fruit Salt’s part in this). Even more
ambitious is the same firm’s “Contemplation”, supported by an illustration
of a cliché philosopher and various quotations of poetry including a scrap
from Milton, but innovating in the form of mock advice to “would-be sui-
cides” to “always avoid Eno’s Fruit Salt”. Finally, in an age of globaliza-
tion, it is interesting to see that Eno, in 1887, provided “Directions in
Sixteen Languages, How to Prevent Disease” (for illustrations see Hindley
and Hindley 1972).
All the familiar tricks of the men simply out to sell are there – exaggeration,
pseudo-science, vulgarity, careless structure: some of it funny, some
pompous, some stupid. But a modern reader misses the puns, the clever
twists to familiar word-patterns, the alliteration, rhyme or juggling with
spelling, the adaptation to the language of various kinds of reader that
enliven the good modern advertisement. (Tucker 1967: 83)
The adjective has long been seen as the most distinctive element in advertis-
ing style. This is partly because many adjectives are evaluative, and partly
because they are gradable: good involves the advertisement writer’s evalua-
tion, best adds comparison and a particular emotional appeal. Leech com-
piled a hitlist of adjectives used in advertisements of the 1960s (a list which
may well be historical by now, but I do not know of any more recent study,
possibly even contrastive to Leech’s).25 The ranking he found is as follows:
1 new 11 crisp
2 good/ better/ best 12 fine
3 free 13 big
4 fresh 14 great
5 delicious 15 real
full
6 { sure 16 { easy
bright
clean
8 { wonderful 18 { extra
safe
10 special 20 rich
(Leech 1966: 152)
Counting the frequency of these adjectives is, however, only half the story:
the classes of nouns with which they collocate is at least as distinctive. For
instance, the fact that good is almost exclusively used with food may come
as a surprise. Less astonishing is the fact that negatives are avoided (bad,
dreadful), and that ‘gradation’ is also achieved by the use of intensifying
adjectives, replacing good by more expressive items.
25
Gieszinger has a section on adjectives offering useful information (such as statistics on [implicit]
superlatives, 2001: 133), but her count of individual adjectives (table on p.321) is not conclusive for this
point.
Changes in advertising style 159
A comparison with the adjectives used in the 18th century brings out signif-
icant contrasts. Many modern words were then not used at all (delicious,
special, crisp, bright, extra), others were less frequent than they are now
(new, good, free, fresh etc.). This could partly be because of the different
products offered, but appears to be much rather indicative of a more
‘respectable’ style employed in advertising. By contrast, the advertisements
I analysed from the 19th century (concentrating on The Newspaper of 1844
which had practically no illustrations, thus reflecting 18th-century conven-
tions) had a very low incidence of evaluative adjectives, with the exception
of patent medicines. Instead, there was much verbosity and Latinate expres-
sion, again not unexpected in 19th-century prose.
Many early advertisements are boring reading: they lack the visual attraction
we now connect with the genre, but also the experimental use of deviant
word-formations and (largely) the punning and other forms of word-play
which are among the most conspicuous features in modern advertese. This
change started in the 19th century when various eye-catching devices were
tried – as the rebus from 1820 (facs. 20). However, the technique is largely a
more recent development – it became frequent after 1950, and it reached its
peak from the 1970s onwards. Many of the linguistic means employed in
such diction would in former times have been categorized by the prospective
customers as a parody, and certainly have not helped to create the trust in
the product that is necessary for them to take the decision to buy. The forms
that such word-play can take are infinite; they range from slips of the
tongue to rhyme and alliteration, misunderstanding of polysemous words
and homonyms, mis-spellings, distorted quotations and other forms of inter-
textuality: there is no end of modern specimens. The first examples I
remember from the 1950s – excepting the flat phrase “My goodness, my
Guinness!” – include one for Newcastle Pale Ale (seen in 1959)
Thirsty days has dry September,
October too, and dull November. NPA
26
It seems remarkable that the change in style has become international. Over the last ten years, pun-
ning (normally disliked in my native German) has become acceptable in German advertising, especially
if the text contains English elements, as in Dämmershoppen for late shopping hours (cf. Görlach 1994a).
A text type exported 161
2. The advertiser has to buy his way to the public’s attention; budgeting
economy of means against results, in terms of sales returns, is an espe-
cially important consideration for him.
3. Whereas other forms of persuasion can expect to meet with interested
responses varying from active support to active hostility, the average
person’s attitude to advertising is bored tolerance, mixed with varying
degrees of good or ill-humour.
4. Advertising uses a predominantly concrete language, matching its con-
crete purpose. Propagandists in other fields tend to deal in abstractions.
5. Elsewhere appeals are often made to moral and ethical principles; adver-
tising largely confines itself to basic human drives such as gain, emula-
tion, protectiveness, and the physical appetites. (Leech 1966: 26)
To my mind, such uses are connected with new typographical styles for
advertising in the 20th century – and the tedium caused by excessive praises
of common products. However, we may be misled by the fact that our judg-
ment is based on intellectual, largely middle-class attitudes. The change just
sketched appears to have happened only to some layers of society while the
old type persists in others. Many advertisements in more popular papers
have surprisingly long texts to them, are mainly expository and certainly
not witty. The persuasion of the allegedly objective, very detailed informa-
tion contained in them is obviously seen as the best means of success, and it
comes as a surprise that the long texts are aimed at people who are not
expected to read much.
5.6 Conclusion
6.1 Introduction
When discussing text types, the church hymn is an obvious choice and this
for various reasons:
27 Chapters 6 and 7 were written for the present book in 2002 in order to widen the base of text types
characterized in more detail than just by definitions. Again, it would be fruitful to attempt a full compar-
ison of various national developments of hymn writing and usage, especially considering the interde-
pendence of individual traditions.
164 The church hymn
In essence the hymn was at first just the flowering out of the metrical Psalm
into a form which embraces other Biblical texts, providing the stimulus for
writers to expand their metrical territory to other passages of scripture (…)
once the hymn began to be tolerated, however timidly and restrictively, it
soon caught on remarkably as a widespread and widely divergent liturgical
form. (Arnold 1991: 8–9)
were invariably used for private devotion rather than public worship. Church
opinion after the Reformation [sc. in England] was so markedly against
hymn-singing that when Myles Coverdale published his Psalm-book in 1531
Henry VIII prohibited its sale mainly because of the number of hymns at the
end. (Arnold 1991: 11)
Watts’s Hymns and Spiritual Songs in 1707; of the three volumes only the
hymns in the first part
are based on particular scriptures, those in Part Two are ‘Hymns of meer
Human Composure (…)’. Thus begins in England a prolific century of
hymns which convey a writer’s own vision of God and Christian experience,
a vision meant to be shared with a congregation and sung to music.
(Arnold 1991: 18) 28
The real breakthrough for public hymnody came, however, with the rise of
Methodism after 1728:
Charles Wesley wrote nearly 9,000 hymns, his brother John edited hundreds,
and the two brothers produced over 50 volumes of hymns in 50 years.
(Arnold 1991: 19)
hymns were probably the most widely known and memorized verbal struc-
tures of the 18th century; yet, paradoxically, they also remained highly con-
troversial as liturgical phenomena. (Arnold 1991: 27)
28 Watts’s activities coincide with the beginning of Hanoverian rule in Britain, but I have not found
any hint to a possible connection of the two facts. On the other hand, the new trend was supported by
organs becoming common in the late 17th century (Arnold 1991: 25).
166 The church hymn
Scotland stood aloof, remaining loyal to the psalter of 1650. The only
Scottish concession was in the Paraphrases (1745, 1781); among these were
versions of New Testament passages which were largely drawn from the
work of Watts and Doddridge (Encyclopædia Britannica 1965: 989)
A few (hymns) written by Mason, who died in 1694, more justly deserve the
name. They are often quaint and harsh in diction, but compact with thought,
and luminous with imagery. The hymns we have from Addison’s pen are
marked by elegance and refinement, and devoutness of feeling, though his
muse stands in the outer court of the temple. Tried by the test of popularity –
here a true criterion of excellence – one of the highest places must be
assigned to those of Watts. He is our most voluminous writer, and though his
effusions are occasionally deformed by conceits and false ornament, they
are often lofty, impassioned, and felicitous in expression, while, above all, the
living spirit of devotion breathes in every line. More simple and spontaneous
are the hymns of Doddridge, with the same sacred warmth and glow. The
numerous hymns of Charles Wesley are distinguished by the predominance
of the subjective and emotional elements. Everywhere they are stamped with
a fervid individuality, which verges at times upon vagueness and mysticism
of the Moravian type. The hymns of Toplady, the great antagonist of the
Wesleyan theology, are often charged with dogmatic statement to a degree
of prosaic stiffness and austerity; but some of them, in their simple energy
and fulness, and a kindling ardour which reminds us of Wesley, have
obtained general currency. One of the most popular collections is that known
as the Olney Hymns, the joint production of Cowper and John Newton.
Newton’s hymns are sound, vigorous, and sensible presentations of Christian
truth, penetrated and vivified by deep Christian experience; while those of
Cowper, by their tenderness and truth, their touching personal allusions,
solemn saintliness, and sweet imagery, have made their way to the universal
Christian heart. (Encyclopædia Britannica 1856: 189)
The hymn as a text type 167
The Metaphors are generally sunk to the Level of vulgar Capacities. I have
aimed at ease of Numbers and Smoothness of Sound, and endeavour’d to
make the Sense plain and obvious. If the Verse appears so gentle and flow-
ing as to incur the Censure of Feebleness, I may honestly affirm, that some-
times it cost me Labour to make it so. Some of the Beauties of Poesy are
neglected, and some wilfully defac’d: I have thrown out the Lines that were
too sonorous, and have given an Allay to the Verse, lest a more exalted Turn
of Thought or Language should darken or disturb the Devotion of the weak-
est Souls. ( 2 1709: viii–ix)
29 For insightful interpretations (badly needed for 20th-century readers) of some of the key terms of
the 18th century see Tucker 1972.
168 The church hymn
house of clay and tenement of clay, and words/meanings that today need
explicit interpretation include compounds like watchnight and lovefeast,
specific meanings of covenant, enthusiast and justification, and foreign
terms like superannuated and supernumerary, elenchos and plerophory.
Two features are especially noteworthy: the distinction by authors and
audiences between hymns and poems, and the looseness of the internal
structure of individual hymns as well as their place in the organization of
entire hymnbooks.30 In a way, the two are connected:
A poem is a unified artifact which aims at moving, intact, through history into
posterity; a hymn is a unique composition which aims at moving, in whatever
form and however complete or incomplete, into use by congregations or by
whoever can make it (or any part of it) useful. Put simply, the aim, often,
seems to be to make a sufficient number of individual stanzas powerful,
sharp, and unified so that something can be used from the collection of stan-
zas. Of decidedly secondary importance is to knit all these stanzas naturally,
coherently, and tightly into the larger fabric of the whole hymn. Of decidedly
tertiary importance is any need to guard textual purity; hymns, particularly
the most popular ones, instantly became public, rather than literary, property.
And even though it seems that John Wesley tried to guard against this in his
book of 1780, it is noteworthy (and ironic) that he had already remodelled
many of his brother’s hymns; noteworthy too is that his concern (given the
flurry of doctrinal controversies between Methodism and other sects)
undoubtedly had more to do with the fear of doctrinal changes in his (and his
brother’s) hymns rather than with anything else. (Arnold 1995: 153–4)
… hymnal stanzas seem for the most part to be quite self contained. Surely
anyone who has spent any time with hymns must notice that there is rarely a
pressing (or even coherent) progression or development, a fluent linkage of
stanzas; and even though many hymns present a narrative or story from
powerful and memorable Biblical episodes, there is rarely narrative develop-
ment, continuity and consistency of voice (let alone a sense of drama), nor is
there the sense of organic unity or progressive narrative power that would
30 John Wesley in 1780 may again have been the first to stress the well-planned structure of his book
when he claimed that all “is done in a regular order. The Hymns are not carelessly jumbled together, but
carefully ranged under proper heads, according to the experience of real christians. So that this book is
in effect a little body of experimental and practical divinity.”
The hymn as a text type 169
make these poem-line structures more like good poems. As pointed out at the
outset of this Chapter, hymns look like poems. But many hymns read more
like a collection of stanzas – though individually quite powerful stanzas –
than a unified artistic entity. Significantly, this kind of problems does not
seem to exist in eighteenth-century songs: the narratives and stories in popu-
lar songs – even though very well-known and often reiterated – often
develop quite compelling and are suspenseful and dramatic.
(Arnold 1995: 150)
This explains the practice of many hymn writers who foresaw that their
texts would need to be adapted to individual uses and therefore marked
stanzas for possible omission, thereby acknowledging the loose structure of
their composition:
Watts put many of his stanzas in “crotchets” (square brackets) and gave
advance permission in his preface for some or all of these to be left out: “In
all the longer Hymns, and in some of the shorter, there are several Stanzas
included in Crotchets thus [ ]; which Stanzas may be left out in singing,
without disturbing the Sense. Those Parts are also included in such
Crotchets, which contain Words too poetical for meaner Understandings, or
too particular for whole Congregations to sing.
In poetic or literary terms this is as fascinating as it is alarming: parts of
the composition may be left out “without disturbing the Sense”. Essentially
then, the whole is not necessarily meant to be a unified artifact; nor is it
meant to appeal to an unlimited audience; nor are the truly “poetical” parts
meant to be irrevocably integrated into the fabric of each or any of the com-
positions. Equally remarkable is that this permissory note indicates that
Watts knew the longer hymns would almost certainly have to be truncated –
this is why there are crotchets in “all the longer Hymns”. In other words, if
there are any objections or reservations, be they poetical, logistical, or pro-
cedural, between the hymn and the congregation using it, a compiler or min-
ister is invited to feel free to take the wheat and let the chaff be still so that
the congregation may indeed sing unto the Lord a new song.
(Arnold 1995: 40, 135)
Since hymns were considered more or less common property later authors
felt entitled to amend them. Watts himself foresaw and encouraged the
practice:
However, where any unpleasing Word is found, he that leads the Worship may
substitute a better; for (blessed be GOD) we are not confined to the Words of
any Man in our public Solemnities. (quoted from Arnold 1995: 38–9)
170 The church hymn
Evidently believing in the soaring poetic and doctrinal value of the hymns in
his volume, Wesley then does something totally different from any other
hymn-writer by asserting the need to maintain the purity of his texts. Other
writers invite changes, if they are seen as necessary, or even preferred. Not
Wesley, however: his texts are pristine and he desires that they remain
untouchable, or at least that readers retain access to the pure state of the
texts. Acknowledging that many gentlemen “have done my Brother and me
… the honour to reprint many of our Hymns”, he welcomes this, “provided
they print them just as they are” (vi). However, he makes an unusual
request: “But I desire they would not attempt to mend them: for really they
are not able. None of them is able to mend either the sense, or the verse”.
Again, this seems a rather sweeping dismissal of the skills and sensitivities
(not to mention the needs) of other writers and particularly users. Wesley
offers only two options: he wants people “ … either to let them stand just as
they are … or to add the true reading in the margin, or at the bottom of the
page; that we may no longer be accountable either for the nonsense or for
the doggerel of other men”. These texts are, it would seem, pure in terms of
poetry and doctrine; any amendments are only to be seen as mistakes.
(quoted from Arnold 1995: 56)
Changes were also admitted or even invited if the hymn came too close to
the poetic diction of secular writers31; Watts stated:
Another apparent inconsistency occurs with regard to the issue of the poetic
value of the hymns. Assuring readers that his “whole Design was to aid the
Devotion of Christians”, Watts admits that his main endeavour has been to
“make the Sense plain and obvious”; but in order to do this it was necessary
that “Some of the Beauties of Poesy are neglected, and some wilfully
defaced”, and, “I have been forced to lay aside many HYMNS after they
were finished, and utterly exclude them from this Volume, because of the
bolder Figures of Speech that crouded themselves into the Verse … which I
could not easily restrain” (x). Yet, with particular reference to the hymns “of
meer Human Composure”, Watts proposes that “If there be any Poems in the
Book that are capable of giving Delight to the Persons of a more refined
Taste and polite Education, perhaps they may be found” here (xii). Why?
