Society in Tribal India (PDFDrive)

Society in T rib a l India
S o c ie ty in Tribal India
B. B. S IN H A
1982
B. R. PUBLISHING CORPORATION
D ELH I-110052
First Published 1982
Bipin Bihari Sinha. (1942— )'
Published b y :
B. R. PUBLISHIN G CORPORATION
461, Vivekanand Nagar,
D elhi-110052
Distributed by :
D. K. PUBLISHERS’ DISTRIBUTORS
1 Ansari Road, Daryaganj,
New Delhi-110002
Phone : 278368
Printed a t :
POOJA PRESS, Q-52, Navin Shahdara, Delhi-110032.
INTRODUCTION
The plateau o f Chotanagpur comprising the five districts

o f Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Palamau, Singhbhum, Dhanbad and
the tributary estates of Kharsawan and Saraikela, surrounded
by bills, rivers, streams and forests, occupies a unique position
in the map of India. The region becomes all the more important
from the social point o f view. Here we have the glimpses
of the confluence of tribal and non-tribal cultures. The
channels of these two cultures, though widely separated from
each other, were bound to come across one another at certain
points, thereby influencing each other in certain degrees. From
this angle the region under study becomes a paradise for the
anthropological investigation.
The later half of the nineteenth century was a significant

period in the social life of the region under review. It was during
this period that we notice the vivid impact of Hinduism and
Christianity on tribal culture. The period also witnessed the
development in the field of Western education of the region.
vi
An attem pt has been made in the following pages to

present an account o f some aspects of social life in Chotanagpur
from 1858 to 1935 A .D . The year 1858 A.D. marks the end o f
the so-called “Sepoy M utiny” . It is after the year 1858 A.D.
that we find a real spirit of awakening in the social life of
Chotanagpur. The period of study closes with 1935—the year o f
the partition of Bihar and Orissa into two separate provinces.
The scope o f social history is very extensive and fluctuat

ing. But considering the vast field, which has to be covered, an
endeavour has been made to study mainly the characteristic
features of the social life of C hotanagpur during the period
under review.
This work is mainly based on the records and reports, both

governmental and private. Standard works of reputed writers
and articles of different scholars contributed to various standard
magazines and journals have also been thoroughly utilized.
The importance of records ar.d reports in the study of the
social life of Chotanagpur can hardly be exaggerated.
In fact, the chapter dealing with education is more or

less entirely based on them. The proceedings o f the Governments
o f Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and o f India related to the Department
of Education have been found to be o f immense importance and
they have been thoroughly utilized in the preparation o f this
work. Survey repons o f the different districts of the Division,
annual reports of the D epartm ent of Public Instruction, quin
quennial reports on the progress o f education in Bengal, Bihar
and Orissa, census reports, and bulletins issued by the Govern
ment and private institutions from time to time have been
exhaustively utilized in the preparation o f this work. Material
from standard books, journals and magazines has aiso been
utilised. In selecting and discussing various topics, their relative
importance has not been lost sight of. Those aspects of contem
porary social life, which very closely resemble their modern
counterparts, have been briefly referred to in this study.
Chotanagpur, during the period under review, remained

“ a little known province of the Empire” . We have scanty
vii
information about society, social customs and manners o f the

people of the Division. The paucity of information has been felt
particularly with regard to the Muslim Society. Inspite of these
difficulties, attempts have been made to arrange everything in a
proper and systematic manner.
A few words may also be said here about the general

plan followed in this woik. The first chapter gives an account of
the social divisions am ong the tribal and non-tribal inhabitants
of the Division. Caste system formed the basis of the Hindu
society. It had duly affected botn the tribals and the Muslims
o f the region in whose societies the caste system originally had
no standing. This chapter also analyses the various factors
concerning tribal and non-tribal relations.
The second and third chapters deal with housing, food,

dress, ornaments, toiletery and pastimes of the people of
Chotanagpur—both tribal and non-tribal. Though the Hindus,
the Muslims and the aboriginals were separated from each other
in their social habits, beliefs, practices, customs and manners
and had developed their independent social institutions, after
coming in close contact they were duly influenced by one other.
Much care has been taken in elaborating the impact of such
contacts. As a matter o f fact, both the Muslims and the abori
ginals were influenced by the Hindus. Tribal society, however,
was equally influenced by the Christianity.
The fourth chapter gives an account of the social status

o f women both in tribal and non-tribal societies. All possible
details with regard to the prevailing social customs like birth,
marriage, dowry, divorce, widowhood, sati, prostitution, purJah,
etc., have been furnished.
The fifth and sixth chapters attem pt to describe the

prevailing system of education in the region. They give details
o f indigenous system of education and the developments in
primary, secondary and higher education. They also discuss
about technical and industrial schools o f the Division. The
education of girls has been treated separately. The two chapters
also shed light on the education of tribal and backward classes.
viii
Further, an attempt has been made in these chapters to present

an account of the curriculum of different stages, the system of
grants-in-aid, scholarships and freeships, inspection and general
discipline.
I am highly indebted to my revered teacher Dr. P.N.

Ojha, Senior University Professor o f History, Ranchi University,
without whose blessing, help, encouragement and constant
supervision, it would have been difficult for me to accomplish
this arduous task. I am highly obliged to the energetic Publisher
Dr. S.B. Singh for undertaking its publication and grudging no
expenditure in making the book as attractive and useful as
possible.
My thanks are also due to the authorities of the various

institutions and libraries, such as the National Archives of India,
New Delhi, the State Archives of Bihar and Bengal, the Bihar
Research Society, Patna, the K.P. Jaiswal Research Institute,
Patna, the Sinha Library, Patna, the K huda Baksh (Oriental
Public) Library, Patna, the Bidhan Sabha Library, Patna, the
National Library, Calcutta, the Asiatic Society Library, Calcutta;
the “ Man in India” Office Library, Ranchi, the Santnlal Library,
Ranchi, the Library of the Forest Department, Ranchi, and the
Bihar Tribal Research Institute, Ranchi, for the kindness and
promptness with which they responded to me in the procurement
o f records and reports, books, magazines, journals and
manuscripts.
I f this book offered to students in particular and casual

readers of Modern Indian History and Culture in genera! acqua
ints in some measure of our country’s social and educational
progress in the modern times, the author would feel his labour
amply rewarded.
M arch. 1978
"B.N, College, (B B Sinha)
Patna.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CH APTER I v
Social Divisions : ]
Hindu Society 2
Muslim Society ]4
Tribal Society 21
Oraons; M undrs; Kharias; Hos; Birhors; Santhals;
Asurs; Korwas; Cheros; Kharwars; Pahariyas; Kisans
or Nagesars; Binjias, etc.
Impact o f Hinduism and Christianity on Tribal
Society.
CH APTER II
Housing, Food, Dress, Ornaments and Toiletery
Non-tribal Society S3
Housing, household, furniture and utensils; Food
and drinks; Dress, Toiletery and Ornaments.
Tribal Society 63
Family, Village and Socio-political organisations;
the Youth Dormitories; Village, housing, household
furniture and utensils; Food and drinks; Dress, Toiletery
and Ornaments.
CHAPTER H I
Games, Sports, Festivals and Other Pastimes.
Non-Tribal Society
Games and Sports; Festivals and Fairs (both Hindu
and Muslims).
Tribal Society 103
Games and Sports; Hunting; Women's Hunt;
Fishing and bird-catching; Dance and Music, Festivals;
Jatras; Mandas; Impact of Hinduism and Christianity on
the Tribal life.
CHAPTER IV
Soda! Status o f Women. 125
The Hindu Women 125
General Remarks; Marriage; Widowhood; Divorce;
Sati System; Purdah; Economic status; Prostitution.
Muslim Women 138
General Remarks; Marriage; Widowhood; Divorce;
Purdah.
The Tribal Women 141
General Remarks; Puberty; Marriage; Different
forms of marriage; Widowhood; Divorce; Economic
status; Pregnancy; Prostitution.
CHAPTER V
Primary and Secondary Education. 161
General Condition o f education; Primary edu
cation; Indigenous Schools; Primary Schools; Curriculum
xi
and sjHlabus; Medium o f instruction; Grants-in-aid; Post

Office Schools; Railway & Miner's elementary Schools;
Night Schools; Blind School at Ranchi; Leper School at
Purulia; Reformatory School at Hazaribagh; Mission
Schools; Curriculum; Medium of instruction; School
Leaving Certificate Examination; School Buildings and
Accommodation; Training Schools; Education o f Special
Classes; Bishop VVestcott School at Namkum, Scholar
ships and Free-studentship; Inspection Agency;
Discipline.
CHAPTER VI
Female Education, Technical Education and University
Education. 206
General Condition; Primary Schools; Middle
Schools; High Schools; Scholarships and other facilities;
Curriculum and inspection; Gathering Schools or Zanana
Schools Training Schools; Professional Schools; Technical
and Industrial Training Schools; Government Industrial
School, Ranchi; Other industrial Schools; Evening
Technical School, Jamshedpur; Jamshedpur Technical
School; The Indian School of Mines and Geology,
Dhanbad; University Education; St. Columbas' College;
College of Ranchi proposed.
CO NCLU SIO N 234

BIBLIOGRAPHY 239
INDEX 255
CHAPTER I
SOCIAL DIVISIONS
Tne plateau of Chotanagpur in Bihar, protected from

invasion by its elevation and the natural barriers that surround
it, offered an asylum to the ancient races, in which they long
existed as a dominant people, maintaining their independence
for ages after the subjugation or expulsion o f their congeners
from the Gangetic provinces. It was one of the last regions in.
which the Aryans obtained a footing. Their intrusion was, in
deed, so recent that the struggle for supremacy between the two-
races continued during the period under review (1858-1935). The
Aryans were regarded as foreigners, and in some parts o f the
Chotanagpur Division, as in the Kolhan area of Singhbhum.
they were never allowed to forget that they were intruders. But
in other parts, the aboriginals showed a tendency to accommodate
tl’.cm.
For the Hindus, there was only one general term —Sud o r
2 Society in Tribal India
Sudh or Sudhan, which included all castes— Brahmins, Rajputs,

G oalas, Kurrois, Kahars, Vaishyas, Kayasthas, etc. They distin
guished themselves by these terms which mean pure, while
■differentiating themselves from the aboriginals whom they called
Kol and Chuar (robber). The word ‘D iku’, a word of uncertain
meaning, was also used for Sud or Sudhan.1
H IN D U SOCIETY
Chotanagpur, though predominantly occupied by different

tribes, was also inhabited by the Hindus and the Muslims.
Among the Hindus, the caste system formed the backbone of
th e society from time immemorial. The case with the Hindus of
•Chotanagpur, during the period under review, was in no way
different from other parts of the country, In most o f the count
ries in the world, usually the principal factors determining class
and status are wealth pedigree o r profession. In the case o f the
Hindus, however, membership o f a caste is determined only by
birth.2 The institution of caste is a unique feature o f the Hindu
society and nothing exactly like it is to be found anywhere in
the world.®
It is an enormously complex and protean social phenomen

on and it is difficult to characterise it with any definiteness.
In fact, caste is an ancient institution, for almost all its ingre
dients are to be found in the Vedas. Race, tribe, class, occupa
tion, creed and ritual—these are the elements which have gone
into its making.
Generally speaking, a caste is a group having a common

origin, a common social organisation, and a common occupation,
whose members eat and drink together and intermarry. But
exceptions are so numerous that generalisation is rendered
useless.
1. Col. E.T, D alton; The Descriptive Ethnology o f Bengal, 1st ed, , 1872,
pp. 308-309.
2. The Legacy a l India, Ed. by G .T . G arra t O xford, 1962, p. 124.
3. Jogendra N a th B hattacharya; Hindu Castes and Society, Thaclcer
S pink a n d C o ., C alcutta, 1896, p. 2.
Social Divisions 3
It is important to note here th at one should n ot confuse

caste with Varna. Varna means the four-fold division of the
Rigvedic Society, which consisted o f three of the twice-born or
Dwijas— the Brahmin, the Kshatriya and the Vaisya—so called
because of the initiation of introduction to a life o f a spiritual
discipline and the Shudras. In early times, it was possible for a
person to pass from one Varna to another in ihe three upper
categories.
But, today, each Varna is a conglomeration of castes.