Watts recounts: “I confess myself to have been too often tempted away from
31
The Oxford Anthology of English Literature (Kermode and Hollander, 1973) is consistent in not
including any hymns by Watts, the Wesleys etc. – but 18th-century collections freely did.
The hymn as a text type 171
the more spiritual Designs I proposed, by some gay and flowery Expression
that gratified the Fancy; the bright Images too often prevailed above the Fire
of divine Affection, and the Light exceeded the Heat …”
(1709: xii, quoted from Arnold 1995: 39)
Underlying most editorial strategies, traditional and recent, is the broad con-
cept of authorial intent, this in turn providing the rationale for the principle
of establishing a proper “text” (be it called “copy-text” or whatever). But the
importance of establishing a “copy-text” or any sort of authoritative or proper
version seems in many cases not to have been an objective – or even an issue
of much importance – to the hymn-writers, compilers, or subsequent “edi-
tors”; and since several hymn-writers, unlike poets, seem to have gladly
watched their hymns continually reappear in Protean unpredictability (Wesley,
Cowper, Steele, Needham, etc.), the question of authorial intent and the
definitive status of the “text” become problematic indeed. Perhaps the editor,
scholar, student, or just plain user of hymns needs to consider an alternative
conception of “text”. This might be expressed thus: traditional editorial
concepts see the text as an established and intended aesthetic artefact (albeit
with variants) or an intentionally fixed ontology. Such a conception seems
less efficacious and relevant with hymns than a concept of the text as a phe-
nomenological matrix which provides – often with “intent” – the conditions
for the functionality, and possibilities for the variability, of itself as a dynamic
textual and contextual process. (Arnold 1995: 138–9)
172 The church hymn
6.4 Conclusion
The special attraction of the church hymn as a text type, apart form its inter-
relations with ecclesiastical history, musicology and the development and
diversification of popular devotion (including very specific national or de-
nominational differences) appears to lie in the degree of ‘openness’ of texts
which made it possible to adapt to the needs of individual denominations,
dioceses or even parishes, thus raising the difficult problem of identity of
hymns sometimes changed almost beyond recognition.
7 Lexical entries
7.1 Introduction
Lexical entries are unique in the field of text types in many respects. They
have not developed a particular name (in contrast to the first part of the unit,
for which headword or lemma can be used) – ‘entry’ means many things
outside the text field, and these other senses are clearly dominant.
Secondly, as a part of lists of various kinds, entries in dictionaries, the-
sauruses, encyclopedias, catalogues, directories, gazetteers, and so forth
have little in common apart from their position being determined by, say,
most commonly being arranged in alphabetical order and characterized by
reduced syntax. Even in the group of dictionaries/encyclopedias, divergent
purposes determine great variation in the structure of individual entries. A
first glance will inform us whether the inspected book or section containing
the word list
A’NTELOPE
n.s. [The etymology is uncertain]. A goat with curled or wreathed horns.
The antelope, and wolf both fierce and fell. Fairy Queen. (Johnson)
1 a deerlike ruminant of the family Bovidae, mainly found in Africa, typ-
ically tall, slender, graceful and swift-moving with smooth hair and
upward-pointing horns, e.g. gazelles, gnus, kudus, and impala. 2 leather
made from the skin of these. (COD)
A’NTIMONY
n.s. [The stibium of the ancients, by the Greeks called σíµµı. The reason
of its modern denomination is referred to Basil Valentine, a German
monk; who, as the tradition relates, having thrown some of it to the hogs,
observed, that, after it had purged them heartily, they immediately fat-
tened; and therefore, he imagined, his fellow monks would be the better
for a like dose. The experiment, however, succeeded so ill, that they all
died of it; and the medicine was thenceforward called antimoine; anti-
monk.]
Antimony is a mineral substance, of a metalline nature, having all the
seeming characters of a real metal, except malleability; and may be called
a semimetal, being a fossile glebe of some undetermined metal, combined
with a sulphurous and stony substance. Mines of all metals afford it; but
chiefly those of silver and lead; that in gold mines is reckoned best. It
has also its own mines in Hungary, Germany, and France. It is found in
clods or stones of several sizes, bearing a near resemblance to black lead,
only being lighter and harder. Its texture is full of little shining veins or
32 Stylistic changes between the longer articles of the 1771 and 1986 editions of the Encyclopædia
Britannica (which represent a different but related text type) are more notable; Gläser summarizes the
findings of her comparison as follows:
The articles under analysis of the 1986 issue reflect an overt paradigm shift in a number of subject
areas of science and technology in terms of the allocation of subdisciplines, and changes in the conceptual
systems and their terminology. In contrast to the first edition, modern encyclopedia articles are no longer
independent treatises covering up to 80 pages. Long subject articles of the Macropedia are introduced by
a summarizing list of contents. Metacommunicative strategies are hardly ever used. The personal pronouns
I, we and you are avoided. Figures of speech are used sparingly and serve the intelligibility and clarity
of the article. On the whole, the articles of the 1986 version are in accordance with the guidelines for an
“encyclopedia style” pertaining to other present-day encyclopedias. (1992: 171)
178 Lexical entries
HORSE
1a. neighing quadruped, used in war, and draught and carriage.
(Johnson)
1a. a solid-hoofed plant-eating quadruped, Equus caballus, with flowing
mane and tail, used for riding and to carry and pull loads. (COD)
Often early entries are very ‘narrative’ in style and content, providing for
the modern reader easily accessible informative (and often amusing) data
on cultural history and traditions, as in ‘definitions’ of electricity. Consider
the stories told about the elen/elk in Cotgrave:
Compare the echo of such beliefs even in a late and educated lexicographer
like Johnson:
ELK. The elk is a large and stately animal of the stag kind. (…) The upper
lip of the elk is large. The articulations of its legs are close, and the liga-
ments hard, so that its joints are less pliable than those of other animals (…)
Elks live in herds and are very timorous. The hoof of the left hinder foot
only, has been famous for the cure of epilepsies; but it is probable, that the
hoof of any other animal will do as well. (1755; Hill’s Mat. Med.)
Various attempts have also been made to do away with abbreviations and
block language, which means that the texts used in entries make more use
of full sentences than in the earlier tradition.
The lexical entry as a bound category is extremely dependent on the type
of book it is found in, determined by the compiler’s intentions, the expected
audience, established traditions, and the like. Cultural changes, especially in
the reader’s expectations of readily available and easy-to-find information
have modified the structure of entries but, with functional stability, not
caused radical changes – which have started only quite recently with the
rise of the electronic media.
8 Linguistic aspects of jokes
Being funny is arguably one of the oldest functions that language can serve;
anecdotes, riddles, conundrums and similar forms belong to the oldest text
types recorded for many cultures. In consequence, there is a wide range of
topics that could be treated in a chapter devoted to humour and jokes. I
might consider, but will here exclude, a discussion of anthropological
aspects (“man, the laughing animal”), philosophical considerations (such as
the arguments developed in Bergson’s Le Rire of 1905) and psychological
issues (as treated in Freud’s influential analysis of jokes in relation to the
subconscious, 1905). I will also exclude any analysis of what makes situa-
tions comical, funny, hilarious, and any treatment of irony and comic relief.
My concern is, then, the connections between language and humour – in
particular where the relationship between the two is conventionalized in the
form of national or international text types (cf. Marfurt 1977). Note that not
all text types have equivalents across cultures (so that not all designations
can be translated); the fact that national differences play some part in the
topic is suggested by the loanwords that have spread from individual lan-
guages. Whereas French exported aperçu, bonmot and esprit, English gave
a new understanding to the internationalism humour which was then bor-
rowed all over the world, and the Germans are responsible for widespread
Schadenfreude.34 It is also worth noting that constituents of jokes can occur
33 The topic has neither been treated in a systematic nor in a funny way, and my intention here is not to
remedy the situation: to be too thorough about the topic may well reduce the fun. I am doubtful whether
I can improve on Alexander (1997) which, with all its limitations, seems to be the most comprehensive
treatment so far. Readers of his book will, however, be quick to realize that my focus is quite different.
Other books which seem to offer relevant arguments and illustrative specimens are, in fact, of no great
use for my topic. This is particularly so for Redfern’s Puns (1984), Culler’s On Puns (1988) and the two
volumes devoted to Learning English Humour (1981–82): all are devoted to various aspects of humour
as a cultural phenomenon and its attestations in many text types rather than dealing specifically with the
joke as I do in my article. If there is any duplication of arguments, there is a consolation: the jokes which
serve to illustrate the linguistic analysis may well be the better part of the effort.
34
For some general aspects of the topic contrasting German and English humour cf. Gelfert (1998). It
is also worthy of note that the German word for ‘joke’, Witz was borrowed into many languages, esp. in
Eastern Europe. Specimens of jokes cited below are marked if borrowed from other sources, as follows:
A=Alexander 1997; Ga=Görlach 1992a; Gb=Görlach 1994; Gc=Görlach 1997; Gd=Görlach 1998a;
J=Anon. 1985; P=Pocheptsov 31990; R=Ross 1998.
182 Linguistic aspects of jokes
outside the fixed text type. Thus, punning is frequent in advertising and
some journalistic genres (but is stigmatized in others). Since the joke in its
present conventionalized form is a fairly recent development, early uses of
funny material tend to occur in other (if related) text types.
Before approaching our topic, a historical note is therefore in order. It is
remarkable how recent the text type ‘joke’ is. Before the 19th century we
find all kinds of witty remarks, word-plays and funny blunders, but they are
not cast in the conventional form as printed in modern Sunday papers or
told at cocktail parties.35 Thus, there are collections of ‘merry tales’ in the
16th century. One such story is based on the divergence between English
and Scottish pronunciation and the consequent misunderstanding of a
boar(‘s) head as a bare head (see Görlach 1991b: 21). Another makes fun of
inkhorn terms, with a student asking a cobbler to have semicircles put on
his subpeditals (see Görlach 1991b: 161).
By the 18th century, there had still not been much progress towards the
modern type of joke; the form that we might wish to call a ‘comic tale’
(Schwank) predominated. A typically anonymous and undated unassuming
booklet might promise on its title page:
35 Various words on quib-/quid- come into the picture in the 16th century. Their characteristic seems to
be that they all have to do with verbal playfulness, without being well defined as to form and applica-
tion. The OED has two quotations which combine various playful text types (if they are such) under
quibbles sb. and joke:
quibble ‘a play upon words, a pun’
1611 L. Barry Raw Alley III.i “We old men have our crotchets, our conundrums, Our figaries, quirks
and quibbles, as well as youth”
joke ‘witticism, jest(ing), raillery’
1683 Dr Edw. Hooker, Pref. Ep. to Pordage’s Myst. Div. 15 “Jocs, or witticisms, Railleries and
Drollieries, Quirks and Quillets”
All these do not seem to refer to well-defined text types, and indeed the OED quotations do not permit
us to say when the modern term ‘joke’ became established. The competitor jest, which initially desig-
nated ‘notable deed or action’, did not become fixed to a humorous text type, either.
Approaching the topic 183
It is worth noting the clever variation of descriptive adjectives with the dif-
ferent genres of humorous forms.
Looking even further back in the history of English, there is nothing that
comes close to the nature of the joke or even the pun in OE – the story of
Gregory meeting English boys in Rome and remarking they were rightly
called Angli because they looked like angels was told in Latin and was not
meant to be funny. However, it is not only the absence of verbal wittiness in
Anglo-Saxon times that is remarkable, but that the form did not evolve until
much later – OE riddles come closest to the modern type, especially since
one category of the modern joke takes this form.36 Centuries later, Chaucer –
who is not excessively given to word-play37 – can serve as one of the earliest
instances of the phenomenon; he apparently saw no incongruity with
decorum when he played on words twice within a few lines in his Troilus
and Criseyde:
By the way, the second pun is impossible to translate into Latin, Spanish,
Italian, French or German, to name only a few languages.
One of the great punsters of all time is of course Shakespeare whose
verbal play has created enormous problems for translators. One of the best
known puns is Hamlet’s repartee to Polonius
(2) Po.: I did enact Julius Caesar. I was killed i’ the Capitol; Brutus killed me.
Ha.: It was a brute part of him to kill so capital a calf there.
From the same time we get Sir John Harington, the inventor of the Water-
loo. Since a loo was called a jakes in Elizabethan times, he appropriately
named the book in which his invention was described
(3) The Metamorphosis of Ajax (For an interpretation and an anecdote based on the
pun see Görlach 1991b: 19)
36
In the discussion below elements of jokes, such as puns and other forms of word play should be dis-
tinguished from the independent text type; these elements form the necessary material from which jokes
are built, but are by themselves prototypes at best.
37 For instance of Chaucer’s punning see Shoaf (1988); it is strange that the author misses the double
pun here quoted although it would seem to be more appropriate for Shoaf’s arguments than the speci-
mens he adduces.
184 Linguistic aspects of jokes
The pun (in earlier periods called clinch or quibble, and equivalent to
paronomasia in handbooks of rhetoric) consists of a playful distortion,
reanalysis or semantic reinterpretation; it is one of the oldest and most typical
elements of jokes. In English, its respectability appears to have somewhat
suffered since Shakespeare who made free use of it – and not just in informal
contexts or where bawdy was concerned (cf. Redfern’s summary of 18th-
century attitudes, 1984: 52–5).
This decline is illustrated by the following warning in an anonymous
book on Vulgarities of Speech Corrected of 1826; it was directed at punsters
who were felt to be a nuisance in polite society:
In the course of the past twenty years or so, the pun has become a hallmark
of text types like headlines and advertisements – where it is still efficient
enough to catch the reader’s eye – but has become less frequent in
respectable literature. Also, puns seem to have very different status in indi-
vidual cultures, e.g. they produce affected groans in many German readers
and listeners.38
Approaching the topic 185
At any rate, I felt freer to use the pattern myself when writing English – and
in the case of Rejoycings found the pun had been tried before; compare the
following:
The great variety of text types which are humorous, funny, and witty, or at
least meant to be, includes a great number of genres outside the joke: a rid-
dle asking for an answer often in a misleading way – well-known since
classical antiquity and OE literature – shares some elements with the joke,
but is clearly distinct in form, and so are forms like the anecdote, or the
bonmot. Does an equivoque qualify, “a text constructed around an ambigu-
ity when parts of a text are omitted”, as a joke? Richards (2000: 137) quotes
the following text painted on two shutters, with the left one blown open by
the wind so that the text cannot be read (1903):
(10)
NO I
MRS. MAR SHALL
FRENCH LA UNDRESS
SPECIMENS IN THIS WINDOW
ALL ORDERS PUNCTUALLY
EXECUTED CLOSE AT SIX P.M.
38 It would be worth testing whether widespread bilingualism is a factor encouraging verbal playful-
ness. This is claimed for Mauritius by Miles (1998), who claims that bilingual competence has stimu-
lated the production of bilingual (E/F) puns and increased their acceptability as an expression of linguis-
tic wit:
Depending on one’s view of the dictum ‘punning is the lowest form of humor’ Frenglish word play
is either a weakness of or an artform for Mauritian journalists. Nothing more collapses the linguistic
boundaries between English and French than words which are themselves bilingual composites.
186 Linguistic aspects of jokes
The equivoque had a brief return to currency in the middle of the 19th cen-
tury, notably in the context of deception, but apart from this text type only
few of the 1,100 entries in Richards’ Encyclopedia of Ephemera (2000) – all
conveniently listed on the fly-papers – provided additions to my earlier list.
Most of the items are subclasses defined by specific uses (in compound
form) or designate objects (which may have a text on them) rather than
qualifying as text types. Also, collections of humorous stories (for America
cf. Blair and McDavid 1983) normally do not consist of jokes, although
such forms may be embedded in longer texts to enhance the fun.
In sum, anyone who wants to deal with jokes in the proper sense has to
rely on modern specimens, however much raw material he may find in earlier
periods.
What I propose to do is to provide a short typology of text types which
are similar to jokes, and then delimit my topic to those jokes which rely on
language for their effectiveness. The stemma provided in fig. 15 can be
followed as I work my way downwards.
HUMOROUS
FORMS
+ –
INTENTIONAL
+ –
TYPOS
JOKES MALAPROP
+ – FOLK ETYM
CONTAMIN
INVOLVING
SAME LANG. RIDDLES
+ – ANECDOTES
WITHOUT ILLUS. TRANSL.
– DIALECT
+ JOKES
CONTENT
– CARTOONS
+
MEANING MISQUOTES
+ – SPEECH DEFECTS
SEMIC FACTUAL
+ – INCONGRUITIES
HOMONYMY CONNOT.
+ – STYLE
HOMONYMY POLYSEMY
jokes + + ± + 0 +
gag + + ± + 0
epigram + + ± + 0 +
crack + + – + + +
pun ± ± 0 + + ±
spoonerism – – 0 – 0 +
howler – – 0 – 0 +
misprint – – 0 – 0 +
irony ± ± – + – ?
satire + + – + 0 ?
lampoon + + – + 0 ?
caricature + + – + 0 ?
parody + + ± + + ?
impersonation + + ± + + ?
sarcasm + + – ?
sardonic + + 0 +
Figure 16. Criteria in ascertaining types of humour (from Alexander 1997: 10 39)
39 The list is not complete. It could easily be extended by adding anecdote, badinage, banter, bon mot,
buffoonery, burlesque, cartoon, conundrum, crank, farce, Irish bull, jape, jeer, jest, jibe, mock, persiflage,
quibble, quip, quirk, repartee, scoff, skit, taunt, travesty, waggery, wisecrack and witticism, all somehow
related to text types in the semantic field of humour. We should, however, keep apart forms like palin-
dromes where the fun lies in the mechanical reversion, whatever sense the new reading makes, cf.:
(11) A dog! A panic in a pagoda.
(12) Do good deeds live on? No, evil’s deeds do, o God!
(13) Sums are not set as a test on Erasmus.
188 Linguistic aspects of jokes
Many jokes exclusively depend on the situation and on extra- and paralin-
guistic features; one of these factors is itself made the topic of the joke:
(14) A group of madmen had oft-told jokes numbered in order to save time and
avoid repetition. ‘17’ – roaring laughter. ‘25’ – chuckle. When John takes
over and says ‘32’ there is dead silence. “Is the joke no good?” – “Oh yes,
it’s excellent. It’s the way you tell it.”
Other specimens have parole features added for ornament and intended to
enhance the funniness which would also work without this extra. This is the
case with most ‘dialect’ jokes which largely depend on non-linguistic
national stereotypes and have non-functional dialect pronunciation added –
which does not make the joke ‘linguistic’ (cf. Anon., Punch, n.d.).
Slips of the tongue (or of the hand in typing) can be funny, but they form
only the raw material for jokes. They are frequently based on a single letter
or sound added, omitted or replaced, as in the case of the typo (which I
detected in one of my books and was able to correct) about the
Many authors have exploited the potential humour blended with social criti-
cism evident in malapropisms. Such misuses give away speakers’ lack of
Types of jokes 189
(17) What is the difference between ignorance and apathy? – I don’t know and I
don’t care. (A)
(18) Translate: Mors certa, hora incerta – ‘Sure as death the clock is wrong.’
(Ga)
There is also the funny story of the German girl student, about to be exam-
ined by a professor who attempted to calm her down:
(19) “I hope you were not too nervous to sleep properly last night.” – “I was not
nervous at all. I went to bed with a criminal Roman” (in German a
Kriminalroman is a ‘detective novel’). (Gc)
(20) The patient who had his knee repaired by the doctor was asked “will you now
be able to walk?” [ç:] – Patient: “[wç:k]?? I can hardly [wa:k]!”
One of the funnier jokes constructed around the BrE: AmE divergence is the
following:
190 Linguistic aspects of jokes
(21) An American travelling on British Rail and dozing away in his compartment
had the shock of his life when he heard a voice from above: “This is your
guard speaking.” He thought he was having a metaphysical experience. (Gc)
(22) The governor of Alabama had died. He went up to the gate of heaven and
knocked at the door. “Who dere?” was the response from inside. – “All
right. I’ll try the other place” was the governor’s spontaneous reply. (Gc)
Many jokes are accompanied by drawings, which most often have a sup-
portive function only – as dialect enunciation has in most ‘dialect jokes’.
However, in a few jokes the combination is functional because the match of
the two is incongruous, as it is in
Finally, the gestures of two people show that they have learnt their lesson,
that is to communicate without words in
(24)
8.2.5 Formulas
Formulas are constitutive for jokes in many ways. First, there are introduc-
tory phrases that tune the listener or reader in, preparing him for the coming
joke (“Did you hear the one about …?” “What is the difference between
…?”).
Formulas are also functional where they are distorted in a funny way –
the joke being in the listener’s disappointed expectation as in the advertise-
ment for Newcastle Pale Ale of the late 1950s:
The use of caps with decreasing size and arranged in short lines disregard-
ing word boundaries produced the joke suggesting a vision test at an oph-
thalmologist (England, 1960s):
(32) In a London underground: “Is this Wembley?” – “No; Thursday.” – “So am I.”
A common pattern (which also works with letters, or with words) is the
exchange of sounds, especially initial phonemes. It is of course the principle
of the spoonerism, as in:
There are a few problem areas in English syntax which can lead to misunder-
standings, or, what amounts to the same thing, can be used as the basis for
jokes.
Here is a minor one based on the ambiguous part-of-speech classifica-
tion of -ing words. The historical version, dating from around 1381(?) is
phrased as follows:
The slightly unusual word-order easily gives the joke away as concocted;
the following is based on the same principle, but works much better:
(37) “The police in London are looking for a man with a deaf-aid.”
– “Why don’t they use glasses?” (J)
Compare:
(38) Man in a bar: “I just got a bottle of gin for my mother-in-law.” – “Sounds
like a good swap.” (R)
(39) Man in a clothes shop: “Can I try on that blue suit in the window?”
Manager: “No, Sir, you’ll have to use the changing-room like everyone
else.” (J)
(40) “Did you know that the natives like potatoes as much as missionaries?” –
“Yes, but the missionaries are more nutritious.” (A)
(42) “Do you serve frog’s legs?” – “We serve anyone who’s able to pay.” (R)
A similar pattern, here the formal merger and consequent confusion about
the indirect and direct object, underlies:
Types of jokes 195
(44) In the post-office, an old lady buys a stamp for an envelope and asks: “Must
I put this on myself?” – “No, please stick it on the envelope.”
“Poor John! Just imagine being buried together with two total strangers.”
(46) The welfare state has become the farewell state. (A)
(47) Wanted a smart woman who can wash, iron and milk cows.
Ambiguity in verbal rection can be another factor. Consider the two inter-
pretations of please:
(48) “No use bothering me, John. I shall marry whom I please.”
– “All right. You please me well enough.” (P)
196 Linguistic aspects of jokes
49. “Why are you late for school?” – “I had to take the bull to the cow.” –
“Couldn’t your father have done that?” – Yes, but not as well as the bull.”
50. “Did you hear about the girl who got engaged and then found her fiancé had
a wooden leg? She broke it off, of course.” (J)
Ambiguity of passive and active found, and the resulting difference in the
syntactical function of drunk is the basis for the funny misinterpretation of
the following headline:
Finally, the phonological merger of is and has does not normally create mis-
understandings about the active or passive interpretation of a sentence. It
does, however, in:
54. “What does NASA stand for?” – “Need another seven astronauts.” (R)
Compare another:
– where the etymology of adult is entirely different from the one underlying
adultery.
57. “Waiter! There are some coins in my soup!” – “Well, you said you wanted
some change in your meals.” (J)
58. “Waiter! There is a button in my lettuce!” – That must be from the salad
dressing.” (J)
59. “What shall I do? I’m engaged to a man who cannot bear children.” – “Well,
you mustn’t expect too much of a husband.” (P)
Frequently such jokes are found in the form of questions (and are often
based on spoken forms):
60. Teacher: “In 1940, what were the Poles doing in Russia?”
Pupil: “Holding up the telegraph wires.” (J)
61. A woman went into a newsagent’s and asked: “Do you keep stationery?” –
“No madam, I usually go home for my lunch.” (J)
62. Teacher: “What is the meaning of the word ‘matrimony’?” – Pupil: “Father
says it isn’t a word, it’s a sentence.”
198 Linguistic aspects of jokes
63. Some young Sunday school pupils were asked to draw the Flight into Egypt.
A girl drew a picture of an aeroplane with three people in the back, all with
haloes, and a man in front without one.
“Who is the one without the halo?” the teacher asked. – “Oh,” said the
girl, “that is Pontius, the pilot.” (P)
All the above examples were based on homonymic relations, the two mean-
ings in conflict having no component in common. However, the pattern
works as well with polysemic pairs whose meanings overlap:
65. When Mrs Webster found Noah playing around with the kitchen-maid she
exclaimed: “I am surprised!”
– “My dear, as the wife of a lexicographer you should know that you are
astonished. It is I who am surprised.” (P)
66. Three boys keep on bragging about the importance of their relations. A: “My
uncle is a medical specialist. When we go out together people lower their
heads and say ‘How do you do, Doctor Brown.” — B: “That is nothing. My
father is a parson. People doff their hats and say, ‘Good morning,
Reverend’.” — C: “How does all this compare with my aunt? When we
have a walk, people turn round exclaiming ‘Almighty God!’.”
Conclusion 199
8.3 Conclusion
Rhetoric according to Cicero, Quintilian and Horace, should both teach and
amuse. I hope I have achieved the latter in my presentation. What about the
educational potential of my topic?
Doing linguistics can be a dry topic for both teachers and students,
whether the focus is on graphemics or phonetics, on syntax or semantics, on
regional variation or translation studies. All of these can be approached
through the material I have offered – there is even a sprinkling of language
history and the development of text types in the menu. I have refrained from
adding technical analyses to my specimens, a task I will gladly leave to my
colleagues. As material for discussing translational possibilities it may be
worthwhile to go through my specimens and find out which are possible to
render into the readers’ mother tongues, and if they are not, look for the rea-
son in the structural differences of source and target language.
In the context of text types, jokes are very difficult to define since (as is
obvious from the items cited) they come in so many forms and their effec-
tiveness depends on many different factors, including a large number of sit-
uational, pragmatic and psychological variables. A more narrowly defined
subtype, such as the ‘linguistic’ joke here treated, promised to be an appro-
priate starting-point for a more comprehensive description of the text type;
however, the genre appears to be very hard to describe and categorize –
even if we restrict ourselves to one tradition and do not attempt to include
national differences – or the export of text types (as treated in the subse-
quent chapters).
9 Text types and the history of Scots
9.1 Introduction 40
Scots was (almost) a fully-fledged national language in the 16th century, but
since then its distribution and range of functions have continuously
declined; attempts at recovering its former status have never aimed at
restoring the full range of uses. Therefore the retention of informal and
regional uses predominantly in speech, and the successful preservation or
reintroduction of mainly literary genres has given Scots typical features of a
Halbsprache, in Kloss’s (1968) terms. Its form and present-day functions
are therefore best explained historically, text type by text type. This paper
treats formal texts (administrative, scholarly, grammatical, religious and a
few spoken forms), comparing these with the wider range of informal uses
(private letters, journalism, advertisements and humour) and devoting spe-
cial attention to various literary genres. The final section compares the situ-
ation of Scots with that of other semi-languages in Europe and attempts a
cautious prediction on the future of Scots.
9.1.1 Definitions
Text types, and the distinctive features characterizing them, differ from cul-
ture to culture (but can be borrowed, as words or syntactic patterns can).
Relating to specific functions in individual cultures as they do, they cannot
be expected to be identical internationally nor can it be assumed that the use
of a specific language to render a text type is constant over time – compare
the decrease of French and Latin in the history of English, which resulted in
the imitation (or borrowing) of text types into English (cf. ch.1).
If we wish to continue the comparison with phonology and morphology,
we find that text types can be free (a sonnet) or bound (a dedication); they
can combine to form larger units (in a newspaper or a book); ‘allotexts’ can
develop into independent types (a letter into various types of letters but also
into a dedication), and so forth (cf. above).
40
The chapter is a revised form of the article published in JEL (= Görlach 1997b); a shorter version
was presented at the ICEHL Conference at Edinburgh in 1994. For various aspects of this chapter my
recent textbook (Görlach 2002b) can be compared.
202 Text types and the history of Scots
41 The inventory of text types in use in the English and Scottish communities can be expected to be
largely identical, being based on language functions in a shared West European culture; flyting is one
item that comes to mind as specifically Scottish – but the type (also conventionalized as a literary genre)
is now archaic/historical.
42
Specific types of medieval medical treatises, for instance, were made redundant by scientific progress;
recent political changes in Eastern Europe ended text types like (German) Aktionsprogramm, Dorfent-
wicklungsplan or Ergebenheitsadresse.
Introduction 203
when this was still the common means of communication; the use of French
on gravestones in the Channel Islands and of German in Alsace ceased
without the spoken forms being lost (however much reduced they may be).
In the case of Low German, Catalan, Occitan or Scots there is the addi-
tional complication that formerly independent languages may come to be
felt as dialects of the bigger, more prestigious neighbouring standard lan-
guage (cf. Görlach 1985b). We are here involved in a ‘vicious’ circle – the
more functions are given up, the less useful the receding language is felt to
be, which in due course not only reduces its functions, but impoverishes as
regards its linguistic potential. Moreover, the increasing uses of the related
standard language are likely to lead to convergence with it, which is a mis-
leading term for what is, in our context, dialect erosion. Whereas Gaelic
remains undoubtedly Gaelic however much influenced by English, Scots
can die an unperceived death by becoming more English all the time, until
only pronunciation (accent) differences are left, and therefore not enough
distinctiveness to constitute a proper dialect, let alone a language, whether
by abstand or by attitude.
This also means that in a continuum between Scots and English, the
dividing line is uncertain and largely subjective as is the decision (even if it
is the author’s) on whether a specific spoken or written text should be clas-
sified as the one or the other. This is a very common situation in some soci-
eties in Continental Europe – and in Jamaica, where St E and Creole now
form a continuum (cf. Görlach 1991c). The age-old question whether broad
Glaswegian is Scots has to do with this dilution (but also, of course, with
social stigma); whether Galt or Grassic Gibbon wrote in Scots (as most
readers justly claim) or in English (as could be argued by Englishmen read-
ing their texts with English pronunciation) is a question that permits of
more than one answer.43 Since ‘density’ and ‘intelligibility’ are concepts that
do not allow strict quantification, the ‘Scottishness’ of such texts cannot be
measured in any objective way.
43
Cf. Tulloch’s statement on Gibbon’s literary language; after analysing the elements used, he concludes:
The language which results from the mixture of all these elements is very hard to classify.
Nevertheless, while it is a literary creation suitable to the purposes of one particular book and
not suitable for use in other kinds of narrative, it is in every real sense a Scots narrative voice.
(1985: 173–4)
204 Text types and the history of Scots
My survey will confirm what is widely known, viz. the retreat of Scots from
most of its functions over the centuries, and, connected with this develop-
ment, a general dilution of the Scots-ness of the texts. However, the trend
was not identical for individual types as regards speed and thoroughness,
and it will become clear what features it depended on and what factors
made at least a partial reversal possible. As a minority ‘L(ow)’ language in
diglossia, the history of Scots is of course not unique, but parallelled by
other languages in a widely shared European framework.
It is a widespread error to believe that Scots would necessarily have
developed into a fully-fledged national language if it had not been for the
Union of the Crowns in 1603. While this certainly removed most of the
institutional support for the standardization and implementation of Scots, it
has to be admitted that such moves were halfhearted at best even when the
political conditions for the establishment of Scots existed. If there had been
any consensus on the desirability of, and need for, a national language
clearly differentiated from English, there would have been opportunities to
translate the Bible into Scots and have it printed, to stop the anglicization of
book printing in 16th-century Edinburgh, to introduce the teaching of Scots
into the schools and to spread James VI’s well-meant Basilicon Doron in its
Scots manuscript form as a pattern set by the monarch, and not have it
printed in an anglicized form by Waldegrave at Edinburgh in 1599 (cf. the
parallel prints of the 1595 and 1603 versions in Görlach 1991b: 310 –2).