Among the Brahmins, there is not much in common between
the Sakatdwipi Brahmins, the Maithils and the Gayawals.
Similarly, the Rajputs, the Kshatriyas and the Khatris are almost
entirely distinct castes. Among the Vaisyas, some are supposed
to be pure and respectable while others are degraded to the
Shudra class. Each caste is subdivided into a number of sub
castes, wbicb are smaller endogamous groups inside a caste.4
Chotanagpur, during the period under review, represented

the four traditional caste divisions—the Brahmins, the K shatri
yas, the Vaisyas and the Shudras. The twice-born, the first three
classes, were the lords, spiritual and temporal, the knights and
burgesses. The fourth class was composed of the ordinary people,
the commoners.
The Brahmins are the highest of the three twice-born

castes. Their place in the hierarchy of caste is due mostly to
their being in charge of religion. But, during the period under
review, the Brahmins who devoted themselves exclusively to
priestly duties, were far out-numbered by those who had
taken to secular pursuits. Colonel E.T. Dalton remarks about
the Brahmins of Chotanagpur that the most ignorant amongst
them were usually the most bigoted and self-assuming.6
The Brahmins in the different parts o f the Division were

generally invited by local Rajas and the Zamindars to act as
4. Bihar Through The Ages, Ed. by R .R . D iw ik a r, O rien t Longm ans,

1938, pp. 687-692.
3. Col. E.T. D alton; The Descriptive Ethnology o f Bengal, 1st ed. 1872.
p. 310.
gurus and purohits. These Brahmins were divided into many sub
castes. The most im portant o f them, who lived in Chotanagpur,
were the Kanaujia, the Sarwaria, the Sakaldwipi, the M aha-
Brahmin and the Bhuinhar or as they were called Maghaiya o r
Jimidar Brahmins.
The K anaujia would eat roli and drink w ater from the
Sakaldwipi, the Sarwaria and the Bhuinhar Brahmins, but would
not eat cooked food ; n o r would these classes eat food cooked
by the Kanaujia. The Sarwaria Brahmins were said to have
originally not been purohits ; nor did they attend to any religious
ceremonies. They were good agriculturists and were well-to-do,
provident and prosperous in every way. The M aha-Brahmins
attended to Karmat and other ceremonies connected with deceas
ed persons. They were looked down upon for accepting the
property left by the deceased. The Maha-Brahmins were called
the one-day Purohit. The Sakaldwipi Brahmins were generally
engaged in religious activities and worked as the purohits and
gurus.''
Next to the Brahmins were the Kshatriyas. The Rajputs

of Chotanagpur claimed to be direct descendants o f the Kshatri
yas. The Kshatriyas were divided into many sub-castes. To
these, Chotanagpur added the Nagbansi, the Sikhar, the Raksel
and others who were acknowledged as good Rajputs, and inter
married with the best. With the exception of the Rakse], many
of them traced their descent from outside the Division.7
It is to be noted in this connection that most o f the Rajas

and the big Zamindars o f the Division pretended as Rajputs, but
there can be no doubt that their ancestors were aborigines and
with their prosperity they managed by circumstances to get
married into Rajput families of neighbouring areas and gradually
passed for as good Rajputs as any in India®.
6. D .H .E . Sunder; Patamau Survey Report (1894-95 to 1896-97), p.

CCXVI.
7. Col. E .T . D alto n ; The Des. Elh. o f Bengal, 1st e d „ 1872, p. 311.
8. E xtract from th e Vol. N o. 226 co n tain in g D avidson's R eport dated
29.8.1939, G o v ern o r-G en eral A gem ’s Office, P rincipal A ssistant
M iscellaneous Receipt Book from 19.10.1938 to 9.12.1939. p. 204.
Social Divisions S
L.R. Forbes inform s th a t the R ajputs o f Palam au, like

many o f their cognates elsewhere, had very m uch degenerated,
and no longer the pure and royal tribe they once were. He re
cords, “ I believe there is scarcely a single family now in the
pergunnah that can conscientiously declare to be altogether pure.
There are a very few o f them th a t have not disgraced themselves
by im pure marriages, their avarice o r impecuniosity leading them
to look more to wealthy dowries th an to pureness o f caste.’"'
The R ajput families of Palam au and other districts o f

C hotanagpur had mingled much with the local tribal people.
They were by far the m ost wealthy and prosperous people of the
Division. A good m any o f the R ajputs were cultivators,
thikadars, and zam indars. M any o f them had taken to trade and
sought service in the arm y and police. They had kept their
m ilitant and warring spirit. T he poorer classes am ong them were
much degenerate in appearance, b ut the w ealthier classes were
generally fine, m artial looking men, and retained their haughty
and aristocratic looks which so broadly distinguished the
Gangetic R ajput from the ordinary Indian population.10
The Vaisyas having am ong them many sub-castes like

the Agrawal, the Jaiswal, the M aheswari, the Puraw ar, the
Barnwal, etc., constituted chiefly the m ercantile and trading
classes. They were well-represented in the Division, but they were
for the most p art foreigners in C hotanagpur. T he m ercantile
class, however, included the Brahm ins, who entered largely into
it, the Chatris o r the Rajputs, besides num erous Sahus, M odis
and Banias who belonged to inferior castes 11
Last in the hierarchy came the Shudras, who were at the

same time the m ost num erous. Am ong them were many artisan
castes such as the Halwais, the Malis, the Baris, the D hanuks,
the K andus, etc. A lm ost equal in rank to th e artisans were a
num ber o f pure Shudra cultivators such as the Koiris, the
Kurmis and so on. Then (here were th e K ah ars, th e G oalas, the
9. L .R . F orbes; Ryotwaree Settlem ent in Palam au, 1872, p. 34.

10. Ibid., pp. 34-35.
U. C ol. E .T . D alto n ; The D ei. E th, o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872, p. 312.
Kumhars, the Lobars, the Barbis, the Hajams, the Mallahs, etc.,
having inferior professions. Lower in social status were th e
washermen and the Dusadhs.
At the Lowest strata of society were the untouchables.

They included the Chamars, the Doms and others.13 The Shudras
possessed the lowest social status amongst the Hindus, and most
of them were very poor. They earned their livelihood with m uch
o f labour and troubles.
These traditional four castes were further sub-divided into

numerous sub-castes. Im portant sub-castes and some o f the
Hinduised and semi-Hinduised aboriginals found in Chotanag
pur were : the Babhans, the Bauris, the Chamars, the Doms,
the Dusadhs, the Goalas, the Gareris, the K ahars, the Kayasthas,
the Kurmis, the Koiris, the Lohars, the Goraits, the Ghasis, the
K umhars, the Bhuiyas, the Bhogtas, the Bhumijas, the Mahalis,
the Turis, the Ors (or Oreas), the Telis, the Tambolis, the
Thatheras, the Kanseras, the Malis, and others.
The Babhans or Bbuinhars were of uncertain origin and

nothing definite can be said about them. According to one view,
the Babhans were a military tribe of the Brahmins and in reality
they were the Sakaldwipis. But the Babhans of Palamau made no
pretence of ever having been Sakaldwipi Brahmins. They claimed
to be Rajputs.19 H .H . Risley opines that the Babhans formed a
branch of the Rajputs, It may, however, be admitted that evi
dence in favour o f their Brahminical origin is not in wanting.
They were found in different parts o f the Division, but their
number was not very considerable. "
Owing probably to the controversy about their origin the

social status of the Babhans is not altogether easy to determine.
They were generally settled agriculturists and, sometimes, were
12. Bihar Through The A gt.t, E d. by R .R . D iw akar, pub, by O rient Long

m an's, 1958, pp. 695-696.
13. L .R . F orbes; Ryotwcree Settlement in Palamau, 1872, p. 35.
Social Divisions 7
also engaged in business. They were mostly wealthy and happy

people.11
The B anns were a cultivating, earth-working and palan

quin-bearing caste. They were found in all the districts o f
Chotanagpur, though not in large number. They belonged to the
Shudra caste and were divided into many sub-castes. In
M anbhum, many of them held substantial tenures in term s o f
the police service, a fact which lended colour to the view that
they were among the earliest settlers in that part of the country.
Their social rank was very low. Members o f higher castes

did not take water from their hands. They were, in fact, hardly
distinguishable from the Ghasis o f Chotanagpur, and were despis
ed everywhere except in Manbhum, where they were allowed by
the Hindus to do certain menial work which were usually done
by the people o f higher castes. They took beef, pork, fowl and
all kinds of fish, and were much habituated to strong drinks.1*
The Chamars, the tanner caste of Shudra origin, were found

in ail parts of Chotanagpur. By virtue of their occupations,
habits and traditional descent, they stood condemned to the rank
at the very bottom of the Hindu social system and even the non-
Aryan tribes, who were admitted into the Hindu community,
were promoted over their heads. They ate beef, pork, fowl and
many other impure things, all unclean to an average Hindu.
They were treated as untouchables. They were employed in tann
ing leather, making shoes and saddlery and grooming horses.
Their female folk were the midwives of the region and they
attended at child-birth.16
The Dorns occupied the same position as the Chamars in

society. Their chief occupation was the making o f baskets and
mats, and even the menial and scavenging sub-castes followed
14. H .H . Risley; TheT ribes a n i Castes o f Bengal, Vol. [, C alcu tta, 1891,
pp. 28-35.
15. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I , C alcutta, 1891,
pp. 78-83.
16. Ibid., pp. 175-182.
s Society in Tribal India
these occupations to some extent. A number o f them had taken

to agriculture.17
The Dusadb, a degraded Aryan o r refined Dravidian culti

vating caste of Chotanagpur, the members of which were largely
engaged as village watchmen and messengers. They had a very
bad reputation as habitual criminals. They were o f the same
cadre as the Chamais and the Dorns. Prof. Mantegazza, follow
ing Dalton, desciibes them as “Aryans of very low type” . Their
social rank was very low, and no respectable caste would eat
with them. They themselves, besides eating pork, tortoises, fowl,
and field-rats, and indulging freely in strong drinks, would take
food from any caste of the Hindus except the Dhobis, the Dorns
and the Cham ars.7'
In every Oraon, Munda, Ho and K haria village, the