There was, as Devitt’s (1989) thorough research confirms, not a single
genre which was deliberately Scots in a puristic way, as Gavin Douglas had
demanded in 1515 when he promised in his introduction to the Aeneid:
“Kepand na sudron bot our awyn langage” (cf. the excerpt in Görlach
1991b: 263). Rather, anglicization was proceeding in all written genres in
the 16th century – and it may have reached a point well before 1603 at
which a return to a national language clearly distinct from English would
have been difficult to implement.
9.2.1 Introduction
erable. In what follows, I will employ a grid defined by the factors formal
vs. informal vs. literary and written vs. spoken. The position of ‘literary’ in
this categorization is awkward, but is here preferred in order to avoid a
three-dimensional model in which the contrast ‘literary’ vs. ‘expository’
would be a third dimension.
‘Formality’ obviously has to do with the concepts of ‘standard written
language’ and ‘high prestige’ and it presupposes a stylistic choice. It is a
characteristic of languages like Scots that they employ (predominantly or
exclusively) another ‘high’ language for formal purposes, English in the
case under discussion. This fact also means that the ousting of French and
Latin from their formal functions differed in the histories of Scots and
English. There was no Scottish Mulcaster to ask, in the 1580s, “why not all in
Scots?” – whatever attempts there were to establish a homogeneous written
standard for Scots in independent 16th-century Scotland, they never reached
the stage where a prescriptive norm, codified in grammars and dictionaries
and discussed by the leading grammarians of the nation, came to exist.
Rather, the syntax and style of texts in 16th-century formal Scots dithered
between independent solutions and borrowings from English – however
Scotticized in spelling and morphology they might be.
Romaine (1982) is of surprisingly limited use in the arguments here dis-
cussed. The notion of text type is of little interest to her, and ‘style’ is only
mentioned because it is linked, in a distorted fashion, with Labov’s methods.
By contrast, Devitt (1989), for all her interest in scholarly abstraction, saw
the need for a functional differentiation of texts at least into broad types:
religious treatises, official correspondence, private records, personal corre-
spondence and public records are not watertight categories, nor are the types
in any way comprehensive. It can, however, be convincingly argued that
they are diagnostic for the anglicization process happening in the period and
provide enough contrasts to show that standardization is not a monolithic
process, but that its speed depends on social and stylistic/text type variables.
Whatever use there was for Scots in the 16th century in types like laws and
proclamations originating from the Edinburgh court and in records of the
burghs, it quickly ceased in the 17th century – Devitt rightly terminated her
research at 1660, after which time there was not much distinctive language
left to record. The close link of these texts with an independent adminis-
tration, national prestige and formality is so obvious that the factors need no
206 Text types and the history of Scots
further justification – the proportion of Scots vs. English features is all the
more telling. It is significant that there appear to have been no great regional
differences in this domain, although Scots (or rather a greater proportion of
Scots features in a text that was basically English)44 appears to have lasted a
little longer in the Northeast.
Two texts remind us that the loss of Scots was quite slow after the Union
of the Crowns, retention apparently being supported by traditions of local
pride – and the formulaic character of many of the texts.45 The Statutes of
Iona (1609, pr. 1616) and the Regulations of Dundonald School (ca. 1640,
both texts printed in Görlach 1991b: 384–5, 387–9) might have been
expected to be in the ‘new’ English administrative language, and so the
great number of Scots features found is quite astonishing.
The range of text types in scholarly Scots in the 16th century is impressive,
although Latin seems to have had an even stronger hold on Scotland than it
had on England. Was this a consequence of the more uncertain status of the
Scottish national language? If Londoners were uneasy about what form of
scientific English to employ in the late 16th century, doubts must have been
incomparably greater in Edinburgh. It is not certain whether the new
English texts (and which) served as a pattern for Scots writers: texts like
Skeyne’s treatise against the pestilence (1586, excerpt in Görlach 1991b:
365–7) look like independent solutions not guided by English models. This
impression is strengthened by the author’s complaint that it would have
been much easier for him to write in Latin rather than look for solutions in
the vernacular:
And howbeit it become me rather (quha hes bestouit all my Zouthe in the
Sculis) to had vrytin the samin in Latine, Zit vnderstanding sic interpryses
44 It seems impossible to determine from what time on, and in which text types/registers, the deliberate
use of Scots is in fact relexified English, that is a basic English structure with Scots items or features put
in appropriate slots.
45
Devitt (1989: 55) shows that national public records score very high for the five Scots variables she
investigated: the text type is least affected by anglicization among genres of non-literary prose.
However, the use of ane (for a/an), -it (for -ed) and quh- (for wh-) may have been felt as markers of a
specific style, and they do not tell us much about the ‘denseness’ of Scots on other levels, such as the
vocabulary.
Formal texts 207
had bene nothing profitable to the commoun and wulgar people, thocht
expedient and neidfull to express the sam in sic langage as the vnlernit may
be als weil satisfyit as Masteris of Clargie. (quoted in Görlach 1991b: 365)
Many scholarly texts were of course translated from Latin or at least mod-
elled on such sources. It is one of the problems with Romaine’s (1982) data
base for academic Scots that she uses a straightforward translation from
Latin in her analysis of 16th-century relativizers. How far can we assume
that this allows statements on Scots usage? That is, how far can we postulate
a total carryover of Latin grammar in the field of scholarly prose, whether
translated or ‘original’? Was Latinized grammar a regular stylistic feature of
the relevant text types?
46
The fact that the work was edited for the Early English Text Society (EETS, 5) is probably no
coincidence.
208 Text types and the history of Scots
47
Contrast Billy Kay’s more realistic procedure, who used in The Mither Tongue (1986, 21993) a highly
diluted Scots, or rather English with a thin Scots veneer. It remains to be seen whether language planning
for N Ireland which includes a standardization of Ulster Scots (‘Ullans’) will be successful (cf. Görlach
2000).
48 Devitt (1989: 55) found that religious treatises of before 1660 showed by far the greatest degree of
anglicization among the five genres of non-literary prose she compared, and that the sharp rise in the
number of English features happened very early, between 1540 and 1560. Although her analysis is based
on only five variables, anglicization is likely to have affected all levels in this domain, including lexis.
49 Note that such ‘scotticization’ of the printed Bible affects pronunciation (and marginally morphology)
only, but does not restitute a full Scots register in syntax and lexis. It therefore comes close to the Scotsness
of Nisbet’s adaptation, which was not a new translation but a minimal accommodation of the 14th-century
English source. If this New Testament had formed the basis of the vernacular Scottish tradition, it would
have carried into Scots almost the same amount of anglicization of the religious language that the English
Bibles did. (Compare for the limited effect on Low German, Bugenhagen’s ‘translation’ of Luther’s High
German version.)
Formal texts 209
50
By remarkable coincidence, the authors, W.W. Smith and H.P. Cameron, followed the extraterritorial
pattern of M. Nisbet, whose translation was made during his exile on the Continent, ca. 1520. For a recent
survey of Scots texts written in Australia see Tulloch (1997).
51 Lorimer is claimed (according to Tulloch 1989: 75) to have hoped that his translation might help
revitalize the Scots language – one wonders on what sociolinguistic basis this expectation was formed.
52 My views differ greatly from those of McClure, who finds: “as the tradition of a close verbal knowl-
edge of parts of the Bible [is not yet extinct] in Scotland, Lorimer’s work could be the perfect means of
acclimatizing a fair-sized section of the populace to Scots in written form” (1995a: 61).
210 Text types and the history of Scots
The slim corpus of Scottish religious literature (mainly poems) is, then, the
only written text type recorded for formal post-16th-century texts. As far as
spoken Scots is concerned, we would expect some accommodation to local
pronunciation in gospel readings, and denser Scots in some sermons, but
with religious terminology largely dependent on English, such local fea-
tures did not make up any greater deviance than might possibly be found in
19th-century Yorkshire or Devon churches (mainly Nonconformist).
The Flouers o Edinburgh, 1947.) It appears that Scottish lexis – apart from
the ScE foreignisms relating to Scotland-specific features in education, the
law and other domains – would have gone out of use in Scottish formal
speech quite early on, but markedly Scots pronunciations were certainly
avoided from the mid-18th century onwards in formal educated urban
speech.
9.3.1 Introduction
It is obvious that informal, intimate usage is, and always has been, a strong-
hold of Scots. Muir’s (1936: 21) persuasively simple formula for post-18th-
century Scotland, viz. that it is a nation which “feels in one language and
thinks in another”, reduces a complex setup to a largely complementary distri-
bution of the two languages, that is, to the classical diglossic situation. We
should therefore expect Scots to survive much better in informal contexts –
the difficulty being that for historical periods we depend on written sources
and that written uses are largely coextensive with formal ones. Informality
can be signalled by register misuse, but to detect this involves us in an inter-
pretation of the author’s (ironic, facetious, playful) intentions which we
may not be able to reconstruct without being caught in a vicious circle.
53 Note, however, that Ferguson states that the H variety is common for private letters – a fact sup-
ported by the continuance of French in such uses well into the 15th century, although ME was available
to English correspondents.
54
Devitt (1989: 54–70) found that personal correspondence between 1520 and 1659 was the least angli-
cized genre among non-literary prose, with the exception of national public records. It remains unclear
how far her findings, based on five variables, reflect the Scotsness of her texts on other levels. Note that
individual cases of anglicization occur very early, as in Knox’s letters and in compromise forms in James
VI’s letters to Elizabeth (cf. Görlach 1991b: 350–4).
212 Text types and the history of Scots
9.3.3 Journalism
The situation is quite different for less formal shorter texts. The Broons has
always been one of the most popular sections of Scottish weekend papers. It
is easy to point to the linguistic reasons for its success: the texts accompa-
nying the cartoons are very short, witty, highly conversational and com-
posed in a middle-of-the-road, easy-to-understand Scots, lexically enriched
by overt scotticisms and stereotypes. The same is true of chatty columns,
anecdotes, jokes and similar texts, based on (or being close to) spoken col-
loquial and somewhat diluted Scots. It is all the more remarkable that the
55
The small corpus of expository prose in the Lallans magazine does not refute my argument. The
texts must be classified as – still – experimental, written for a small (diminishing?) audience, and the
very fact that leaders or book reviews in Scots strike nearly all Scotsmen as odd confirms my point.
214 Text types and the history of Scots
9.3.5 Advertisements
56
For jokes cf. 3.6. below. A special type of cartoon not tried until recently is a translation of Asterix
(Allan, in progress).
57
The statement is much more appropriate for McLintock’s text than for Burns’s poetry, though Burns
self-critically used this expression with relation to his own poetical language.
Informal language 215
9.3.6 Humour
58 The text appears to be the first in a long tradition of English writers imitating Scots, mostly for
humoristic reasons, ranging from Shakespeare to many items in Punch. By contrast, Banim’s use of
Scots (in descriptions of the Battle on the Boyne!) is an instance of a slavish imitation of Scott. For other
authors (like Dickens, Stoker etc.) it is just an easily available anti-language (whether humorously
intended or not), though not always well-handled.
59
C. Milton (p.c.) recalls this conversation (as an illustration of an exchange entirely in vowel sounds)
as: “Oo? Aye, Aa oo? Aye aa oo. Aa ae oo? Aye, aa ae oo…” (Wool? Yes. All wool? Yes, all wool. All
one wool? Yes, all one wool…).
216 Text types and the history of Scots
On the whole, jokes printed in Scots seem to be rare. This would not surprise
us if the Scots left the telling of anti-Scots jokes to the English, but there is
no tradition of anti-English jokes using Scots, nor any vital tradition in
other fields, either. There is, however, a strong tradition of ‘humorous’
Scots based on local dialect. Perhaps the best known is that of Glaswegian,
which largely relies on a combination of racy idiomatic expressions, linguistic
and other stereotypes – and phonetic spelling (Mackie 1979). Jocular texts,
sometimes collected pieces from weekend editions of popular papers, have
been successful in other areas as well (e.g. in Aberdeen, Hardie 1986). By
contrast, humorous Scots on the stage, for pantomime, comedy shows and
cabaret, has a much longer and more vital tradition (Baxter, Connolly, etc.).
9.4.1 Introduction
The limitations of prose have been sketched above with regard to newspaper
writing – although in literary texts readers may be willing to allow the
author a greater degree of freedom in his stylistic and linguistic decisions.
However, longer texts in a variety not one’s own, or only marginally known
(as dialect texts or those in Scots and Low German are) require a great
degree of patience on the part of the readers. It is no wonder, then, that
Literary texts 217
Scots literary prose is found mainly in two forms: short stories and dialogue
in novels (which is normally interrupted by expository prose in English).60
Even with Scots still dominant in much of 19th-century Scotland, only three
major short stories were written, and Alexander’s Johnny Gibb (1871) is the
only specimen of a high-quality novel written in Scots throughout – not a
big haul for a semi-national literature. By contrast, various compromises
were tried out, mainly very ‘thin’ Scots, whose distinctiveness lies not in
their very few non-English words, but rather in rhythm and expression.
Writers of such prose are Galt and Gibbon. There remains the question of
how diluted a speech form can be and still deserve the name of a distinct
language. Similar reservations are often voiced with regard to Glaswegian
texts in phonetic spelling, which has been very popular from the 1970s
onwards (Leonard, Kelman, etc.).
In narrative prose, and in drama in particular, the author is confronted
with the problem of ‘realistic’ language: whether the form of Scots employed
is sociolinguistically plausible61 is not necessarily a criterion of its success.
McLellan’s characters in The Flouers (1947) speak a mixture of Lanarkshire
dialect and Plastic quite unlike 18th-century Edinburgh Scots; Barrie’s
Kirriemuir people speak the same kind of unadulterated Angus dialect
regardless of age and social class (cf. McClure 1995a: 88–9). Even more
artificial is W.P. Milne’s ‘pure’ Buchan, used to portray early 18th-century
speakers, “the historical setting [being] a patent excuse for the presence of
this reconstructed dialect” (McClure 1995a: 95). It could be argued that set-
ting their stories in the distant past added the concept of a ‘purer’ nostalgic
form of dialect found as early as Gavin Douglas – and underlying the recon-
structed homogeneous ideal of traditional dialectology. In contrast to this is
Galt’s practice and his documentation of the contemporary decline of Scots:
The use of Scots … adds to the social realism of the novel: the changing status
of the language is reflected with fair accuracy …. The gradual displacement of
Scots by English … is seen in action in The Entail: in the early stages of the
book Scots is almost the invariable medium for the characters’ conversations,
but by the end the Leddy is the only important character who is still speaking
it consistently. (McClure 1995a: 142)
60
Ogston’s compromise is that, in his White Stone Country (1986) and Dry Stone Days (1988), he pro-
duced a series of stories which can be read one by one rather than writing full-length novels.
61
Cf. the related convention of a Scots-speaking narrator, a device which Milne “stretched far beyond
the limits of credibility […] almost subject[ed] to […] a reductio ad absurdum” (McClure 1995a: 97).
218 Text types and the history of Scots
Although the ‘dilution’ of Scots is a problem for lyrical poets too (as a com-
parison of Fergusson and Burns will easily show),62 the short form and the
even greater willingness of readers to expect the use of unusual language
give the poet more leeway than the prose writer. Compared to other text
types, poetry is certainly the great forte of Scots – the last stronghold, many
observers might claim. However, comparison with eminently successful
neo-Latin poems will be enough to point out the danger.63
In a genre marked by originality and unconventional use of language it is
not surprising that the range and varieties of Scots used by individual poets
are immense:
[…] each poet – practically each poem – has employed a language which is
in some respects sui generis. Goodsir Smith’s neo-aureate diction, Douglas
Young’s mediaeval and Germanic exuberance, the mixed spice of Aberdeen-
shire dialect and voguish slang in the vocabulary of Alexander Scott, the
deceptively colloquial ring of Robert Garioch: the linguistic differences are
far greater than could be found among contemporary English-writing poets
of comparable stature. If spoken Scots is a group of dialects, it is not much
of an exaggeration to say that written Scots is a group of idiolects.
(McClure 1995a: 24)
McClure goes on to point out that with all the eminent quality of 20th-century
Scots poets, “much of the work of the Scots Renaissance school is decidedly
obscure, and largely unknown for that reason.” By contrast, there has been a
long tradition of popular poetry, including ballads and nursery rhymes, in a
kind of general Scots, and some poets associated with the Scottish Literary
Renaissance (William Soutar in particular) have preferred to use this as a
model for their poems when writing for children.