Goalas, the Goars or the Ahirs were found. They were the
great pastoral caste of India and were eilher Mathurabasi Goalas
o r Magadhi Goalas. But the latter were larger in number and
were inferior to the former. Iu Chotanagpur, the distribution o f
the sub-castes was very much what might be expected. In parts
of Singhbhum and the ad joining tributary estates, a large num
ber of Goalas lived holding rather a subordinate position in rela
tion to the dominant Hos and Bhuiyas, bur on the whole they
formed the most flourishing part of the peasantry in that part of
th e country.
According to Colonel Dalton, in most of the Ho villages a

few of the Magadhi Goalas were to be found receiving pay for
looking after the cattle o f the Hos. The M athurabasi Goalas
would not condescend to take service with the Dravidians, and
they were found as extensive farmers employing a number of
aboriginal Kam.as (labourers).19
In the north and west o f the Division, numerous represcnta-
17. Ibid., pp. 240-251.

18. H .H . Rislcy; The Tribes anti Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, C alcutta, 1891,
pp. 252-258.
19. Col. E .T . D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed„ 1 £72, p. 315.
Social Divisions 9
tives of the Bihar sub-castes were found, who came into this
region from the crowded and over-cultivated districts o f Bihar to
feed their catlle on the forest-clad tablelands o f Hazaribagh,
Palamau and Ranchi districts. They led a nomadic life during the
dry season, living in tents of bam boo matting and moving from
place to place as the supply of forage required.
In every tribal village there were a few of these Goalas who

looked afte. Ihe cattle of the villagers. For this service, they
earned a certain measure of paddy (from 30 seers to a rnaund)
every year for each pair of plough-bullocks and buffaloes owned
by the villagers, whose cattle they looked after and grazed. The
plough-cattle were left in their charge only for about six months
in the year, that is to say, from after the harvesting season till
the commencement of the next sowing season.
In addition to their annual allowance of paddy from each

client they generally got one day's milk out of every two days’
for each cow left in their charge and one day’s milk out of every
three days' for each shr-buffalo.S0 •
The Goalas of Chotanagpur tribal villages appeared to

have a strong admixture of either Dravidian or M unda blood, if
they were not actually a class of the Hinduised aborigines. They
took fowl and sometimes even pork, though bee." was a taboo to
them. They were sometimes served by the Brahmin priests, but
o f an inferior class. Like the Kumhars and the Kurmis o f
Chotanagpur, they were given the title o f M ahato. In some vill
ages, they also acted as the Panbhara or water-carriers of lue
landlords and had to keep the landlords and their agents, during
their visits to the village, supplied with water.21
Besides Ih e Goalas, the Gareris or the shepherds, having

the same position as the Goalas in social dignity, were also found
20. C o l. E .T. D alton; The Dcs. Elk. o f Bengal, 1st ed ., 1872, pp. S IS -JP .
21. S.C. R oy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, 1915, pp. 69-71
scattered in the Division. They tended sheep and made

blankets,2-
The Kahars were a large cultivating and palanquin-bearing

caste of Bihar and Chotanagpur, many of whom were employed
as domestic servants of the Hindus and the well-to-do people.
Socially, the caste ranked with the Kurmis, the Goala3, and the
Brahmins would accept water from their hands. They were
scattered in different parts of the Division and were mainly con
centrated where the Hindu inhabitants were in large numbers.23
The Kayasthas were also found in different parts of the

Division in quite a considerable number. They were the writer
caste and were not inferior to the Brahmins in most places in.
point of social rank. Their social status had risen considerably
with their wealth and official influence. They traced their mythi
cal parentage to Chitragupta. They were divided into 12 sub-castes.
In Chotanagpur they belonged mostly to the Srivastava, the
Ambastha, and the K aran sub-castes.
Their origin is still shrouded in mystery, and nothing

definite can be said about it.24 They formed professionally the
learned aristocracy of the land. Their qualifications, which were
the result o f their education and their industrious habits, were
recognised in various ways. They monopolised the office of
Paiwaris. In all offices requiring a knowledge o f reading and
writing, such as secretaries and clerks, down to the lowest village
registrar, the Kayasthas were to be found. An illiterate Kayastha
was looked down upon as a creature with no proper reason for
existence.
22. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Casfes o f Bengal, Vol. I, C a lc u tta, 1891.
pp. 282-290. Also see Col. E.T. D alto n ; T he Dcs. Eih. o f Bengal, 1st
ed „ 1S72, pp. 315-317. Also see S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chota-
itaypur, 1915, pp. 69-71,
23. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, C alcutta, 1891,
pp. 370-374.
24. Col. E.T. P a lio n ; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed ., 1872, pp. 312-313;
also see Bihar Through The Ages, Ed. by R .R . D iw akar, pub. by
O rient L ontm ans, 1958, pp. 694-695.
Social Divisions U
A great many of the Kayasthas also lived by farming land,,

but only the poorest among them took to ploughing with their
own hands, and that too only rarely. The Kayasthas were in
possession o f considerable zamindaris and tenures o f substantial
value.
The social position of the Kayasthas in Chotanagpur was

unquestior ably very high. Ordinarily speaking, they took pakki
fo.od from any caste from whose hands water could be taken.
The Vaishnava members of the caste abstained from flesh and
wine, but m ajority of them took flesh o f goat, sheep, hare,
game-birds. They were unrivalled for their indulgence in intoxi-
catiug liquor.*6
The Karmis formed a large cultivating caste of upper

India, Bihar, Orissa and Chotanagpur. Their origin is obscure.
Fn Chotanagpur, they appear to have obtained a fcoting among
the aboriginals at a very remote period. Though the Kurmis in
cluded so many noble families including the Panchet Raj family
of Manbhum, their social position was not high. By abstaining
from beef and pork, they had raised themselves a step higher
than the aboriginal tribes of Chotanagpur, but the fact that they
took fowl and held-rats, and indulged freely in spirituous liquors,
excluded them from the circle o f castes, from whose hands a
Brahmin could take water. Agriculture was their original and
characteristic profession. They were also employed as domestic
servants by the higher Hindu castes.26
There is no unanimity among scholars regarding the origin

o f the Koiris, a cultivating caste of Chotanagpur. Risley remarks,
“All that can be said is that the Koiris have too long been a
distinct caste, and have been too much affected by Hindu in
fluences ..”.27 They were divided into 13 sub-castes, and enjoyed
25, H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, C alcu tta, 1891 i The
Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed,, 1872, pp. 312-313.
26, H .H . Risley; 7>ie Tribes and Cosies o f Bengal, Vol. 1, 1891, pp. 528
537; S ee also Col. E.T. D allo n ; The Des, Eth, o f Bengal, 1st e d .,
1872, pp. 317-320.
27, H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, pp. 501.
a respectable social position. They were ranked with the Kurmis

and the Goalas—and the Brahmins took water from their hands.
They followed ordinary Hindu standard o f purity. Their chief
occupation was cultivation and they grew com and vegetables.
They were found scattered in all parts of the Division.28
In almost every tribal village o f Chotanagpur, Ibe Lohras

or Lohars were found. They made and repaired agricultural
implements, for which they were duly paid by the villagers. In.
Chotanagpur, most of the Lohars were partially Hinduised
Dravidians, and were popularly known as KoI lohars o r Lohrai
as distinguished from the pure Hindu Lohars, locally known as
the Sad-Lohars, whose number was considerably very small. The
social status of the Kol-Iohars was quite inferior.2* We find the
existence of the clan system among the Lohars of Chotanagpur.
Some of the names of their clans were Sanrh, Son, Maghaia,
TutIt, Kechua, and Dhantirki. These clani were exogamous and
marriages within the same clan were not permitted.30
Like the Lohars, almost every tribal village had its family
of the Goraits, who were Hinduised aboriginal people. The func
tion of village Gorait was that of the village drudge. He had
to carry messages to the Zamindar and to the village headman,
to act on ceremonial occasions as the village drummer, and to
perform several other miscellaneous functions. The services of
their women folk were required in tattooing aboriginal girls.
For these functions, they were paid by the villagers.
In a number of villages, they held a plot of rent-free

service land under the village community known as, Gorait-Khet.
They took beef, pork and fowl and also consumed spirituous
liquor. They sometimes employed the Brahmin priest, though
of low origin, for the worship o f Debimai and Surja.31
28. Ibid., pp. 500-504; also refer to C d I. E .T, D alton; The Des, Eth. o f
Bengal, 1st ed. 1872, p p . 320-321.
29. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, 1915, p. 71.
30. N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B ihar
Tribal Research In stitu te , 1961, p. 151.
31. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, 1915, p. 72.
Social Divisions li
The Gbasis were a Dravidian tribe of Chotanagpur.