62 McClure (1995a: 161–70) has demonstrated that there is a great deal of inconsistency in Ramsay’s
1721 poems, which can be considered to have formed a model for some of the 18th-century ‘revival’.
Ramsay divided his collection into seven genres (serious, comick, satyrick, pastoral, lyrick, epistolary
and epigrammatical) – but the pastoral section “is the only one which approaches linguistic and stylistic
homogeneity” (1995a: 162). McClure takes great pains in classifying the language used as ‘English’,
‘Anglicised Scots’, ‘Thin Scots’ and ‘Full Scots’ – which serves to show even more clearly that Ramsay
apparently made no attempt to correlate Scotsness with genre – as might well have been expected.
63
McClure (1995a: 182) confirms that “many contemporary Scots writers have opted for a frankly arti-
ficial language, […] and by this means have achieved brilliant effects.” This results in the seeming para-
dox that “although spoken Scots has never been weaker, Scots literature has never since the eighteenth
century been stronger”.
Literary texts 219
The alternative solution, using local dialect as the poetical medium, is both
more limiting and, in a way, more successful. Charles Murray’s north-eastern
poems were sneered at as provincial by MacDiarmid, but they had a firm
place in the hearts of local audiences, who detected their language in the
texts, and it is significant that much of the poetry written in present-day
Scots still comes from the Northeast.
9.4.4 Drama
64
Unsurprisingly, such accommodation is usual when Scots classics are dramatised for nation-wide
television, with the result that “English critics [complain about] the ‘incomprehensible’ dialect while
Scots ones complain that the language of the original has been unnecessarily Anglicised” (McClure
1995a: 14).
220 Text types and the history of Scots
9.4.5 Translation
Translating a literary text is a creative act sui generis. The original text is
there to be judged, and the translator can decide at leisure whether his inter-
ests and linguistic competence are compatible with the job and whether the
potentials of the target language match that of the original. Frequency of
translation, rather than being a pest (as Dr Johnson held), can expand the
ranges of a language enormously. This was well-known to Britons in the
16th century who argued that both English and Scots (cf. statements by
Mulcaster, Lyndsay and Gavin Douglas) had to be employed by the best
writers if the vernaculars were ever to equal the expressiveness and elegance
of Latin.
It is a striking feature of present-day Scots that translation dominates
literary activity as much as it seems to do (cf. Corbett 1999, France and
Glen 1989). Shakespeare and Homer, the Carmina Burana and German
folksong, Busch (cf. Görlach 1986, 1990), Molière and Rimbaud have been
tried, as have been (with even greater relevance for the national literature,
one is tempted to say) Gaelic poets of the 20th century.
9.5 Conclusion
Devitt (1989) rightly stressed the fact that the progress of anglicization (or,
the continuance of Scots) has to be looked at genre by genre, and register by
register. Her analysis shows for the time before 1660 that factors like ‘liter-
ariness’, ‘formality’ and ‘topic/field’ are involved in the writers’ decisions
and the readers’ expectations in various combinations, and while the general
trend may be similar for all genres, there are huge differences in the speed
and thoroughness of the impact of English.
My analysis, mainly based on texts produced after 1700, has a different
focus. I have asked whether authors deliberately opted for Scots when writ-
ing a text, and not how much of a sprinkling of Scots features was left in
spite of the ongoing anglicization. However, authors’ decisions apparently
came to depend even more on text type as time went on – because there were
more programmatic considerations involved. And although the categories
on which I have based my classification of text types (literariness, formality
and field, as above) continue to be decisive, they do not allow us to predict
the choice of Scots, nor the density of the Scots used. This rather depends
on textual traditions as well as political and aesthetic preferences of a very
personal and often experimental kind – there is no social convention left for
Conclusion 221
any regular and predictable use of Scots, with the possible exception of
informal spoken Scots as used by close-knit speech communities like
Glasgow suburbs or Buchan fishing communities.
Can Scots (and other semilanguages in a similar position, such as Low
German or Occitan) be saved? Social and political conditions being what
they are, there is little public support for considering them (national) lan-
guages rather than dialects – not even (after devolution!) from the Scottish
National Party. Recognition as a minority language in the European Charter
in 1999 has meant some official support in Northern Ireland, but has had
very little effect in Scotland. Scots has lost ground in almost all the text
types here considered, and where it has survived, it has often done so in
much diluted forms that, at least in their written representations, have too
little abstand from English to be immediately recognized as realizations of
an independent language rather than of an English dialect. This process is at
the heart of the history of the Scots language, from the 15th-century Makars
through Burns, Sir Walter Scott and Galt to Gibbon (not to mention writers
like Thomson, Carlyle and Muir who opted for English in the first place).
When fitting the development of individual text types into a more gen-
eral scheme, the parallels with languages in a similar situation become even
more apparent. In Görlach (1991c) I sketched a ‘life cycle of diglossia’
which I can now complement with the arguments put forward in this paper:
Figure 19. The ‘life cycle’ of diglossia (based on Görlach 1991c: 81)
222 Text types and the history of Scots
– mainly spoken,
– mostly used in rural communities of the northern half of the territory,
– the ‘L’ variety and widely considered a dialect and not a language.
However, there are enormous differences in status. LG has never had a lit-
erary compromise language as Scots has (rather, LG was widely used, in
‘pure’ form, in 19th-century verse (Groth) and prose (Reuter) – literature
that never became part of the German national literature). In the 20th century
LG has received widespread institutional support in West Germany – the
eastern groups of speakers having been expelled from East Prussia and
Pomerania after 1945, and the Communist regime in the GDR not being in
favour of dialect in general.
LG was, and is, widely used on radio (sermons, narrative prose, radio
plays – and experimentally also in news broadcasts), by the church and
occasionally in local parliaments (there was a discussion in the national par-
liament, the Bundestag, in 1993 in which some MPs spoke in LG on LG). It
is not used as a medium in schools – but taught to adults in extramural edu-
cation. Many LG books are still being published, but newspapers have
weekend columns at best – most speakers of LG are not used to reading
their mother tongue and do not particularly enjoy the practice. Has all this
support stabilized LG? It is certainly true that the prestige connected with
these public uses, and the variety of its functions, may have convinced some
speakers that it would be a pity to give it up. However, no new ground has
been covered as far as written text types are concerned. Even radio LG is
disliked by many, who do not recognize their local speech and find the stan-
dardized form of LG artificial and too formal – in obvious contrast to the
public’s evaluation of ‘natural’ LG.
The fact that dialect speakers do not accept the standardized variety and
may reject the idea of a norm is recorded from many places. Irish speakers
in the Gaeltachts find that middle-class Dublin L2 Gaelic is not ‘their’ lan-
guage – it makes their native dialect sound corrupt and low (Hindley 1990);
the range of Provençal and Gascogne dialects makes Standard Occitan look
like a philological construct, and speakers of Scots dialects find Lallans and
Conclusion 223
10.1 Introduction 65
The spread of English around the world, especially in the course of the last
two hundred years, has had a great variety of political, economic and cultural
consequences. Among these, the study of what has become of the English
language in the process of its geographical expansion is a topic that has
grown into an independent and flowering subdiscipline of sociolinguistics
(cf. ch. 1). In the course of its history, the focus of linguistic description has
taken various questionable turns; this means that there is still a great deal
left to do for scholars interested in historical sociolinguistics.
First, there was a phase in which varieties which have only recently come
to be accepted as ‘New Englishes’ were looked down upon as barbarous
corruptions in the mouths of less educated speakers; the linguist’s job, it was
argued, was to put things right by remedial education (and this task might
not even include a proper description of the deviant variety).
Second, such deviances were of interest only if they could be neatly clas-
sified according to linguistic levels – spelling, pronunciation, morphology,
syntax, and lexis. (Such descriptions could, then, in turn be misunderstood
as prescriptive and be used as corrective tools for those who felt a need for
them.)
However, linguists did not sufficiently understand how the non-European
functions which the exported language was given, for example in India,
made more thorough forms of adaptation necessary: the deviances, striking
as they might appear in the areas of non-BrE pronunciation and syntax,
were in fact more fundamental in the fields of pragmatics and stylistics (cf.
Kachru 1983).
It has to be realized that a second language is by definition restricted to a
limited set of intranational functions; not having any sizeable number of
native speakers in the speech community, it cannot be expected to exhibit
the full range of styles, domains and text types – and norms tend to be
65
The present paper is partly based on my discussion of text types, with illustrative specimens, in
Görlach (1995d). The writings of B.B. Kachru and the collection of IndE texts gathered and interpreted
by the late R.R. Mehrotra were also very stimulating; the latter also kindly allowed me to use two of the
texts in his collection, and supplied me with two copies of cookery books and a few issues of regional
newspapers. A shorter version of this paper was first presented at the Anglistentag 1993.
226 Text types and Indian English
borrowed from outside. There are, in particular, four interrelated reasons for
this which should form part of any hypothesis put forward to account for
the evidence:
66 Note the approach in Platt et al. (1984) which – stressing the features shared by ESL varieties –
might have been extended to include text types (but has not been so far).
67 Kachru (1982: 364) points to the transplantation of English rhetorical styles into a South Asian context,
and the importance of native ideas of propriety and stylistic embellishment, adding that “the reaction of
native English speakers to such ‘deviant’ communicative styles and rhetorical devices has not been one
of understanding, as exemplified by the use of attitudinally marked terms such as Latinity, phrase-
mongering, polite diction, moralistic tone, or bookishness.” He discusses matrimonial advertisements,
announcements of death, personal letters, legal and administrative language, and forms of South Asian
literature as exemplifying the nativization of English in Indian contexts.
Introduction 227
Not all the registers of Indian English are distant from their counterparts in
English English. Some of India’s institutions such as law, administration,
academies, the national press and the parliament, etc., are modeled on British
institutions. Indian English is not, therefore, too markedly ‘Indian’ in the
registers pertaining to these subjects, the following being the least deviant
registers of Indian English:
1. the legal-political-constitutional registers;
2. the academic register, particularly science and technology;
3. officialese;
4. journalese. (Labru 1984: ix)
(Note that he partly contradicts his own hypothesis which is explicitly based
on the deviance of journalese in IndE.)
I will here concentrate on text types that promise to yield material for
discussion and interpretation treated in sections 10.2 to 10.10 below, viz.: 68
68
Some types promise to yield sufficient evidence, but are not easily available. Labru notes that “Indian
officialese would surely reward the researcher with a rich linguistic haul”, but “files and official corre-
spondence are difficult to obtain” (1984: ix). The collection assembled by Mehrotra (1998) contains text
types like welcome addresses (the term is itself an Indianism), obituaries, market trends, sports reports,
health bulletins, question box, astrological forecasts, invitations, public notices, telegrams, and opening
sentences in letters. Many of these types can be collected only by a scholar resident in the country.
228 Text types and Indian English
chamber of horrors (a problem also inherent in larger projects like the text
volumes of the VEAW series, e.g. Todd 1982). Such a biased selection is not
my intention, but readers should be warned at the outset that not all the
specimens of the text types in question are as ‘densely Indian’ as the ones
here interpreted.
Recent advances in corpus linguistics suggest that it will in future be
possible to correlate salient linguistic features with sociolinguistic and sty-
listic categories much better than before and, in due course, to replace
impressionistic statements based on hunches by hard facts based on statisti-
cal frequencies.69
The average langue of Indian English that this study postulates is that of
regional English dailies in India. Unlike the national dailies, the regional
69 However, the promising research by Biber and Finegan (cf. 1989 and 1992) has not been applied to
regional/national varieties of English, let alone to the ENL/ESL contrast, so far; the analysis of IndE has
not progressed to a point that would enable one to assess how useful computer assistance will be for
questions treated in this chapter (cf. Shastri 1988). Overall, it seems wise not to expect too much: the grid
used to classify individual texts and to structure such corpora is not very specific, and social categories,
especially those of ESL users in non-native contexts, tend to be neglected in projects like the Inter-
national Corpus of English (cf. the critical assessment by Schmied 1990).
70
According to recent data, the circulation of English-medium papers is (in thousands) Indian Express
1,060, Times of India 500, The Hindu 426 etc. as against Ananda BP 391 (Bengali), Daily Thanti 322
(Tamil), Navbharat Times 258 (Hindi).
Newspaper reports and leaders 229
dailies in India are not too elegant or highbrow. Nor are the regional dailies
examples of poor English. They are what Indian English generally is in writ-
ing – functional and middlebrow. The choice of a corpus of newspaper
English (journalese) is by no means an attempt to denigrate it. Newspapers
account for the largest English readership in India and, moreover, are easy to
lay hands on. (Labru 1984: ix)
My first excerpt comes from such a provincial paper, The Deccan Chronicle
of 23rd October, 1985. The author’s (Di Yes) English is characterized by
and out of power, whose attitude had often been like “end if you cannot mend”.
Could the Encounter Editor’s doing away was one such?
Occasionally, the author’s craving for the more erudite expression has ren-
dered his text completely unintelligible. There is a strange contrast between
two passives (was killed – got killed) and overformal subjunctive be. As far
as lexis is concerned, there is the (not unexpected) stylistic uncertainty. The
writer wavers between a preference for the unusual word (consternation?,
unsparing) and highly colloquial diction (call it sweet and sour stuff).
An editorial from Hyderabad (The Skyline, June 23 1978, facs. 30)
exhibits a similar array of grammatical deviances (lack of concord, irregular
article use, did … had) and stylistic infelicities as well as local words (auto-
rickshaws). The impression of provinciality is enhanced by shaky typeset-
ting and peculiar word-divisions (thro-ugh, ricks-haws).
India is among the leading publishing nations; the share that English-lan-
guage books have of the total production is disproportionate considering the
fact that only 3% of the population are said to speak English (which sug-
gests that the number of readers may be even smaller). Most of these books
are made for local consumption, but there are also quite a few export firms
supplying Indian books abroad.
The 141 short descriptions of books offered by IBD Exports in their cata-
logue of 1989 were obviously made locally and not proofread or stylistically
revised by expatriate native speakers of English. Their writers carried over
much of the florid diction in which the books are written, condensing this
element in the process (facs. 33). While such texts may well be effective in
their combination of features designed to inform and please, the mixture
strikes a native speaker of English as slightly odd. Note also the frequency
of typos (which are the typesetters’ fault) and grammatical mistakes such as
lack of concord etc. (for which the typesetters are probably not responsible).
snows, turbulence and tranquility of the rivers through its colourful and
breath-taking photographs.
(c) SIDDHARTHA A novel of great pellucid beauty … subtle distillation of
wisdom, stylistic grace and symmetry of form.
(d) THE TAJ AND FATEHPUR SIKRI Taj – the ethereal monument to
love, conceived by Shahjahan in memory of his beloved wife Mumtaj
Mahal. The Taj has never failed to inspite writes arstists and layman
down through the centuries. Fatehpur Sikri – The resplendant imperial
capital of Mughal emperor, Akbar the Great. The two represent a
remarkable testimony to the grandeur of Mughal India.
(e) DISCOVERY OF KAPILVASTU Many important places related to the
Buddhism got lost into oblivion along with the extinction of the Buddhism
from India, the country of its birth. Perhaps the most important of these
was Kapilvastu, the capital of Sudodhana, the father of Gautama.
Such style is not restricted to blurbs and other forms of advertising; com-
pare the scholarly style in section 10.5.
Scholarly prose has for a long time been a special stronghold of Indian writ-
ing in English. However, native traditions of what is considered appropriate
for this style combine with different argument structures and metaphorical
expressions to produce texts which do not fully agree with western expecta-
tions. Consider Kandiah’s (1981) text and the critical diction of V.P. Rao in
his paper “The craftsmanship of R.K. Narayan” (in Mohan 1978: 56–64):
… Muni in the story has had his halcyon days and is yet to die – we are going
to witness him caught in that infernal suspension when living ends without
death. Further there is the casual motorist; it is going to be a chance motorist
that sets up ripples in the stagnant pond of Muni’s life (59)
… The last sentence breaks through the crust of the preceding lines even as
their humanity does through their sub-human living (60)
… The non-existent daughter thus adds a new dimension to Muni’s poverty;
he is not only poor in money and material possessions, he is also utterly
poor – in progeny. This sort of freckles Muni’s character, this old man, and
he is insinuated fully into our sympathy. (61)
They may be private individuals who fill the advertisement columns with
run-on classifieds, offering to sell houses, cars, dogs or household effects;
they may be employers seeking staff or eligible bachelors seeking brides; or
manufacturers of goods advertising on a regional or national scale.
a) The advertisement for sarees (facs. 28a) shows an unusual clash of reg-
ister: it is not only strange to find Keats quoted in this context (in other
places Shakespeare, Milton, Wordsworth or Scott are used in similar func-
tions), but also to see a highly poetical line juxtaposed to the technical
tradename of Co-optex Polyester. The fusion of the romantic and technical
continues in the miss-a-heart-beat passage, and ends in the bathos of the
smart conquerors.
By contrast, the building advertisement facs. 28a is characterised by
grammatical and stylistic errors: missing articles, pleonastic expressions
and strange collocations frequently suggest the intended meaning rather
than express it clearly. However, it is likely that readers of this text will
blame its unintelligibility on their own lack of competence rather than the
writer’s faulty grammar. Note the Indianism shifting in for ‘moving in’.
71
My analysis is restricted to a few specimens from newspapers; it thus excludes other forms of writ-
ten texts as displayed on posters and hoardings; written texts as shown and read out on television; and
spoken texts on radio.
Advertisements of various types 235
c) Film advertisements (see facs. 34) add a more modern component – and
since most of the foreign films are imported from the U.S., also the linguistic
component of AmE. The contrast with other advertisements neatly illustrates
that in the modern world English additions of new text types will be made
in the variety that supplies the commodity. Whereas societies in former
British colonies normally still accept St BrE as the norm for written formal
uses, the language of pop songs, films, videos and some types of popular
novels has increasingly become American world-wide. This development
occurs imperceptibly, the ESL users, correctly from their point of view,
interpreting the coincidence of stylistic (informal) and regional (American)
varieties as – in their world – exclusively a matter of style and register.
NON-KOUSIKA groom qualified and well placed for a Vadama B.Sc. girl
now employed in Reserve Bank, Bombay age 22 years good looking
medium complexion height 155 cms Ayilyam star fourth padam. Only
daughter father in New York decent marriage. Box …
BROTHER Doctor, settled America, coming India November, invites pro-
posals from Punjabi Arora Engineer, Medico for his beautiful, fair, convent
educated, Honours Graduate, Secretarial qualified sister, 22, 160, eligible
immigration, employed Delhi, drawing twelve thousands annually. Box …
NON-SINGHAL match for 20 years, 160 cms., slim, fair, beautiful, B.Sc.
passed girl. Graceful marriage. Dowry greedy need not write. Box ….
236 Text types and Indian English
10.7 Obituaries
Death and the rituals connected with it are among the most culture-specific
phenomena the world over, and are most characteristically affected in culture-
contact, whether the impact is owing to religion (e.g. Christian faith and
rites imported through missionaries), language and medium (e.g. written
English becoming used for rites established in a non-European religion
formerly expressed in an indigenous language, whether current or dead) or
to other social influences, or various fusions of these factors. Even if all
cultures agree in reserving a highly formal, and often fossilized, style for
the occasion, there may be quite conspicuous differences between what is
considered appropriate (including silence!), and conventional culture-bound
text formulas may diverge quite notably. In what way is a death communi-
cated to friends and relatives, and what is the (linguistically) appropriate
reaction to the sad news?
The newspaper obituary from The Indian Nation (9 Oct. 1979, here
taken from Mehrotra 1998: 53–4) mingles (non-Christian) religious aspects
with a political résumé of J.P.’s achievements, using metaphors that appear
to be particularly culture-bound:
a) A MONUMENTAL MAN
So, at last, Destiny has robbed us of J.P., our most precious possession. His
death is not a tragedy but a calamity for the nation. An institution, not an indi-
vidual, has passed away in the sad demise of J.P. In the welter of confusion
prevailing in the country where shall we go now to seek advice? We are
undone, orphaned and dwarfed.
Disgusted as he was with our ways, he has left us for ever. Months back
he was about to leave us and join the company of immortals but on our
prayer and supplication he agreed to stay with us for some time to guide our
destiny. And with his demise, which came in sleep, the only lamp that was
flickering in the all-pervading darkness to protect freedom and democracy
and to show the right path to the people is extinguished now.
Public memory is proverbially short to take a comprehensive view of his
six-decade long selfless service to the nation. Only the last chapter, the heroic
struggle against the misrule of the Congress Party which crowned with suc-
cess and later ended on a bitter note, is remembered and highlighted. But did
he not take a leading part in the battle for independence? Long before many of
us were born he had become a legendary figure for his courage and fortitude.
The part he played in the Quit India movement will be remembered with
gratitude for all time to come. Socialism which later became the creed of all
political parties likewise owes no small debt to J.P.
238 Text types and Indian English
He had drunk deep at the fountain of Marxism but had also come in close
contact with Mahatma Gandhi. Combining the two with his analytical mind he
had formed his own ideology, the ideology of people’s power. He succeeded
in toppling the government but that was not an end in itself. The end was the
development of the people’s power. That still remains to be done. There is
none to fill the void as J.P. was a monumental man. But his words and deeds
are there to inspire and elevate us. The best tribute to J.P. is to fulfil the task
he has left unfinished. May his soul rest in peace and may God give us
strength to bear this loss. (The Indian Nation, October 9, 1979)
b) UTHALA
OUR DEAR SARITA EXPIRED ON 5-9-80. Uthala will take place at 5
P.M. ON 8-9-80 AT F-6, ASHOK VIHAR (PHASE 1), DELHI-52./N.N.,
ADVOCATE, (HUSBAND)/ N.N., A.C.P., (FATHER)/N.N., ADVOCATE,
(FATHER-IN-LAW).
c) KIRYA
With profound grief we inform the sudden and untimely demise of our
beloved SANJAY on 4th Sept. 1980. The Kirya Ceremony will take place on
Sunday the 7th Sept. 1980 between 3 to 5 P.M. at G-5/1-2. Malviya Nagar,
New Delhi-17./N.N. (Father)/N.N. (G. Father)/ N.N. and N.N. (Uncles)/
N.N. (G. Father Mat.)
d) OBITUARY
WE REGRET TO INFORM ABOUT THE SAD DEMISE OF OUR J.N.
SHARMA ON 4TH SEPTEMBER, 80. HAVAN and SHANTIPATH WILL
BE PERFORMED ON SUNDAY THE 7TH SEPTEMBER, 1980 AT B-56,
SOUTH EXTENSION H, NEW DELHI, BETWEEN 5 TO 6 P.M./N.N.
FATHER/N.N. MOTHER/N.N. BROTHER/N.N. BROTHER/N.N. SIS-
TER/N.N. SON-IN-LAW/N.N. SISTER/N.N. SON-IN-LAW/and ALL
RELATIVES.
The three short obituaries sound somewhat archaic in their use of expire and
demise (but there is no instance here of the formula “went to his heavenly
abode”); uthala, kirya, and havan and shantipath ceremonies mentioned
provide clues as to the religious denominations involved, but there is noth-
ing particular in the structure of the notices.
Letters and essays 239
Letters and essays provide two essential advantages for an analysis of the
degree of indigenization of a second language:
1. They represent the text type in which users are most likely to be actively
involved: whereas a newspaper article or a poem is only read, or a news
broadcast only listened to, a letter (less so, an essay) is both written and
read by an ESL user whose competence may be limited; also, the texts
concerned are often culturally and situationally highly bound.
2. Manuals of letter-writing and composition permit one to compare the
(printed) input, which normally presents a prescriptive model, and the
learners’ output. (Since no extensive corpora are available, I will here
analyse the models only; it would be ideal to have at one’s disposal, for
example, a set of essays written on a specific topic by a class of univer-
sity students).
Chishty et al. provide advice on good style in various types of text. The
guidebook on English composition was published in Lahore in 1982.
Although meant for Urdu-speaking students, the difference between Urdu
and the native Hindi of northern Indians is small and the difference in the
degree of competence in English negligible, so that the textbook may here
represent the type for a pan-South-Asian tradition. As regards letters they
offer the following two as specimens for official complaints:
Sir, I want to bring to your kind notice a very serious practice which is
indulged in by the sweepers of our area. Ours is a small street but it is
always littered with rubbish and there are huge collections of foul smelling
garbage. Everybody is out to deposit the rubbish and refuse here because it
is a back street and escapes the notice of the Corporation functionaries. The
state of affairs prevalent in our street is not only a nuisance and an irritant
but also a great health hazard. These dumps serve as ideal breeding places
for flies, mosquitoes and other harmful germs. To top it all the atmosphere is
being polluted constantly. In the circumstances if an epidemic breaks out in
the not too distant future that will be only natural. For some inexplicable
reason the lane has never been swept by the Corporation sweepers and the
240 Text types and Indian English
heaps of rubbish are removed by the Corporation only off and on. Some res-
idents have engaged private sweepers, but the task, which is Herculean in
proportions, is beyond them.
It is requested that rubbish bins may be constructed for the use of the res-
idents and the Corporation sweepers may be instructed to sweep our street
regularly. Yours faithfully, Anwar Anjum.
To The Mayor,
Lahore Municipal Corporation, Lahore.
Sir, I really feel elated that the city fathers have decided to eliminate tongas
from Lahore under a phased programme spread over five years. It is a news
for which people have been waiting for years. The number of tongas, rehras
and carts plying on the roads of this great city lawfully and unlawfully is
really awe-inspiring: twelve thousand! Then why complain of traffic con-
gestions and deplorable sanitary conditions!
The filth and refuse deposited by horses and bullocks on the road is quite
nasty, it emits obnoxious smell and presents an ugly look. This refuse gener-
ally remains lying on roads for days because the Corporation cannot hire a
horde of sweepers to remove it. When it dries up it flies up in the air, spoils
the clothes of pedestrians and cyclists, their faces and eyes are also not
immune from it.
These animal-driven vehicles donot abide by traffic rules. Traffic cops
are helpless before them. You will often see that a car or a bus is about to
pass a rehra, but cannot succeed. The rehra driver suddenly raises his arm
and begins to turn about. The tonga driver is no better. If he is ahead of you,
the honking will have no effect on him; he will move only at leisurely pace.
At the crossings he pays no attention to the traffic lights and passes on mer-
rily even though the red light is blazing in his face.
I feel that a period of five years for their total elimination is too long;
they can be got rid of in a much shorter time. Man is a devious creature by
nature. The tonga owners are also very cunning people. They are incorrigi-
ble, too. They will certainly hit out ways in the next five years to defeat the
pious intentions of city fathers. They should be given no quarter and be
made to stop their trade in a much shorter period. But before that the drivers
of tongas and rehras must be provided with alternative means of livelihood,
otherwise the whole exercise will boomerang.
Yours sincerely, Mohammad Mohsin.
For more personal concerns the style proposed becomes even more uneven;
this does not come as a surprise, the colloquial register being largely missing
Letters and essays 241
in traditional written IndE (unless the gap is filled by new models, as is the
case with film advertisements (cf. fig. 24). I here quote a specimen letter
from Lal (n.d.: 45–8):72
My dear Manohar, Your letters of the 15th, 16th and 18th are before me and
Oh, you beat me. I mean you have overwhelmed me with your charm, man-
ners and gallantry of heart. Above all you like my snaps too. It is a great
pleasure to me. Thanks a lot.
And you are so over burdened with work could I come help you with
some of it – without (trust me) a word of folly between us. What I will not
give. O Manohar, to be near you – a source of incessant delight. Then isn’t
friendship really a beloved state and a beloved theme on which many a poet
has thrown his web of enchanting lyricism – or songwriter ridden far into its
melodious depths. The quote one.
So said Ella, naughty Ella Wilcox, but surely she knew what she was talking
about.
72
This guide book was the most popular (and inexpensive) on display in a bookshop in Rawalpindi in
1989. Its price makes it accessible to all who are eager for guidance on style, and the fact that it was
imported from India underlines the cultural connections that still exist between India and Pakistan.
Schoolbooks, letter-writing manuals and newspapers can be taken to be the most influential sources for
‘lowbrow’ IndE.
242 Text types and Indian English
So we are pals. Are not we? Now that our pen friendship is here – it is for us
to cross its uncharted seas and many delightful surprises await us, if only we
follow our guiding influence of the compass that points to safe always. You
Grand Manohar, by and by I will impress on you that I appreciate fine things
in life and nature.
Yesterday there was a stir in the heart of the city. Some famous wrestlers
of Bangalore visited the place prior to their show. They were doing some
shopping. It seems there was the unusual crowd following these man-moun-
tains, though many of the gentler sex were scared of them. Then there was a
wrestling show in the evening. It drew a huge crowd even a considerable num-
ber of the fair sex were there to see those man-mountains tearing each other,
ripping open their sockets, and breaking joints – ooo – could they be sadistics?
I have never liked a wrestling bout. It unnerves me. What do you say?
Instead I went to a movie – I saw Sister Carrie. It was taken from the
book by Theodore Driesser. It was a bit naughty, yet so touching and so
humane. It is the story of a man well placed in society honoured by all –
who gives up his family, his status, everything for a young girl who has sud-
denly came into his life. This he calls love and the state of affairs only ruins
him. He dies as a forsaken man. Could and all love be like this “Manohar or
it is only a thwarted love.” If love is beautiful, inspiring and revitalising how
could this happen?
This week is a hard one for me. Have many pending cases that need
immediate attention, I have been trying to write and finish this letter since
8.10 a.m., here in the office. The other colleagues are busy elsewhere. If the
T.M. should tell me to do a fresh case I will have to get up with a mind
curse, perhaps on my lips.
So dear Manohar, do write soon to me. You letters are cups of brimming
wine in which my soul gets immersed from time to time and to be deprived
of them, would be to be denied the thing I cherish most on this earth. From
now on I will be writing to you regularly.
I will not prolong this letter for it may be getting stale. So I will stop it
wishing you all the best, you in my thoughts and your sweet name on my
lips. Yours ever loving Jane.
– exemplifying in their own style the dangers (and, as they believe, beauties)
of such models.
The model essays come from a variety of general topics on which stu-
dents are expected to be knowledgeable enough to write an essay in their
best style. Each section is introduced by a list of preliminary headings
intended to help students to gather their thoughts (in the good old tradition
of classical inventio). The style keynote here sounded (identical for all the
topics) makes it impossible for the writers to break free from the pattern –
should they feel tempted to do so.
The texts exhibit various forms of ESL, and more specifically South
Asian/Pakistani features: local words, whether loanwords (hookah, pan,
challan) or coinages; register misuse/style mixture which includes unusual
collocations; poetical quotations, strained metaphors and allusions to classi-
cal antiquity – not all of which can be illustrated from the one text here
selected. Similar stylistic peculiarities can be found in the model essays
offered by Chishty et al. (for further items see facs. 31).
in the Press or on the T.V. and radio, is enough to convince you that our
roads have become veritable death traps for us. When we venture to step out
of our homes or places of work on the roads we are not sure whether we will
be able to reach our destination safely or not.
There are numerous causes of road accidents. Some of them are:
1. Narrowness and deplorable condition of roads.
2. Negligence and incompetence of drivers.
3. Love for overspeeding.
4. Lack of proper care in issuing driving licences and certificates of
road worthiness of commercial vehicles. […] (Chishty 1982: 146–8)
India appears to be untypical among ESL societies in having the text type
cookery book/recipe in local forms, and having it in locally marked
English: other former colonies, by contrast, have only imported cookery
books or those written by expatriates. The two locally written and printed
books here analysed (Malhotra 1979, Reejhsinghani 1978) clearly show that
their type is a European transplant (cf. 4.4.3 above): the structure of the
individual recipe is identical with the British pattern, so whatever deviance
there is lies in
a) the dishes described, and the local ingredients which normally have
indigenous, non-English names;
b) some grammatical features, most also found in other text types: ‘parti-
tive’ of in measurements is often omitted (as often in BrE), the use of
articles is variable, and there are quite a few unusual collocations.