Although they professed to be Hindus, they appear to be a
purely aboriginal tribe that took beef, pork, and indulged freely
in spirituous liquor. Their favourite occupations were fishing
and cultivation, and they also attended as musicians at weddings
and festivals and performed menial services o f all kinds. The
Ghasi women acted as midwives and nurses. They were also
found sometimes begging and thieving. The Ghasis of Chola-
nagpur were divided into three sub-castes—the ‘Sonaaii, the
Simarloka and the Hari. Socially they ranked with the
Dorns and the M usahars.3'
The Kumhars o f Chotanagpur had better features and

were found only in comparatively larger villages—generally in
such villages which had resident landlords. In many of these
villages, they held a plot o f land called Khapar-Khet, in lieu o f
which they had to supply earthen pots and pans to the Zamin-
dar and his agents free o f cost. They were also engaged in
cultivation. They were served by the Brahmin priest, though
not of the best type, and their social standing was questionable.21
The Bhuiyas, the Bhoglas, and the Bhumijes were semi-

Hinduised non-Aryan tribes o f Chotanagpur, and were found
in different parts of the Division in quite a good number. They
were mostly cultivating castes and also took other professions
for their livelihood. Some of them also possessed lands and
were considerably well-to-do. They took beef, pork, and fowl,
and indulged in strong liquor. Their social status was quite
low.
The Mafalis, the Turis, the O rs or O reas were round

sparsely inhabiting different parts of Chotanagpur. They made
baskets and worked with bamboos. They were purely aborig
inal, though more or less Hinduised. Beef, pork, fowl and
32. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, 1915, p. 73. see also H .H .
R isley's The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, pp. 277-278,
33. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. 1, 1891. pp. 517
to 526; also S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pub. in 1915,
p. 74.
liquors did not come amiss to them. Their social position was
also considerably very low.31
Besides them, a large num ber o f professional Hindu-castes

like the Telis, the Tambolis, the Thatheras, the Kanseras, the
Sonars, the M alls and others were also found in different parts
of the Chotanagpur Division.
M U SLIM SOCIETY
S.C. Roy in his work, The Munda And Their Country in
forms us that some low class Muslims such as the Jolahas found
their way into Chotanagpur in the train o f the M uhammadan
troops that invaded K olhan in the sixteenth century. But it is
not altogether unlikely th at a portion of the lower class o f
Chotanagpur Muslims were originally converts. Besides, a
large number o f Muslims residents o f the Division appear to be
the descendants o f the Muslim traders who came in the begin
ning o f the nineteenth century.35
Like other pacts of the country, the Muslims o f Chota-

tiagpur were also divided into the Snnui and the Shia sects, but
th e majority of them were Sunnis. The Muslim community
comprised the Eraki, the Kalal, the Momin, the Kasab, the
Dhuoiya, the Cburihar aad the Kunjra.
The R a n k ! or Eraki Muslims, besides being cultivators,

were also traders and money-lenders, and were generally well-
off. The Kalals were engaged in running still shops in the
Division. The Momins were the Jolahas. The word Momin
means a man o f conscience, and was used by the Jolahas after
their names, because the word Jolaha is held in ridicule. They
were weavers and good agriculturists. They were by far the most
numerous among the Muslims in the Division. The Kasabs
were butchers. The Dhuniyas were cotton cleaners, the Churi-
hars made lac bracelets and the Kunjras were well-known
market gardeners.
J4 . S.G. R oy; The Oroons o f Chotanagpur, 1913, p, 73.

33. S.C . Roy; T he M undas a n d T h e ir CoUDtry, pub. in 1912, p. 174.
Social Divisions 15
The Muslims of the S&yyid class were known as Mir

Sahebs, the Pathans were addressed as Khan Sahebs, and the
Moghuls were addressed as Mirza Sahebs. The Eraki, the
Kalal, the Churihar, the Dhuniya and the Jolaha generally had
Ihe prefix Shaikh before their names. They were low-caste
Muslims, and were not really within the class o f Shaikh.
Nevertheless they considered themselves as such.3*
Islam, whether regarded as a religion or as a socio-cultural

pattern, is in every respect the antithesis o f Hinduism. The caste
system is foreign to Islam and is contrary to its egalitarian ideas
as to the Vedantic doctrines. In India, however, caste was so
fundamental, its contagion had spread even to Muhammadans—
and we find its evolution proceeding on characteristically Hindu
lines.
In both communities foreign descent formed the highest

claim to social distinction. As the twice-born Aryan was to the
mass of the Hindus, so was the M uhammadan of supposedly
Arab, Persian, Afghan, Turk and Mughal origin. The caste
system had entered the M uhammadan social order to a certain
sxtent as a result o f their constant contact with the Hindus. The
M uhammadan castes followed the rules of caste endogamy, and
they had their caste Panchayats also. The Ashraf, the Ajlaf and
the Arzal were the three main groups under which a number o f
castes were classified in those days.”
SLAVERY IN H INDU AND M U SLIM SOCIETIES
While describing the Hindu and the Muslim societies, it

will be proper to say something about the system of slavery
prevalent in Chotanagpur in some form or other during the
period under review.
D r. K.K. D utta, while discussing the presence o f t'.is
36, D . H E. S under; Palamau Survey Report (1894-95 to 1896-97), pub.

in 189?, C alcutta, pp. CCXVI-CCXVXI.
37. H .H . Risley; The People o f India, 2nd e d ., T hacker S pink & C o.,
L ondon, 1915, p, 17.1. Also see Bihar Through T he Ages, E d. by R .R .
D iw akar, O rient Longm ans, 1958, p. 696.
institution in the eighteenth century, informs us that slavery was

an ancient institution in India, and it was also recognised in
Indian Muslim Society, and slaves formed a familiar feature o f
every respectable Muslim home. According to Buchanan, slavery
was ‘pretty universal’ among the Muslims of Bihar.
There were ordinarily two forms of slavery in India— feudal

servitude and domestic slavery. In the former, the serfs attached
to lands were regarded as the property o f the landlords, and on
transfer of lands they were also accordingly required to change
their masters. Slaves belonged to both sexes. O f the female
slaves, some were employed for domestic and menial work and
some for pleasure and company, which often degenerated into
concubinage.
Among the Hindus the Rajputs, the Kshatriyas and the

Kayasthas openly kept woman slaves as concubines. Rich Mus
lims maintained a large number o f mate slaves called itufurs and
female slaves called laundts. Slaves with families, however, were
not ordinarily subjected to harsh treatment.®8
This type of slavery might have continued during the period

under review Doth among the Hindus and the Muslin s of Choia-
nagpur who were in no way different from their kin tn other
parts of the country. But, we have no definite proof o f its exist
ence in the Division.
KAMIAS AND KAMIAUT1
Another form of slavery, however, was prevalent in Chota

nagpur, particularly in the districts of Hazaribagh and Palam au
known as Kamiauti. Kamiautis was the practice o f begari found
in all parts o f Chotanagpur. The existence and extent o f this
form of modified slavery bad been known for a long time.
Prof. Wilson in his Glossary o f Indian terms (18*5) quoted

by Sir W.W. H unter, defined a sanwak, (the Katnia's bond was
38. D r. K .K . D u tla; Survey o f India's Social L ife and Economic Condition

in the Eighteenth Century, pub. b y . F irm a K .L . M ukhopadhyay,
C alcutta, 1961, pp. 40 to 44. .
Social Divisions 17
known as Saunkncma) as—" a slave in Chotanagpur." And he

added, “ There are three classes : The sanwak, who is hereditary,
the Bandha Sanwak, a slave for life, but whose children are not
slaves, and the Chata Sanwak, a slave for debt under a written
bond. In the districts bordering on Chotanagpur or R am garh.
Hazaribagh, etc., the Sanwak is described as one who becomes a
slave for life on receiving a certain sum o f money, and who can
not redeem hirasclf by repayment of the original advance :
according to other authorities he may redeem himself but is.
seldom able to do so. The Sanwaks are generally from the low o r
out-caste hill tribes” .3® H unter has also described about th e n in
his worK, A Statistical Account o f Bengal (Vol. XVIj.
J.D . Sifton informs us that the Kamias were numerous in

the district of Hazaribagh, and were chiefly found in the north
west, in Hunierganj, Pratappur, C hatra aad adjoining areas.
They were very few in the south-east quarter of the district and
were practically absent in the neighbourhood of the coal-mines
and of mica-industry,40 They were found in the whole of Pala
mau, chiefly in those areas where the Babhans or alike castes
resided, who preferred to depend on the Kamias for the cultiva
tion o f tbeir lands.41
The Kamias were bonded servants of their masters. In

return for loan received, they bonded themselves to perforin
whatever menial services were required o f them in lieu o f th e
interest due on the loan. There was bound to be a constantly
fluctuating proportion of landless labourers among the agricul
tural classes, men who had fallen into the hands of moneylenders
and lost their holdings. Such men either emigrated or remained
free-labourers or become Kamias. The least enterprising among
them commonly fell to the last position. A practice arose o f
binding the labourers by means of an advance, given occasionally
39. J.D . Sifton; Hazaribagh Survey Report (1908-1915}, pub. in 1922,

p. [II.
40. Ibid.. p. W .
41. Ibid., p. (A ppendix) S.
upon their service, remaining always at the call of the landlords

for purpose of agriculture."
T.W. Bridge informs us that even in 1920 about 60,000 of

the population o f Palamau were such slaves. The remuneration
given to the Kamias were quite negligible. In each case, the
remuneration was just a dole of food,—nominally two-and-a-balf
o r three seer: kuchi o f paddy (about three-quarters or one stand
ard seer o f rice) o r an equivalent o f some other grain, for a day.
It was not a wage in the true sense of the term, and represented
only one-third of a day’s wage for free labourer.43 I f the Kamia’s
wife also worked for his master, she received a slightly smaller
remuneration. Even their joint wages were not sufficient to feed
properly themselves and the normal family o f children which they
were certain to possess.
The Kamia rarely earned cash, unless it be tbe occasional

few pice he might earn as a paiki-bearer in his spare time. Conse
quently, he had no chance of ever repaying the principal of his
debt and becoming a free man again.
Kamiauti had become m ore or less hereditary. Although

the son was not responsible for his father’s debt after his death,
a new debt was always contracted on behalf of the son on the
occasion o f his marriage, which rendered him also a K am ia for
life.
In fact, the K am ia's marriage debt was not a debt at all,

b ut a fee paid by the landlord for tbe purchase of a wife for a
Kamia's son in order to maintain his stock o f labourers. The
intended wife and her mother were given a few yards o f cotton
cloth and a rupee o r two, one or two cooking utensils were
throw n in, and the Kamia and his son and the rest of the family
were given a feed. The new Kam ia, whether he wished or not,
42. JX>. S iffon; Haiaribagh Survey Report (1908-1915), pub. in 1922,

p . 108.
43. T .W . Bridge; Survey Operations In Palam au (1913-1920), pub. in
1921, P a tn a , p. 119.
Social Divisions 19
assumed responsibility upon the condition o f labouring in lieu o f

interest until repayment, which was never made.41
Another tragedy with them was that they were not given
work daily by their masters, and as such no food was supplied
o n the days when there was no work to be done. Thus, only
those days o f the season were left free at their disposal when they
could not earn, because no agricultural work was required at that
time. Moreover, they were also not allowed to leave their master’s
village for fear that they might abscond. Actually they were
reduced to earning the most miserable subsistance by collecting
fuel and grass for sale. ’
The restriction of movement reduced the Kamias to nothing

better than slaves. An absconding Kamia was unable to find an
asylum anywhere in any part of the area where the system was
prevalent. The landlords as a class combined to maintain the sys
tem of returning to the original master any Kamias taking shelter
:in their villages. In the past the police had also helped unofficially
10 track down and recover runaway Kamias. N ot only this; the
sale and purchase o f Kamias was by no means uncommon in the
north-west part of Hazaribagh district. Their transaction was
formally represented as the taking over o f the debt, because it
was understood that a higher price would be an offence under
.the law concerning slavery.46
The Kamias had practically no property of their own. In

some cases, a Kamia got a very small portion of service-land
which was called Palhaih in Palamau. Generally, it was so small
that the value o f its gross produce hardly exceeded Rs. 3 or 4 a
year. He built his own house on a bit of an unoccupied tanr land.
In case he ceased to be a Kamia, he gave up his palhaih land but
not his house or the little bit o f bari which adjoined it. He
generally had no movable property at all except the cloth he put
44, T .W . Bridge; Survey Operations in Palamau (1913-1920), pub. in 1921,

p . 120; also see J.D . Sifton; Hazaribagh Survey Report (1908-1915)
pub. in 1922, p. 109.
-43. J.D . Sifton; Hazaribagh Survey Report (1903-1915) pub. in 1922,
p . 109.
on and a few cooking utensils. He possessed no reserves o f food,

and often went all day with only a single meal. During the
hungry months o f the hot season, he sometimes had to pass a
day or two without a meal at ail.46
Writers like Sir W.W. H unter were optimistic about the

natural end o f the K am iauti system. “ There can be no doubt",
writes Sir H unter, “ th at greater facilities for emigration and the
enhanced demand for labour on public work, railways, roads and
mines, together with the general though slow advance of educa
tion" will gradually break up the entire system of Kamia
labour.” 47
But thei; hope proved futile and even as late as in the

twenties of the present century, the system was found increasing
both in the Palamau and Hazaribagh districts. Many a person
who was formerly free became a Kamias—and once a Kamia,
he always remained a Kamia. Exceptions were very lew and it
depended upon the interference o f some relative who might have
made money, probably in the tea garden.
. J.D . Sifton described the continuance o f this system as

morally and politically indefensible. According to him, the
remedy for this evil deserved the most careful consideration of
the Government. “ No remedy", records Sifton, “ will be success
ful which counts at all upon the initiative of the Kamias them
selves, for two or three generations of serfdom have reduced
their race to a state of apathy. I do not think the system can be
abolished without special legislation making it penal to keep
Kamia and extinguishing all Kamiauti debts. As a temporary
measure when such legislation is enforced it will be necessary for
the government to open relief works for the employment o f dis
charged Kamias, and to provide special facilities for their emi
gration to labour districts. In this way the surplus Kamias will
be drafted off and their former employers be forced either to
46. T.W . Bridge; Survey Operations in P aiatm u (1913-1920) pub. in 1921,

P atn a, p. 120.
47: J.D . Sifton; H azarib;rh Survey Report (1908-1915), pub. in 1922,
p. 112.
Social Divisions 21
settle the agricultural lands on rent with the remainder or to pay

them a free labour w ages."18
TRIBAL SOCIETY
Any study of society in Chotanagpur is incomplete, until it

incorporates the study o f the tribal society. In fact, Chotanagpur
is predominantly a tribal belt—and the iribals constitute a signi
ficant portion o f the entire human population in this area.
A tribe is generally described as a group of people charac

terised by a common and distinct name, a group-sentiment, and a
common and specific territory. It is endogamous and has common
institutional agencies for maintaining order in the community.
A tribe follows its own specific magic and rituals along with
other social, economic, political and cultural traditions. Each
particular tribe has its own code of conduct and practices and
the conventional taboos.
There is a good lot of similarity between the concept o f a

tribe and caste so far as Indian social sytem is concerned. Broad
ly speaking, the tribal communities compared with castes are far
too undeveloped and backward in economic, technological and
cultural matters. But, if we have the word tribal denoting a
certain socio-economic level, it is not something fixed or perma
nent. Thus, what is meant by tribal is a changing level or condi
tion and not a static fixture. All were tribal in origin. They be
long equally to the great Indian configuration of culture.
The principal tribes found in Chotanagpur were the

Oraons, the Mundas, the Kharias, the Hos, the Birhors and the
Santhals. Besides, them there were small tribes sucb as the Asurs,
the Korwas, the Cheros, the Kharwars, the Parhaiyas, the
Kisans or the Nagesars, the Birjias, the Agerias, the Dhanuks,
the Bhuihors, the Mars, the Rautias, the Bedias, the Gonds, the
Goraits, the Jhoras, the Rajwars, the Bhumijes, the Mahlis, the
■18. J.D . Sifton; Hazaribagli Survey Report (1908-1915), pub. in 1922,

p. 112.
Karmalis, the Binjhias, the Savars, the Bathudis, the Chick-

baraiks and a few other minor tribes.
ORAONS
The Oraons, or, as they call themselves Kurukh, are best

known in many parts of India as Dhangars, a word which from
its apparent derivation may mean any hillman. The Oraons were
a Dravidian cultivating tribe of Chotanagpur. The greater part
o f Oraons inhabited the Ranchi and the Palamau districts. But
they were also found in small num ber in other parts of the
Division. According to their own tradition, they originally lived
in the Carnatic and from there went up to the N arbada river and
settled in B ihar on the banks o f River Sone.
Driven from Shababad by the Muslims, the tribe split into

two groups. One group settled in the Raj Mahal hills and the
other ascended the Sone into Palamau and subsequently settled
in north-western portion of the Division.4® The M undaris were
already inhabiting those tracts. As there was plenty of room for
both, they did not interfere with the new-comers.
The Oraons, in due course o f time, adopted the same

system that prevailed among the M undaris. The first, second and
third sons o f the first settler became respectively, the Munda (the
head or chief,) the Pahan and the Mahto. These three families
increased and formed three different groups called by them as
Khunts,—the M mda-khunt, the Pahan-khunt and the Mahto-
khunt. As they were all the descendants o f the same man, th at is
the first settler, all the members of these three ‘Khunts’ in the
same village, had the same Gotra o r family name.10
The Oraons were divided into a number o f septs. As in

the case of many of the allied Dravidian tribes, these septs were
named after various animals, plants or other material objects.
49. M .A .S .B ., V ol. I, N o . 9 , containing article o f R ev. P . D ehon, S .J .,

en title d , "R elig io n a n d C ustom s o f the U rao n s," p. 1.
50. M .A .S.B., Vol. I, N o. 9, co n tain in g article of R ev. P . D ehon, S J .,
en title d , "R elig io n an d Custom s o f the U raons” , pp. 158-159.
Social Divisions 23
Members of one sept or as it is technically called the totemistic

clan, were supposed to be descended from a common ancestor,
and no sexual relations between two persons belonging to the
same clan were tolerated. Each totem was strictly exogamous in
nature. Members o f a clan wore a common surname which was
the name of the totem. They were prohibited from cutting, kill
ing, burning, carrying or using their respective totem objects.
The Oraons, in fact, did not know the origin of their totems
and did not seem to attach very great importance to the
observances connected with them. In fact, totcmism, among
Oraons, was recognised merely as a mode o f defining the ex
ogamous groups. If in ancient times it exercised influence over
their religious beliefs, it had been overlaid so completely by other
superstitions and usages that it was no longer possible to re
cognise it.
The im portant totemistic clans among the Oraons were :

Bokhla (paddy bird), Chigalo (jackal), Dhichua (king crow),
Ekka or Kachhap (tortoise), Kaya (wild dog), Ke'ketta (a kind o f
hedge sparrow), kinda (a kind of crop), Khokha (crow), Khalkho
(stard-fish), Gidhi (vulture), Kispota (the bowel of a pig), Lakra
(tiger). Minj (eel), Orgerao (hawk), Biga-Aluman (baboon), Bara
(the fig tree), Madgi (mahua). Kirs Khochol (a tree full of thorns),
Kujur (a kind of long creeper), Khess (paddy), Beh (salt), Panna
(iron), Tiga (monkey) and so on. The clan name descended from
father to son.sl
The O raon society had certain im portant tribal officials.

The priests, who were entrusted with the periodical propitiation
o f the village deities of the Oraons were called Naiga or Pahan
and in some villages, Baiga. They had generally one or more
assistants. They were representatives of the community.
The principal assistant o f the Pahan, and, in many villages
31. M .A .S.B ., Vol. I, N o. 9, co n tain in g article o f R ev. P. D ehon, S .J.,

e n title d , "R elig io n and Custom s o f the U rao n s” , p. 160; also see
Encyclopaedia o f Religion and Elkies, Vol. IX , pp. 304-305. Also refer
to Col. E .T . D alto n ’s W ork, The Des. Etlj. oj Bengal, 1st e d ., 1S72,
p. 2S4.
24 Society In Tribal India
th e only assistant, was the Panbhara, who was called the Pujar
or the Tahatu in some villages. Tn certain villages another assis
ta n t of the Pahan was called the Susari, and in a few villages
a s the Murgi-pakoa. Ordinarily, the Panbhara, the Pujar, the
Susari, or the Murgi-pakoa were all one and the same man. These
offices, in some villages, were hereditary and in others the in
cum bents were changed at slated intervals generally once in three
years. Their successors were selected by a supposedly super
natural process of election or, as the Oraons put it ‘selected by
the deities themselves’.®2
A part from them, there were two classes of magicians in
th e ir society—the white magicians or the Bhagats or the Sokitas
and the black magicians known as the M atis 01 the Deonars. The
Bisahas (wizards) and the Dains (witches) were also black
magicians.
The white magicians were called for divining the cause of
some calamities to men, cattle or crops and for advising about
th e means o f removing them. The black magicians were ap
proached for causing harm to the enemies. The social status of
these officials except the black magicians was quite high among
the Oraons. The Bisahas and the Dains were treated as an enemy
o f the society and when detected were punished by the
villagers.53
The Oraons were mainly an agricultural tribe. They were
good cultivators and they claim to have introduced plough culti
vation in Chotanagpur for the first time—and thus replaced the
old barbarous daha method o f Jhuming cultivation. They also
worked as coolies in the tea-gardens o f Assam and coal-mines of
C hotanagpur. They had no grievance against their existing condi
tions and were always jubilant in spirii.®1
Regarding the social status of the Oraons, Risley rightly