Blend together sugar and milk and place on a low fire. Stir frequently until
the milk is reduced to half the quantity. Put in cardamoms and sweet pota-
toes and keep on stirring until the mixture turns thick. Remove from fire and
garnish with nuts, raisins and dates and serve either hot or cold.
(from Reejhsinghani 1978: 6–7)
The topic is far too wide to permit any kind of adequate or even suggestive
treatment, so a few remarks must suffice. The following major questions
concerning the possibilities and limitations of an ESL literature force them-
selves on the observer:73
73 For one of the numerous discussions of the predicament of an ESL author writing for both an ESL
and ENL audience in a multilingual state compare Iyengar (1973: 8–9):
The Indian writer in English has necessarily to keep in mind a scattered national audience, and what
his language lacks in vigorous local idiom and the nuances of regional sentiment and emotion has to
be made up in spatial extension and wide human appeal. ‘National identity’ is a spiralling concept,
ranging from the material to the spiritual. Geographical unity, racial intermingling over a large
stretch of time, common memories of the past, a broad pattern of beliefs and customs all over the
country, a common urge to move towards the new horizons of the future, all have been there – how-
ever much the political fog may have obscured them. But the sap that keeps all this alive is verily, in
Sri Aurobindo’s words, ‘the vision of the Mother, the perpetual contemplation, adoration and serv-
ice of the Mother.’
– a passage that neatly illustrates in its diction the possibilities and dangers of a transplanted English (cf.
the quotation from Rao, below).
246 Text types and Indian English
The telling has not been easy. One has to convey in a language that is not
one’s own the spirit that is one’s own. One has to convey the various shades
and omissions of a certain thought-movement that looks maltreated in an
alien language. I used the word ‘alien’, yet English is not really an alien lan-
guage to us. It is the language of our own intellectual make-up. We are all
instinctively bilingual, many of us writing in our own language and in
English. We should not, we cannot write only as Indians. We have grown to
look at the large world as part of us. Our method of expression has to be as
distinctive and colourful as the Irish and American. Time alone will justify
it. (quoted from Labru 1984: 24)
1. We affirm our faith in a vital language as sufficient to write poetry in. A vital
language may be in modern idiom or ‘ancient’ but it must not be a total trav-
esty of the current pattern of speech. We consider all expressions like ‘the
sunlight sweet’, ‘deep booming voice’ and ‘fragrant flowers upon the distant
lea’ to be ridiculous. King’s and Queen’s English, yes; Indian English per-
missible; pidgin, bombastic and gluey English, no.
The language of literature 247
2. We think that poetry must deal in concrete terms with concrete experience.
That experience may be intellectual or emotional or historical-tragical-pas-
toral-comical, but it must be precise, and lucidly and tangibly expressed. It is
better to suggest a sky by referring to a circling eagle in it than to say simply
‘the wide and open sky’. …
6. We claim that the phase of Indo-Anglian romanticism ended with Sarojini
Naidu and ‘I bring for you aglint with dew a little lovely dream’. Now, waking
up, we must more and more aim at a realistic poetry reflecting poetically and
pleasingly the din and hubbub, the confusion and indecision, the flashes of
beauty and goodness of our age, and leave the fireflies to dance through the
neem. …
(quoted from Nandy 1973: 13–14)
… She pulled his snub nose. “Tongue clever! Am I not your elder? Bad
enough that you so often call me Mohini and not Didi, Elder Sister.” She
swept back a loop of hair, damping her brow. “You should knock your head
on my feet at every sun-up and beg my blessing.” (1952: 9)
The firewagon rocked with speed, seated in a corner, Jayadev was sunk in a
book. He had no eye for the other passengers, no ear for their chatter. He
was a silent solitary man with heavy-lidded dreamy eyes in a young tranquil
face. Marriage had stirred a whirlpool in the stream of his feelings, and he
was anxious to smooth the disturbance and be his true self again. … It was
his mother’s will which had led him into marriage, even though at this vital
hour, every conscious thought and feeling was to have been dedicated,
yoked, to the great task at hand. It was his dream to reorientate the values
and patterns of Hindu life … . While others borrowed a ready-made sword
from Western ideology to cut the knots of the problem, Jayadev delved back
into India’s remote past for a solution. (1952: 67)
Literary parodies are dubious linguistic evidence (cf. Görlach 1983); how-
ever, if they are interpreted very cautiously, they can draw attention to
stereotypical features which are perceived as distinctive for a language by
both external observers and – possibly – the speakers themselves. The his-
tory of colonial Englishes is full of such parodying accounts, which range
from Anstey’s “Baboo Jabberjee, B.A.” to Ch.G. Leland’s racy poems of
1876 in largely unauthentic Chinese Pidgin English – which provided the
commonly accepted stereotype of the variety. (How wide off the mark lin-
guistically such fabrications can be, and still be considered funny, is shown
The language of literature 249
by Coren’s “Idi Amin” columns of the 1970s, which were not in Ugandan
English, but in a kind of Caribbean creole.)
One of the best-known modern parodies is R. Parthasarathy’s “What is
your good name, please?” which makes fun of almost all the features in
which IndE deviates from the proclaimed British model, such as (apart from
the localising function of names):
10.11 Conclusion
31 Essays, 1982. Advertising. Science in the service of man, from B.A. Chishty,
R.A. Khan and S.A. Hamid, Polymer English Grammar and
Composition for B.Sc. Students, with a Supplement on Text Book.
Lahore, Urdu Bazar: Polymer.
32 Anon. 1980. Matrimonial advertisements, from The Hindu.
33 Anon. 1981–2. Book advertisements, from Sterling International Catalogue.
London: Independent Publishing.
34 Anon. 1985. Film advertisements, from Deccan Chronicle, 1 Oct.
256
Facsimiles
1 Cotgrave, Randle. 1611. A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues. London; facs. EL 82.
Facs. 1
Facs. 2
Dedications
2 Florio, John. 1611. Queen Anna’s New World of Words, or Dictionarie of the Italian and English Tongues. London; facs. EL 105.
257
258 Facsimiles Facs. 3 a
3 Brinsley, John. 1612. Ludus Literarius: or, the Grammar Schoole; Shewing how
to Proceede from the First Entrance into Learning, to the Highest Perfection.
London; Facs. EL 62.
Facs. 3 b Dedications 259
260
Facsimiles
4 Bullokar, John. 1616. An English Expositor: Teaching the Interpretation of the Hardest Words Used in Our Language.
London; facs. EL 11.
Facs. 4
Facs. 5
Dedications
5 Ray, John. 1691. A Collection of English Words not Generally Used; with their Significations and Original, in Two
Alphabetical Catalogues. London; facs. EL 145.
261
262
Facsimiles
6 Pujolas, J. 1690. The Key of the French Tongue; or, a New Method for Learning it Well, Easily, in Short Time and Almost
Without a Master. London; facs. EL 284.
Facs. 6
Facs. 7
Dedications
7 Lane, A. 1695. A Rational and Speedy Method of Attaining to the Latin Tongue. London; facs. EL 334.
263
264 Facsimiles Facs. 8
8 Lane, A. 1700. A Key to the Art of Letters: or, English a Learned Language,
Full of Art, Elegancy and Variety. London; facs. EL 171.
Facs. 9 Dedications 265
9 Bysshe, Edward. 1702. The Art of English Poetry. London; facs. EL 75.
266
Facsimiles
10 Harris, John. 1704. Lexicon Technicum, or, An Universal English Dictionary of Arts and Sciences. London.
Facs. 10
Facs. 11
Cooking Recipes
11 Kettilby, Mary. 1724. A Collection of (…) Receipts in Cookery, Physick and Surgery (…). London: for the author.
267
268
Facsimiles
12 Francatelli, Charles Elmé. 1852. A Plain Cookery Book for the Working Classes. London:
Phillips and Co.
Facs. 12 a
Facs. 12 b Cooking Recipes 269
270 Facsimiles Facs. 13 a
Facs. 13 b
Cooking Recipes
13 Beeton, Isabella. 1861. Mrs. Beeton’s Book of Household Management. London: for the author.
271
272 Facsimiles Facs. 14 a
Facs. 14 b
Cooking Recipes
14 Anon. 1887. Good Things Made, Said and Done for Every Household, 24th ed. Leeds: Goodall, Backhouse
and Co.
273
274 Facsimiles Facs. 15 a
Glossary 15a/b. alu halwa ‘sweet potato’, channa ‘chickpea’, charoli ‘Indian nut’, chuare
‘dry dates’, ghee ‘butter oil’, kheer ‘sweet milk’, pullao ‘rice dish’
Facs. 15 b Cooking Recipes 275
276 Facsimiles Facs. 16
26 What happens if you suddenly die? … That is why you must have a God-
father. Like; … That is why you are able to be assured; … your inner life is
peaceful because there is the; … Godfather (Protector) of the Family. …
(Any brand of film is) Totally within the ability of AGFA (to develop); …
No matter what brand of film you use, it is certain that you will get the Best
of Both Worlds from AGFACOLOR Service Centers; … At. … There is no
longer any further delay!
27a (Everyone) listen well! This soap powder called ‘Cold Power’ is really first-
(left) class. It washes and forces out all kind of dirt from your clothes. This soap
powder contains a strong element in order to cause to force out all dirt – in
all clothes. You may use water from the tank or waste water. This is cold
water. ‘Cold power’ is stronger in forcing out all dirt from your clothes.
27a Sweeter! This ‘medicine’ for cleaning teeth is named ‘Colgate’. Its flavour is
(right) even sweeter. Colgate is able to force out all small bits of food which stick
between your teeth. It cleans also the red particles of buai from your teeth.
If you use Colgate for cleaning your teeth daily, your teeth will always
stay clean. You can find this toothpaste Colgate in many shops where you
live. It is a very good toothpaste for looking after your teeth.
If you go to a shop ask for Colgate for cleaning teeth.
27b Claquettes – three times stronger; for all the family; good for children.
(Alko[hol]) Once you drown inside, you will never come out again.
Stop! You are no longer killing yourself with cigarette(s).
Facs. 26 Advertisements 293
27 Anon. 1972. “Advertisements in Tok Pisin and Bislama”, from Wantok and Nabanga (1980).
Facs. 27 a
Facs. 27 b Advertisements 295
296 Facsimiles Facs. 28 a
Adamzik, Kirsten
1995 Textsorten – Texttypologie. Eine kommentierte Bibliographie. Münster.
Advertiser’s Guardian, The
1883 London: Louis Collins. Advertiser’s Guide to the Newspaper Press of
the United Kingdom, The. 1844. London: Lewis and Lowe.
Alexander, Richard J.
1997 Aspects of Verbal Humour in English. Tübingen: Narr. (= A)
Allan, Alasdair
1995 Scots spellin: ettlin efter the quantum lowp. English World-Wide 16:
63–104.
Allen, Alistar and Joan Hoverstadt
1983 The History of Printed Scraps. London: New Cavendish Books.
Alston, Robin Carfrae
1967–72 English Linguistics. (Reprint series). Menston: Scolar Press.
Annand, J. K.
1981 The state of Scots [trs. of Mulcaster 1582: 255–6]. English World-
Wide 2: 6.
Anon. 24
1887 Good Things Made, Said and Done, for Every Home and Household.
Leeds: Goodall, Blackhouse and Co.
Anon.
1985 3001 Jokes, Games and Puzzles for Kids. London: Ward Lock. (=J)
Anon.
n.d. Mr. Punch’s Country Life. Humours of Our Rustics. London: Educa-
tional Book.
Apicius, M. Gavius
ca. A.D.14 De re coquinaria.
Arnold, Richard
1991 English Hymns of the Eighteenth Century: An Anthology. New York:
Peter Lang.
1995 The English Hymn. Studies in a Genre. New York: Peter Lang.
Atkinson, Dwight
1992 The evolution of medical research writing from 1735 to 1985: the case
of the Edinburgh Medical Journal. Applied Linguistics 13: 337–74.
Attardo, S.
1994 Linguistic Theories of Humour. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Austin, T. (ed.)
1888 The Fifteenth-century Cookery Books. (Early English Text Society 91.)
310 Bibliography
Donaldson, William
1986 Popular Literature in Victorian Scotland. Language, Fiction and the
Press. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press.
1989 The Language of the People. Scots Prose from the Victorian Revival.
Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press.
D’Urfey, Thomas (ed.)
1719–20 Pills to Purge Melancholy. 6 vols. London.
Eco, Umberto
1972 Einführung in die Semiotik. München: Fink.
Edwards, Anthony S. G. (ed.)
1984 A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres. London.
Elliott, Blanche B.
1962 A History of English Advertising. London: Business Publications.
Encyclopædia Britannica 8
1856 Hymn, vol. 12: 188–90.
1965 Hymn, vol.11: 986–91.
Ermert, Karl
1979 Briefsorten. Untersuchungen zur Theorie und Empirie der Text-
klassifikation. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Ferguson, C. A.
1964 Diglossia. In Dell Hymes (ed.) Language in Culture and Society.
New York: Harper and Row, repr. from Word 15 (1959): 325–40.
Finkenstaedt, Thomas and Dieter Wolff
1973 Ordered Profusion. Studies in Dictionaries and the English Lexicon.
Heidelberg: Winter.
Fischer, Andreas, et al. (eds.)
2002 Text Types and Corpora. Studies in Honour of Udo Fries. Tübingen:
Gunter Narr.
Fischer Weltalmanach
1994 Frankfurt/M: Fischer.
Francatelli, Charles Elmé
1852 A Plain Cookery Book for the Working-Classes. (New edition.) London:
Routledge, Warne, and Routledge. Reprinted: Menston: Scolar Press,
1977.
France, Peter and Duncan Glen (eds.)
1989 European Poetry in Scotland. An Anthology of Translations. Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press.
Freud, Sigmund
1905 Der Witz und seine Beziehung zum Unbewußten. Gesammelte Werke,
Vol. 6. Frankfurt/M.
Frier, Wolfgang
1979 Linguistische Aspekte des Textsortenproblems. In Wolfgang Frier and
Gerd Labroisse (eds.), Grundfragen der Textwissenschaft. Linguistische
und literaturwissenschaftliche Aspekte. Amsterdam: Mouton, 7–58.
Fromkin, V. A. (ed.)
1973 Speech Errors as Linguistic Evidence. The Hague: Mouton.
Bibliography 313
Gebert, Clara
1933 An Anthology of Elizabethan Dedications and Prefaces. Repr. New
York: Russel and Russel, 1966.
Gelfert, Hans-Dieter
1998 Max und Monty. Kleine Geschichte des deutschen und englischen
Humors. München: Beck.
Gieszinger, Sabine
2001 The History of Advertising Language. Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang.
Gläser, Rosemarie
1990 Fachtextsorten im Englischen. Tübingen: Narr.
1992 Wissenstransfer in der Encyclopedia Britannica von 1771 und 1986 –
ein Beitrag zur diachronischen Fachsprachenforschung. In R.G. (ed.),
Aktuelle Probleme der anglistischen Fachtextanalyse. Frankfurt/M.:
Peter Lang, 10–35. (English summary 170–1).
Glaser, Elvira
1996 Die textuelle Struktur handschriftlicher und gedruckter Kochrezepte
im Wandel. Zur Sprachgeschichte einer Textsorte. In Große and
Wellmann, 225–49.
Gloning, Thomas
2002 Textgebrauch und sprachliche Gestalt älterer deutscher Kochrezepte
(1350–1800). Ergebnisse und Angaben. In Simmler, 517–50.
Gokak, V.K. (ed.)
1975 Twenty-One Anglo-Indian Poems. Madras.
Goldstein, L.
1990 The linguistic interest of verbal humor. Humor 33: 37–52.
Görlach, Manfred
1978 Einführung ins Frühneuenglische. Heidelberg: Quelle and Meyer
( 21997, Heidelberg: Winter).
1983 The function of texts in the description of varieties of English. In
Dieter Riemenschneider (ed.) The History and Historiography of
Commonwealth Literature. Tübingen: Narr, 233–243.
1985a Focus on: Scotland. (VEAW G5). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
1985b Scots and Low German: the social history of two minority languages.
In Görlach 1985a, 19–36.