52. S.C. Roy; Oraon Religion and Customs, pub. in 1928, pp. 6-7.
5 J. Ibid., pp. 256-257 an d 26), R efer also to M .A .S.B ., Vol. I , N o. 9,
containing article of Rev. P. D eh o n , S.J , en title d “ Religion an d
Custom s o f th e U raons", p. 159.
54. M .A .S.B ., Vol. I, N o . 9, Rev. P, P e h o n 's article, "R eligion an d
C ustom s of the U raons” , pp. 166-167. Also H .H . Risley; The Tribes
and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, pub. in 1891, p p . 148-149.
Social Divisions 25
remarks that in the eyes o f the average Hindus the Oraons had
no social status. They freely took beef, pork, fowl, all kinds of
fish, alligators, lizards, fieid-rats, the larvae o f bees and wasps
and even the fiesh o f animals which had died a natural death.
The Oraons also indulged in strong liquor. They were looked
down upon even by semi-Hinduised tribes like the Bagdish, the
Bauris, the Bhuraijes and others.55
MUNDAS
Although less numerous than the Dravidian Oraons. the

Manilas had a universally admitted precedence over the other
aboriginals of Chotanagpur by virtue of their older occupation
of the country and their traditions o f rule in it.“ The word
M anda is o f Sanskrit origin meaning headman of a village, and
it was applied to them by their Hindu neighbours, while they
calted themselves Horo-ko.57 The Mundas, except as regards the
Bhumij and K hangar tribes, who were of the same origin, were
endogamous, and intermarriage with other neighbouring tribes
was prohibited among them.5* In Chotanagpur, they were distri
buted in the districts of Ranchi, Singhbhum, Hazaribagh,
Manbhum and Palamau, but were mainly concentrated in the
district of Ranchi.
Like other tribes of Chotanagpur, the Mundas were divid

ed into a num ber of exogamous septs called the Kilts, many of
which were of tolemistic origin. Important among them were the
Munda-KUi, Soe-Kili, Horo or Kachua, Nag, Herenj, Rondo,
Purthi, Orea, Runda, Kandir, Surin, Hat, Baria, Bhengra, Bodoso,
Hurumsuku, Hasara, Hembrom, Gomi-Buru, Sankura, Champi,
Harsa, Baba, Deresanga, Birlanga, Sal and Kamal-Kili.
These Kills were further sub-divided into many sub-divi

sions. For example, the sub-divisions o f Soe-Kili were Tuing-Soe-
55. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengali Vol. 11, pub. in 1891,
p 148.
56. S C , Roy; The Murtfas o>td T heir Country, pub. i d 1912, p. 40Qr
57. Encyclopaedia o f Religion and Ethics, Vol. IX , p. I,
58. Encyclopaedia o f Religion and Ethics* Vol. IX , p . 1.
Kili, Jang-Soe-Kili, Or-Soe-Kili, Patra-Soe-Kili, Gamcha-Soe-Kili,

M ar.di-Soe-Kiii, Chiki-Soe-Kili, Tuia-Soe-Kili and Banda-Soe-Kili,
and so on. Similarly, the Purthi-Kili had sub-divisions like
Chuti'Purthi, Huni~Purihi, Hasa-Purthi, Enga-Purthi, Sandi-Purthi,
Sarukad-Purthi, and so on.50
Unlike the Oraons, the Mundas had great respect for their
totems. They not only refrained from killing, cutting, burning
and eating their respective totems, but also prevented it, if they
could, from being eaten or destroyed in any form by men of
other castes or tribes in their presence.
The Mundas, during the period under review, were chiefly

a cultivating tribe, but in the beginning their chief occupation
was hunting and smelting of iron, which was found in abundance
in the Division. They also worked as coolies in the tea-gardens of
Assam and Coal-mines of Chotanagpur. They ranked equal to
the Oraons as far the question of their social status was
concerned.'0
KHARIAS
The Kharias, a Dravidian tribe of Chotanagpur, classed on

linguistic grounds as Kolarian, were chiefly to be found in the
south-west corner of the Ranchi district in Palkot, Biru, Bishun-
pur and Sisai Parganas, and in the hills of Singhbhum in Dhal-
bhum Pargana and M anbhum district of the Division.*1 The
Kharias of Singhbhum were in a very wild state, living much in
the backwoods and on the top of the hills. Tribals like the Hos
and Bhumije were somewhat in dread o f them, as these isolated
Kharias had the reputation o f being great wizards.188
The Kharia tradition informs us that they came from
59. S.C. Roy; The M undas and T heir Country, pub. in 1912, pp. 402-412.
Also refer to Encyclopaedia o f Religion and E thics, Vol. IX , p. I.
60. Encyclopaedia o f Religion and Ethics, Vol. IX, p. 2.
61. S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy; T he Kharias, pub. in 1937, p. 1; also
J.A .S.B -, Vol. 57, P a rt I, containing article o f W .H .P . D river entitled,
"Notes o n Some K o larian T rib e s " , pp 15-16.
62. Col. E.T. D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872, p. 153.
Social Divisions 27
R ohtas and Patna. According to an o th er tradition, they come
from th e south, and th at, driven from th e country they had o ri
ginally occupied, they ascended the valley of the River Koel till
they found themselves in th eir present location. According to
Col. D alton both these traditions m ay be true. They m ight have
fallen back south from the G angetic provinces, passed through
the Vindhya range, and cam e gradually round to the south
eastern w atershed o f C hotanagpur.*3
The K harias were divided into m any sub-tribes, viz., the

Dudh-Kharias, the Hill-Kharias, the Dhelki-Kharias, the Erenga-
Kharias, the Berga-Kharias, the Munda-Kharias, the Perai-
Mundas, and the Oraon-Kharias. A m ong them , the Dhelki-
K harias were practically n o t found in C hotanagpur, The Hill-
K harias were found in the hilts o f the Singhbhum (Dhalbhum .
Pargana) and the M anbhum districts. They were wild in nature.
The D udh-K harias ranked first, and unquestionably they

o u t num bered the oth er sub-tribes put together. Their stronghold
was along both sides o f the River Sankh and South Koel in
G um la and Simdega sub-divisions of the Ranchi distiict. They
showed a leaning tow ards Hinduism , and did not p artake beef.
They might drink with others, b ut were forbidden to eat with or
m arry w ith them.
The M unda-K harias were supposed to be the offsprings o f

an intrigue with a M unda w om an. This statem ent is in accor
dance with the hypergam ous relations which subsisted between
the two tribes. T he K harias spoke o f th e M undas as th eir elder
brethren, and the K h aria w om en were sometimes taken as wives
by the M undas, who, however, would on no account give th eir
girls in m arriage to the K harias.*1
63. C ol, E .T . D a lto n ; The Des. E th. o f Bengal, 1st e d ., 1872, p. 158; also'
J.A .S .B ., V ol. 57, P a rt I, c o n ta in in g artic le of M r. W .H .P . D riv er
e n title d , “ N o te s on Som e K ofavian T rib e s " , p. 16,
64. S .C . R o y a n d R .C . Roy; The K harias p u b , in 1937, p p . 2-13; aiso
H .H . R isley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. I, p. 466. Also see
J.A .S .B ., V ol. 57, P a rt I, c o n ta in in g artic le s o f W .H .P . D tiver
e n title d , “ N o te s o n Som e K o la ria n T rib e s " , p. 16.
Among the Kharias the clan system was strongly prevalent.

The important septs among the Hill-Kharias were Gulgu (sal
fish), Bhuiya (fish), Jam (rat), Two (bird), and ‘Hom brom ’ (betel-
nut). The Dhclki-Kharias had the septs like Afurmu (tortoise),
Soren (stone), Samad (deer), Barliha (a fruit), Charha (a bird),
Hansda (eel), Topno (a bird), and M ail (dirt). Similarly, the im
portant septs among the Dudh-Kharias were Dungdung (eel),
Kulu (tortoise), Samad, Bilung (salt), Soreng, Ba (paddy), Topo
(a kind of bird), and Kiro (tiger).
All their septs were totemistic, but the usual rule making
the totem a taboo was not generally observed. However, at one
time it must have been in force, for a sept of wild Kharias, whom
V. Ball observed on the Dalma range in Manbhum, had the
sheep as their totem, and were not allowed to eat mutton or
even to use a woollen rug. These septs were strictly exogamous
in nature.*5
The chief occupation of the settled Kharias was cultivation

and in south-west of Ranchi, where they were quite numerous,
many of them claimed to be bhuinhars—holders of karkar
tenures and occupancy raiyals. In other parts of the district, they
were mostly tcnants-at-will and farm labourers.
The wild Kharias of Dhalbhum and Dalma range were

mostly hunters and knew only Jhum or daha system of cultivation.
Except the Dudh-Kharias, all took beef and other unclean ani
mals. All of them were fond o f excessive drinking. The settled
Kharias were respectably dressed, comfortably housed, and well
supplied with wholesome food, with a leaning towards Hinduism.
Their social status was definitely higher than that o f the wild-
Kharias who were savage and had a bad reputation as wizards
even among tribes like the Hos and the Bhufnijes.6*
65. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, p. 466; see also
N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. in 1961;
pp. 118-119.
■66. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I , pp. 469-470.
Social Divisions 29
HOS
The Hos or Larka-Kols were a non-Aryan tribe mostly

inhabiting the district of Singhbhum. The Hos were the only
branch of the Kols that had preserved a national appellation.
The word Ho, Horo or Horc means, in their own language, man
—and they were not the only people that applied to themselves
exclusively the word used in their language to distinguish human
being from brutes.
The Hos had no tradition o f their origin or migration.

They generally admitted that they were o f the same family as the
Mundas, and that they came from Chutianagpur ( Ranchi district).
The Oraons sometimes claimed that the exodus o f the Hos was
caused by their invasion of Chutianagpur. But this tradition can
not be admitted to be true, as the Hos were definitely a superior
tribe than the Oraons. When they came to Singhbhum they
might have encountered the old settlers o f that part like the
Bhuiyas and a few Aryan tribes such as the Goalas, the Kurrais
and some Shudra castes.
The Hos had no sub-tribes, but they were divided into

many septs or Kilis and many of them were totemistic in
origin. Like the other tribes o f Chotanagpur these Kilis were
exogamous and members o f some Kilis were forbidden to inter
marry among themselves.
The following were the Kilis : Buriuli, Putthi, Sincol, Boipoi,.

Sundi, Bondi, Murmit, Marli, Kisku, Hansda, Tudi, Chorai,
Hembrom, Porodo, Lagori, Kalundia, etc. The Hos sometimes
intermarried with the Mundas and the Santhals who were o f the
same stock, but it was uncommon and was gradually falling into
disuse.*7
The Hos were a hunting and agricultural tribe. Tbeir de

mands were scanty. They always tried to lead an easy going life.
They were better dressed, better housed and served better foods.
67. H .H . Risley; Th • Tribet and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, p. 320. Also-

C ol. E .T. D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed-, 1872, p. 178.
Like the other tribes o f Chotanagpur, they were also fond of

strong alcoholic drinks. W ith the growth o f mines and industries
in the Singhbhum district, they came to be employed as labourers
in targe number. Among the K olarian tribes of the Division, the
Hos had definitely a better social status.68
BIRHORS
The Birhors or the “ wood-men” were one of the rudest

and the least known o f the jungle tribes of Chotanagpur. The
eastern and north-eastern hilly and forest parts of Chotanagpur
plateau was the principal home o f this tribe. This area includes
Ramgarh, Ormanjhi, Angara, Ranchi and Bundu Thanas. In the
south-eastern limits of the Ranchi district, the area also includes
the Tam ar Tliana where the Birhors lived in good number.
The main tract in which the Birhors lived measured about

70 miles in length and 20 miles in width, in which they moved
about either in small scattered communities snaring monkeys,
tracking hares, deer or other animals and collecting rope-fibres,
honey and beeswax or camping in tiny huts, making rude wooden
vessels and plaiting ropes and weaving them into hunting
nets.
They were also found in hills and jungles of the Hazari-
bagh district (in north o f the River D am odar). A few scattered
groups were also found in the M anbhum and the Singhbhum
districts. Besides, they were also found in small number in the
jungles and hills of some o f the northern and north-western
Thanas o f the Ranchi district and in the Palamau district.69
The Birhors could tell nothing of their origin or history

beyond the fact that they had been Birhors (Jungle-men) from
the time immemorial. They were commonly known amongst
68. Col, E.T, D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed „ 1872, pp. 195-1S6.
69. S.C, Roy; The Birhors, pub. in 1925, pp. 1 a n d 19; also Col. E.T.
D alto n , The D ei, Eth, o f Bengal, 1st ed , 1872, pp. 137-138; also
J.A .5 .B ., Vol. 57, P art I, L888, article o f W ,H .P . D river en titled ,
“ N otes o n Some K olarian T rib es", p . 12. See also RyoBvartc
.Settlement in Falam au (1872) by L .R , F o rb es, p p . 44-45,
Social Divisions 31
the people of these part3 of the Division as Chopdars (chop*

string-makers).
The Birhors were divided into two sub-divisions, viz. the

Bhulias or Uthlus (wanderers) and Jaghis or Thant as (settlers).
The former were a wandering tribe and, except in the rainy
season, they wandered in small groups from one place to another,
with all their belongings, in search of food until they came to
theit original starting point in about two years' time and started
once more on a similar tour. The Jaghi Birhors on the other
hand were settled cultivators. Being tired of their nomadic life
they cleared some jungle tract on the hills or at the skirts o f
some jungle, started some sort o f cultivation, and then settled
down. But the majority of them were landless and had to
depend on hunting, and making and selling ropes. Both branches
o f Birhots sometimes practised jhttm cultivation.
We should remember in this connection that there was no

watertight division between them. Like the Bedouins (nomads)
and the town-dwelling Arabs o f the Zahilia period, the Uthlu
and Jaghi Birhors crossed their categories to join with other.
Examples were not wanting when the jaghi adopted the uthlu
life and the uthlu adopted the jaghi life. It was often found
when a Jaghi boy was married to a Uthlu girl, he left his settl
ed life and started the nomadic life, joining the group of his
Uthlu father-in-law. This was why a Jaghi did not like to get
his son married to a U thlu girl.70
Like other tribes o f Chotanagpur, the Birhors were also

divided into a number of clans or Kills based on totems. Impor
tant among them were Andi (wild cat), Bonga Sauria (wild
grass), Bhat, Bhont o r Bhunti (a kite), Bhuiya, Chauli Hembrom,
Ganda Garua (a large vulture), Gerea (a small bird), Gidhi
•(vulture), Goar, Gukria or Galaoria (pellet bow), Gundti (a kind
o f bird), Hembrom (betel-nul), Here-Hentbrom, Kauch or Horo
(tortoise), Kmart-Hembrom, Keonduar (a kind o f fruit), Khangar,
Kharea, Khudi-Hembrom, Ludamba (a kind o f flower), Lundijal,
70. S.C. Roy; The Birhors, pub. in 1925, pp. 39 & 43-47. Also see C ol.
E T . D alto n ; The Des, Eth. o f Bengal, 1st e d ., 1872, p. 219.
Maghaia-Hembrom, Mahall, Modi, Murum, Nag, Sada, Samduar,

Saunria (a kind o f wild grass), Sham-Jhakoa, Singpuria, Suia (a
kind of bird) and Toria, etc.71
The majority o f the Birhors lived from hand to mouth.

Their chief occupations were hunting, monkey trapping, honey
setling, rope-making and selling and cultivation. They ate the
flesh o f most of the animals, which were considered unclean by the
Hindus. They were also fond o f taking strong liquor. The Birhors
were accused by their neighbours of revolting cannibalism—o f
hastening the end and devouring the flesh of their dying parents
and other relations. But there is no substantial proof o f it. Their
social status was quite low ,7-
SANTHALS
In Chotanagpur the Santhals were found in the M anbhum,

the Hazaribagh and the Singhbhum districts. The Santhal
traditions regarding their origin and migration to Chotanagpur
are much confused and nothing can be said about them with
confidence and definiteness. In marked contrast to the Kolarian.
tribes like the M undas and the Hos, the Santhals, as a rule,
cared little for permanently locating themselves. They were
more delighted in hunting and tilling virgin soil and migrating
from one place to another.73
The internal structure of the Santhal tribe was singularly

complete and elaborate. They were divided into 12 exogamous
septs or K ifis , viz. H a s d a k , M u r m u , B a s k e , K is k u , H e m b r o m ,
Marandi, S a r e n , T u n d u , B e s r a , P a u ria , C h o r e , and B e d ia . All
these septs were exogamous in nature.74
71. S.C. Roy; The Birhors, pub. in 1925, p, 90.
72. Ibid., p p . 54-55; also Col. E .T . D a lto n , The D ei. E th . o f Bengal, 1st
e d „ 1872, p . 220.
73. F.B. Bradley B irt; The Story o f an Indian Upland, pub. by Sm ith E lder
& C o., L ondon, p. 21. Also B ihar Through the Ages, E d. by R .R ,
D iw akar, O rient Longm ans, 1958, pp. 78-79; alsc H .H . Risley; The
Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, VdI. 1, 1891, p. 224.
74. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I , 189!, pp, 226
227. Also refer to C ol. E .T. D alton; The D es. E th. o f Bengal, 1st e d .,
1872, p. 212.
Social Divisions J3
T he village officials o f Santhals like M anjhi, Paramanik,

Jog-Paramanik, N aik, Kudam -Naik and Gorait, enjoyed many
privileges and high social status in their society. T he Santhals were
chiefly agricultural people with hunting as their next favourite
occupation. W ith the lowest possible wants, they were con
tented with the produce o f th eir fields, having no thought beyond
th e prim itive m anner of life th a t they had always known. F o r
industry, com m erce, trade and m anufacture, they h ad very little
aptitude. They were blissfully contented with their existing condi
tions, living with careless light-heartedness, from hand to m outh,
and utterly unm indful o f the days to come. They enjoyed definitely
a respectable position in their own trib a l society.75
A SU RS
T he Asurs were a small tribe found in L ohardaga, Bishun-

p u r, G haghra and C hainpur police stations o f the Ranchi district.
T hey were also found in the M ah u ad an r T h an a o f the Palam au
district. Col. D alton is inclined to connect them with th e Asurs,
who, according to the M unda tradition were destroyed by the
Sing-Bonga. It has been conjectured th a t they were the descen
dants o f the original inhabitants o f the C hotanagpur plateau,
th a t they were in this region even before the M undas arrived and
were driven by them into hills and forests.7® B ut, S.C, Roy is o f
opinion th at the Asurs o f period under review were but a tribe o f
th e M unda or K ol stock, who adopted th e characteristic occupa
tion o f iron-smelting o f the ancient A surs.77
According to Roy, the Asurs o f C h o tan ag p u r were divided

into three sections: namely, the Soika-A surs o r A garias or
A garla-A surs, the Birjias and the Jait-A snrs.
T he Soika o r A garia-A surs lived in jungles and hills and

smelted iron. They were also beggars w andering ab o u t with
75. H .H . R isley; T h e T ribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. I , 1891, p. 234

235,
76. Ibid., p . 25.
77. J.B .O .R .S ., V ol. X II, P a rt I , 1926; S .C . R o y ’s a r tic le e n title d , “ T he
A surs : A n c ie n t a n d M o d e rn ” , p . 148.
tam ed monkeys, whose feasts they inhibited. T h e Birjias, besides

following the original occupation o f iron-smelting, had also
taken to such subsidiary occupation as plaiting b am boo baskets
and the like. T he Jait-A surs lived mostly in villages, smelted
iron, m anufactured house-hold-utensils and agricultural imple
ments, and also practised agriculture. They were also known as
L ohara-A surs. They had becom e m ore or less Hinduised and
they neither interm arried n o r interdined with th e o th er sections.
T he Birjias as well as the Soika-A surs each consisted o f

T hania o r settled groups and Vithtu o f m igratory groups. T he
Thania or settled Birjias were sub-divided into Dudh-Birjias or
those w ho did n o t eat beef, and Rarh-Birjias or those to whom
beef was not tab o o . A fu rth er cross-division am ong the Birjias
was th a t into the Telia-Birjias consisting o f families w ho used
only oil and n o t verm ilion in anointing the bride an d the bride
groom at m arriages, an d Sinduraha-Birjias or those who used
vermilion as well oil at m arriage ceremonies.78
Trike other tribes o f the Division, the A surs were divided

into a num ber o f totem istic clans. T he totem nam es were derived
from the fauna an d flora o f their native jungles. Besides clan
totem ism , traces o f individual totem ism were also found am ong
the Birjias. A nother peculiar feature o f the totemism o f som e
families of the Birjia-Asurs was the change o f totem nam e o f a
family in every fourth generation. A m an was n o t allowed to
m arry a w oman belonging to the same section as himself, n o r
was he allowed to eat, cut or injure th e plant o r anim al whose
nam e his section bore.™
T he original occupation of the A sura was iron-sm elting,

but very few lived by this profession, Because of the scarcity
78. J .B .O .R S ., V ol. X II, P a rt I, 1926, S .C . R o y ’s artic le e n title d , “ T h e

A s u r s : A n c ie n t a n d M o d e rn ” , p p . 148-149. A lso see J A .S .B ., Vol.
57, P a r t i , 1888, W .H ,P . D riv e r’s a rtic le e n title d , “ N o tes o n Som e
K o la ria n T rib es” , p. 8.
79. Encyclopaedia o f R eligion and E thics, Vol. II, p . 158; See also J.A .S .B ..
V ol. 57, P a rt I, 1888, W .H .P , D riv e r’s a rtic le e n title d , " N o te s on,
S om e K o la ria n T rib e s” , p . 8.
- ..■ ■ ■
Social Divisions 35
o f iron-ore in these areas an d the lack o f facilities for obtaining
free fuel from the jungles, this occupation gradually disappeared.
Besides, m ost o f the Asurs practised j h u m cultivation. They also
m anufactured baskets from bam boos and sold them . T h eir
material condition was very unsatisfactory.*0
K ORW AS
T he Korwas were a D ravidian tribe o f Palam au, who claim

ed to be the original inhabitants o f the co u n try they occupied.
They were more akin to the Asurs an d did not differ greatly
from them except that they were m ore o f cultivators o f the soil
than o f smelters. A ccording to Risley, they were divided in to
four sub-tribes, the A garia-Korwas, the Dand-Korwas, th e
Dih-Korwas and the Pabaria-K orw as. The A garia-K orw as were
probably the result o f a cross with th e Agarias. T he D and and
the D ih-K orw as were settled in regular villages. T h e P aharia-
Korwas lived in the hills and were the most savage branch o f th e
tribe. They were frightfully wild and uncouth in their appearance.
All sections o f K orw as were divided into many septs with tiger,
snake, parrot, wild goose, kasketta, fish, mango, m yrobdlan,
unhusked-rice, plough, muri and so on as the totems. It is, how
ever, difficult to ascertain as to how strictly they observed th e
taboos related to their totem s. But one thing is certain th a t
these septs were strictly exogam ous.81
The chief occupation o f the settled K orw as was cultivation.