1986 Max and Moritz in English Dialects and Creoles. Hamburg: Buske.
1988 Corpus problems of text collections: linguistic aspects of the canon.
In Hans-Werner Ludwig (ed.) Anglistentag 1987. Vorträge. Gießen:
Hoffmann, 365–81; repr. in Görlach 1990a, 163–78.
1989 From an Indian Letter Writer. English World-Wide 10, 135–40.
1990 Haw, the wickit things weans do – Max and Moritz in Scots. Scottish
Language 9: 34–51.
1991a Blurbs from an Indian book catalogue. English World-Wide 12,
261–6.
1991b Introduction to Early Modern English. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
314 Bibliography
Görlach, Manfred
1991c Jamaica and Scotland – bilingual or bidialectal? In M. G. Englishes.
Studies in Varieties of English 1984 –1988. (VEAW G9). Amsterdam:
Benjamins, 69–89.
1991d Text types and the linguistic history of Modern English. In Claus
Uhlig and Rüdiger Zimmermann (eds.). Anglistentag 1990.
Proceedings. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 195–215.
1991e Colonial lag? The alleged conservative character of American English
and other ‘colonial’ varieties. In M. G. Englishes. Amsterdam:
Benjamins, 90–107.
1992a A translator translated. In Tom Dutton, et al. eds. The Language
Game. (PacL–C110), Canberra: ANU, 145–8. (= Ga)
1992b Text types and language history: the cookery recipe. In Matti
Rissanen et al (eds.). History of Englishes. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter, 736–61.
1994 Continental pun-dits. English Today 37: 50–52. (= Gb)
1995a More Englishes. New Studies in Varieties of English 1988 –1994.
Amsterdam: Benjamins.
1995b New Studies in the History of English. Heidelberg: Winter.
1995c Sociolinguistic determinants for literature in dialects and minority
languages: Max and Moritz in Scots. In Görlach 1995a: 220–45.
1995d Text types and Indian English. In M.G., More Englishes. Amsterdam:
Benjamins, 192–219.
1995e Text types and language history. In M. G. New Studies in the History
of English. Heidelberg: Winter, 141–78.
1997a Linguistic jokes based on dialect divergence. In R. Hickey and S.
Puppel (eds.) Language History and Linguistic Modelling (FS
Fisiak). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1925–34. (= Gc)
1997b Text types and the history of Scots. Journal of English Linguistics 25:
209–30.
1998a Creative miscommunication: a descriptive typo-logy. English Today.
(= Gd)
1998b Even More Englishes. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
1998c Text types and the history of Scots. In M.G. 1998b: 55–77.
1998d Nigerian English: broken, pidgin, creole or regional standard? In
M.G. 1998b: 119–51.
1999 English in Nineteenth-century England. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
2000 Ulster Scots: a language? In John Kirk and Donall Ó Baoill (eds.)
Language and Politics. Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland,
and Scotland. Belfast: Queen’s University, 13–31.
2001 A history of text types. A componential analysis. In Diller and
Görlach, 47–88.
2002a A linguistic history of advertising, 1700–1890, in Teresa Fanego et al.
(eds.) Sounds, Words, Texts and Change. Amsterdam: Benjamins,
83–104.
Bibliography 315
Görlach, Manfred
2002b A Textual History of Scots. Heidelberg: Winter.
2002c What’s in a name? Terms designating text types and the history of
English. In Fischer, 17–28.
forthc. Exercises in bad English – a new text type? to appear in a Festschrift.
Gotti, Maurizio
1994 The English of 18th century advertisements. Merope 6/13: 97–118.
Gregory, Michael and Susanne Carroll
1978 Language and Situation. Language Varieties and their Social Contexts.
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Große, Ernst Ulrich
1974 Texttypen. Linguistik gegenwärtiger Kommunikationsakte. Stuttgart:
Kohlhammer.
Große, Rudolf and Hans Wellmann (eds.)
1996 Textarten im Wandel – nach der Erfindung des Buchdrucks.
Heidelberg: Winter.
Gülich, Elisabeth and Wolfgang Raible (eds.)
1972 Textsorten. Differenzierungskriterien aus linguistischer Sicht.
Frankfurt/M: Athenäum.
1977 Linguistische Textmodelle. München: Fink.
Haegeman, Liliane
1987 Complement ellipsis in English: or how to cook without objects. In
A. M. Simon-Vandenbergen (ed.) Studies in Honour of René Derolez.
Gent: University.
Hall, John R. Clark 4
1969 A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Halliday, Michael A. K., et al
1964 The Linguistic Sciences and Language Teaching. London: Longman.
Hancher, M.
1980 How to play games with words: speech-act jokes. Journal of Literary
Semantics 9: 20–9.
Hardie, Buff
1986 Mair Far’s the Paper. Aberdeen: Aberdeen Journals.
Hempfer, Klaus
1977 Zur pragmatischen Fundierung der Texttypologie. In Hinck, 1–25.
Hermerén, Lars
1999 English for Sale. A Study of the Language of Advertising. Lund: Lund
University Press.
Hieatt, Constance B. and Sharon Butler (eds.)
1985 Curye on Inglysch. English Culinary Manuscripts of the Fourteenth
Century. (EETS ES8). London: Oxford University Press.
Hildebrandt, F. and O. A. Beckerledge (eds.)
1985 A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People Called Methodists.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
316 Bibliography
Kohnen, Thomas
2003 Text – Textsorte – Sprachgeschichte. Englische Partizipial- und
Gerundialkonstruktionen. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Labru, G. L.
1984 Indian Newspaper English. Delhi: B. R. Publishing.
Lal, Monohar
[1980s] New Light’s Current Letters for All Occasions. Delhi: New Light.
Lauder, Afferbeck (pseud.)
1965 Let Stalk Strine. Sydney: Ure Smith.
Laurian, A.-M.
1992 Possible/impossible translation of jokes. Humor 5: 111–27.
Lawton, George
1962 John Wesley’s English. A Study of his Literary Style. London: George
Allen and Unwin.
Learning English Humour
1981– 82 2 vols. (Anglistik and Englischunterricht 15 and 17). Trier.
Lee, David Y. W.
2001 Genres, registers, text types, domains, and styles: clarifying the con-
cepts and navigating a path through the BNC jungle. Language
Learning and Technology 5.3: 37–72.
Leech, Geoffrey N.
1966 English in Advertising. A Linguistic Study of Advertising in Great
Britain. London: Longman.
Lenz, Katja
1996 Modern Scottish drama. Snakes in Iceland – drama in Scotland?
Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 44: 301–16.
1999 Die schottische Sprache im modernen Drama. Heidelberg: Winter.
Lewis, J. N. C.
1962 Printed Ephemera…London: Crowell; repr. London: Faber and Faber,
1969.
Longacre, Robert E. 2
1996 The Grammar of Discourse. London: Routledge.
Lund, J. V.
1947 Newspaper Advertising. New York: Prentice-Hall.
Lux, Friedemann
1981 Text, Situation, Textsorte. Tübingen: Narr (TBL 172).
Lyons, John
1995 Linguistic Semantics. An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
McClure, J. D.
1995 Scots and its Literature. (VEAW 14). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
1981 Our ain leid? The predicament of a Scots writer. English World-Wide 2:
3–28; abbrev. reprint in Görlach 1985a: 181–202.
Mackie, Albert
1979 Speak Scotch or Whistle. Belfast: Blackstaff.
318 Bibliography
McLintock, Mrs.
1736 Receipts for Cookery and Pastry-Work. Glasgow; repr. Aberdeen:
Aberdeen University Press, 1986.
Makepeace, Chris E.
1985 Ephemera. A Book on its Collection, Conservation and Use. Brookfield,
Vt: Gower.
Mäkinen, Martti
2002 ‘Virtual recipes’ – the virtues as a text type in early herbals. In
Raumolin-Brunberg, 271–86.
Malhotra, Nirmala
1979 100 Easy-to-Make Dishes for All Occasions. New Delhi: Vikas.
Marfurt, Bernhard
1977 Textsorte Witz. Möglichkeiten einer sprachwissenschaftlichen Text-
sortenbestimmung. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Methodist Hymn-Book
[1880] Toronto: Methodist Book and Publishing House.
Mehrotra, Raja Ram
1998 Indian English. Texts and Interpretations. Amsterdam: Benjamins
(VEAW T7).
Meurman-Solin, Anneli
1989 The Helsinki Corpus of Older Scots. In J. Derrick McClure and
Michael R. G. Spiller (eds.) Bryght Lanternis. Essays on the Language
and Literature of Medieval and Renaissance Scotland. Aberdeen:
Aberdeen University Press, 451–8.
Miles, William F. S.
1998 Linguistic cohabitation: Frenglish in the Mauritius Press. In
Language Problems and Language Planning 22: 3, 237–53.
Miller, Edwin Haviland
1959 The Professional Writer in Elizabethan England. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press.
Moessner, Lilo (ed.)
2001 Early Modern English Text Types. European Journal of English
Studies 5: 2.
Mohan, Ramesh (ed.)
1978 Indian Writing in English. Papers read at the Seminar on Indian
English held at the CIEFL, Hyderabad. New Delhi: Orient Longman.
Morison, Stanley
1932 The English Newspaper. Some Account of the Physical Development
of Journals Printed in London Between 1622 and the Present Day.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Muir, Edwin
1936 Scott and Scotland. London: Routledge.
Nandy, Pritish (ed.)
1973 Indian Poetry in English Today. New Delhi: Sterling.
Nevalainen, Terttu
2002 English newsletters in the 17th century. In Fischer, 67–76.
Bibliography 319
Romaine, Suzanne
1982 Socio-historical Linguistics. Its Status and Methodology. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Römer, Ruth
1968 Die Sprache der Anzeigenwerbung. Düsseldorf.
Ross, Alison
1998 The Language of Humour. London: Routledge.
Sampson, H.
1874 A History of Advertising from the Earliest Times. London.
Schmidt-Hidding, Wolfgang
1963 Humor und Witz. Europäische Schlüsselwörter. Wortvergleichende und
wortgeschichtliche Studien. München: Hueber.
Schmied, Josef
1989 Text categorization according to use and user and the ICE project,
CCE Newsletter 3(2): 13–29
1990 Corpus linguistics and non-native varities of English. World English
9: 255–68.
Shastri, S.V.
1988 The Kolhapur Corpus of Indian English and work done on its basis
so far. ICAME Journal 12: 15–26.
Shoaf, R. A.
1988 The play of puns in late Middle English poetry: concerning juxtology.
In Culler 1988: 44–61.
Simmler, Franz (ed.)
2002 Textsorten deutscher Prosa vom 12./13. bis 18. Jahrhundert und ihre
Merkmale. Frankfurt/M: Peter Lang.
Sledd, James H. and Erwin J. Kolb
1955 Dr. Johnson’s Dictionary. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
Starnes, De Witt T. and Gertrude E. Noyes
1946 The English Dictionary from Cawdrey to Johnson 1604–1755. Chapel
Hill; Amsterdam: Benjamins, 21991.
Steger, Hugo
1983 Über Textsorten und andere Textklassen. In Textsorten und literarische
Gattungen. Dokumentation des Germanistentages. Berlin, 25–67.
1984 Sprachgeschichte als Geschichte der Textsorten/Texttypen und ihrer
kommunikativen Bezugsbereiche. In Werner Besch et al. (eds.)
Sprachgeschichte. Berlin: de Gruyter, I, 186–204.
1998 Sprachgeschichte als Geschichte der Textsorten: Kommunikationsbe-
reiche und Semantiktypen. In Werner Besch et al. (eds.), Sprach-
geschichte. Berlin. 21998, 284–300.
Stellmacher, Dieter
1987 Wer spricht Platt? Zur Lage des Niederdeutschen heute. Leer: Schuster.
Suerbaum, Ulrich
1971 Text und Gattung. In Bernhard Fabian, et al. (eds.) Ein anglistischer
Grundkurs zur Einführung in das Studium der Literaturwissenschaft.
Frankfurt: Athenäum, 104–32.
Bibliography 321
Swales, John M.
1990 Genre Analysis. English in Academic and Research Settings.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Taavitsainen, Irma
2001a Middle English recipes. Genre characteristics, text type features and
underlying traditions of writing. Journal of Historical Pragmatics 2:
85–113.
2001b Language history and the scientific register In Diller and Görlach,
185–202.
Tucker, Susie
1972 Enthusiasm: A Study in Semantic Change. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Tulloch, Graham
1980 The Language of Walter Scott. A Study of his Scottish and Period
Language. London: Deutsch.
1985 The search for a Scots narrative voice. In Görlach 1985a: 159–79.
1989 A History of the Scots Bible. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press.
1997 The Scots language in Australia. In Jones, 623–35.
Turner, E. S.
1965 The Shocking History of Advertising. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Ungerer, Friedrich (ed.)
2000 English Media Texts Past and Present. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Vallins, G. H.
1957 The Wesleys and the English Language. London: Epworth.
Vestergaard, Torben and Kim Schrøder
1985 The Language of Advertising. Oxford: Blackwell.
Watts, Isaac 2
1709 Hymns and Spiritual Songs in Three Books. London: pr. J.H.
Werlich, Egon
1975 Typologie der Texte. Heidelberg: Quelle und Meyer.
Williams, Franklin B. Jr.
1962 Index of Dedications and Commendatory Verses in English Books
before 1641. London: Bibliographical Society.
Wilson, Christopher P. Wilson
1979 Jokes. Form, Content, Use and Function. London: Academy Press.
Wimmer, Rainer
1985 Die Textsorten des Neuhochdeutschen seit dem 17. Jahrhundert. In
Werner Besch, et al. (eds.) Sprachgeschichte. vol. II: 1623–33.
Wood, Robert
1967 Victorian Delights. London: Evans.
Wright, Peter
1992 Humour in dialect speech. In Claudia Blank (ed.) Language and
Civilization. Frankfurt/M.: Lang, II, 33–48.
Index of persons
(includes all sources as well as selected persons referred to in the text,
excluding the numerous references to my own publications)
Old English, 11, 91, 122, 126–7 rhetoric, 1, 5, 13, 104, 109, 115,118,
Old Mortality, 209 151–2, 155, 170, 199
opening formulas, 117 rhythm, 104
riddle, 185
Pakistan, 239–41, 296–7 romance, 10
paraphrase, 10, 18, 163
scholarly prose, 4, 232–3
parody, 248–50
Scotch Haggis, 291
part-whole relationship, 107
Scots/Scotland, xvi, 137, 166, 201–23
period style, 109–10, 140
semiotics, 151–2
persuasion, 141–62
sentence structure, 104
Philippines, 6, 161, 293
seriousness, 160–1, 211
philology, 3
Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
plainness, 167
(SOED), 3, 23, 88–91
poetic diction, 123, 170, 235
Skyline, 230, 299
poetry, 4, 18, 163, 168, 218–9
social changes, 125, 156–7
pragmatics, 13, 188, 198, 225
social functions, xvi
prescription, 142
sociolinguistics, 13, 143, 220–1, 225
prescriptive, xvi, 205, 225
speech/spoken English, 4, 221
prestige, 225
speech act, 12
pronunciation, 193, 210–1, 215
spelling, 191–2
prose, 19
splits 12, 142
prototypes, 106
spontaneous, 20
proverbs, 12, 136
stability, 110, 119, 162
Punch, 146, 188, 290
standardization, 204–5
punning, 160, 181–99
standard language, 4
statistics, 111
Rationalism, 125
stereotype, 248–50
readership, 124, 136, 143, 145–6,
structural development, 1, 99
155–7, 176, 217–8
structuralism, 11
realization, 10, 106
style/stylistics, 3, 9, 11, 13, 99, 103,
rebus, 160, 285
154, 225
register, 3, 6, 101
syntax, 99, 125, 127, 129–30, 137, 153,
relexification, 206
159, 175, 193–6, 207, 249
religion, 16, 106, 163–73, 202
religious diction, 167–8, 208–9 Tatler, 147–9
Renaissance, 6, 12 terminologies, 8, 13
representative, 104, 112 Textsorten, 7, 102
research, 7, 102, 143, text structure, 127, 176
Review, 145, 150–1, 277–81 text types, exported, 136–9, 161, 225,
reviews, 230–1 245–6
330 Index of topics, terms, places and anonymous works