The system o f cultivation was primitive in nature. They cultivat
ed only virgin soil, resorting freely to fire to clear aw ay th e
jungles and changing th eir hom esteads every tw o or three years
80. H .H . R isley; The Tribes and C astes o f Bengal, V ol. I, 1891, p. 25.
A lso B ihar Through ihe /4ges, E d , by P ,R . D iw a k a r. 1958, p. 82;
See also J.B .O .R .S ., Vol. X II, P art I, a rtic le o f S .C . R oy e n title d ,
“ T h e A surs ; A n c ie n t an d M o d e rn " , p p . 149-150. c.lso C ol E .T .
D a lto n , T he Des. E th. o f Bengal, 1st ed , 1872, p, 221.
81. C o l. E .T D a l t o n ; The Des. E th, o f Bengal, 1st c d ,, 1872, pp. 222 &
225. A lso H .H . R isley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. II, 1891,
p. f 11-512.
as the land became exhausted.82 But the Hill-Korwas never

resorted to agriculture. They lived on forest and jungle produce
like fruits and roots of different kinds. Wild animals also consti
tuted their food. The Oraons usually employed them as Dhangars
or labourers on wage.83
Towards the end of the period under review, the Korwas

seemed to be a dying tribe with little or no ambition of life,
scarcely getting a full meal a day and always at the mercy of the
money-lenders. The constitution of reserved and protected forests
and implementation of forest rules had made their life all the
more hard. Their social status was definitely quite low.81
CH ERO S
The Cheros were a land-holding and cultivating people of

Chotanagpur and were found in Daltonganj, Barwadih, Lesali-
ganj, Bhawnathpur, Latehar and Patan Thanas of the Palamau
district. T hat they were originally a non-Aryan tribe is proved
from the fact that they retained totemistic names similar to
those in use among the Kharias, though they claimed to be Raj
puts.
The Cheros o f Palamau were divided into two sub-castes,

Barah-Hazar o r Barah-Hazaria and Terah-Hazar or Terah-
Hazaria or Birbondbia. The former ranked higher and included
some o f the descendants of the ruling family in Palamau. Weal
thier families among them and the Terah-Hazar had m atri
monial relations with some o f the local Rajput families anci
called themselves Chauhan Rajputs. The land-holding Cheros
o f Paiamau had borrowed the Brehminical gotras in support of
their claim to be Rajputs. For the most part, however, the
Cheros o f Palamau were looked down upon by the Cheros of
82. Col. E .T , D alton; The Des. Eth, o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1472, pp. 228-219.
Also H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes a f Bengal, V ol. 11, 1891, p.
512.
8J. J.A .B .S ., S N . XXV, D .N . M ajum dar’s article e n titled , “ Races an d
A daptability” , p . 149.
84. J.A .B .S ., S .N . X X V , D .N . M ajum dar's article en titled ‘‘Races and
A daptability", p, 149.
Social Divisions 37
Shahabad by reason o f their engaging in the degraded occupa

tion o f rearing lassar cocoons and collecting catechu and
lac.es
The two sections of the C heros were sub-divided into seven

clans or septs, having the distinguishing titles o f Mowar, Sonwar,
Kuanr, Rautia, Manjhi, Sohanait and Mahio, Among the M ow ars
and K uanrs there was a Barka-M owar and a Chotka-Mowar an d
a Barka-Kuanr and a Chotka-Kuanr.
A bout the C heros’ tradition, D alton says th at they invaded

Palam au from R ohtas, drove out the R ajput chief from there
and established their supiem acy with the help of the local
K harw ars, w ho were duly satisfied afterw ards by the Cheros.
D alton further inform s us th at the Palam au C heros lived strictly
as Rajputs, and wore the paita or the caste-thread. He again
informs that they interm arried with K harw ar families.88
But, according to D.H .E, Sunder, the inform ation o f

D alton is not correct. He inform s th at some C heros w ore ja n en
or the sacred-thread, but m any did not. In fact, there were m ore
Cheros in Palam au w ithout the sacred-thread than with it.
Similarly Sunder failed to trace even a single exam ple of a m ar
riage between C heros and K harw ars o f Palam au.S7
The Cheros of Palam au affected the cerem onial purity

characteristic of the higher castes o f the Hindus. Their wealth
and social ties with leading families had given them a fairly high
social position. They em ployed Brahm in priests to perform
their religious rites, except for the sacrifice for which the Pahan
o r the Baiga from the lowest tribes was employed. Brahm ins
85. H .H . R isley; The T ribet and C astes o f Bengal, Vol I, 1891, p. 199.
Also Col E .T . D alto n ; The Des. Efh. o f Bengal, 1st e d ., 1872, p. 126.
A lso see P alam au Survey R eport (1894-95 to 1896-97), D .H .E . S u n d e r,
pp. C C X X I-C C X X U ; also Bihar Through the Ages, e d . by R .R .
D iw ak ar, 1958, p. 89.
86 Col E.T, D a lto n ; The D e n F ih. o f Bengal, 1st e d ., 1872, p. 127.
87. D .H .E . S under; Palamau Survey Report (1894-95 10 1896-97), p p.
C C X X I-C C X X U .
took water from their hands and ate anything but rice cooked
by them.
They were held in much the same estimation as any of the

local Rajputs. Their chief occupation was agriculture and many
o f them were the holders of various kinds of jagir tenures.
Some o f them were also engaged in shop-keeping and other
trades, while the poorest among them worked as labourers. On
the whole, the Cheros were a proud race and they never forgot
th a t once they reigned over Palamau.8"
KHARWARS
The Kharwars, like the Cheros, were a Dravidian cultivat

ing and land-holding tribe o f Chotanagpur. They were found in
the districts o f Palamau, Ranchi and Hazaribagh. In Palamau,
where they were highly concentrated, they were distributed into
ihe T h a n a s of Latchar, Ranka, Baiumath, Chandwa, Barwadih,
Bhawnathpur, Garhwa, U ntari, Bhandaria, G aru, C hattarpur,
Drttonganj, M ahuadanr, etc. In Ihe district of Ranchi, they
were found in the tlunas o f Lohardaga, Bishunpur and Chain-
pur.
Among the Kharwars, the landholding classes, unlike the

other Kharwars, had refined the type by intermarriages with
higher castes and were quite as highbred in appearance as most
o f the pseudo-Rajputs o f Chotanagpur. According to their
tradition, they came to Palamau originally from Kheri-Jhar,
whence the name Kharwar. Some, however, alleged that they
cam e from Raingarh.88
The Kharwars, according to Dalton, were divided into

four sections—B h o g ta s , M a n jh is , R o u ts , and M a h to s .60 But
88, H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, pub, in 1891,
pp. 202-203.
89, H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, pub. in 1891,
pp. 472-474.
90, Col. E .T . D alto n ; The Des. E th. o f Bengal, 1st e d .. 1872, p. 129.
Social Divisions 39
S under divides them into six sections, viz.. Surajbansi, Dualbandi,

Pjibandi, Kheri, Bhogli or Gonju, and M anjivs. Among them
Bhogtas were the m ost im portant. These endogam ous sections
w ere divided into totem istic septs, which were exogam ous in
nature.91 Risley gives a list o f ab o u t 75 such clan names. Like
the Cheros, some K harw ars also wore Janeo. Those who wore
th e sacred-thread did n ot m arry through the Sogai form , did not
eat pigs and fowl and did not drink alcoholic liquor. The
K harw ars also employed Brahm ins in the discharge o f their
religious duties. But for offering sacrifices, the tribal Pahan or
Baiga was em ployed.92
The social status o f the K harw ars varied greatly in different

places and depended chiefly upon the hold they had on land.
L andlords am ong them posed as Rajputs, while the Bhogtas,
M anjhis and the like aspired to no such distinction. The chief
occupation o f K harw ars was agriculture and many o f them were
zam indars and Kbut-Katti- tenure holders. But m ost o f them were
raiyais with occupancy rights. The poorest am ong them worked
as coolies and took degraded occupation like making baskets
and w orking with bam boos.93
PARHA IY AS
The P arhaiyas were a D ravidian tribe found in the dis

tricts o f Palam au, Ranchi and H azaribagh. According to their
tradition, they had all beer, in Palam au and once form ed an
im portant section o f the population o f the district. They alleged
th a t originally they were the duar pujaris or priests o f the M aha
rajas o f the district. T hey came in close contact with the Hindus
and had adopted m any o f their custom s and practices. The
Parhaiyas had no clan system like many o f the tribes o f C hota-
nagpur. The H indus considered them im pure and abhorrent.
They were a simple and hard working people.94
91. D .H .E . S u n d e r; Palam au Survey R eport (1894-95 to 1896-97), pp.

C C X X I1I-C C X X IV ,
92. Ibid.
93. H .H . R isley; T h e Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. I, 1891, p. 476.
94. D .H .E . S u n d er; Palam au S u rvey R eport (1894-95 to 1.896-97), p.
C C X X V I: also C o l. E .T . D a lto n ; The Des. E th. o f Bengal, l s t e d . ,
1892, p . 131.
KtSANS O R NAGESARS
The Kissns or Nagesars, as they were called in some places

o f the Division, were chiefly found in Palam au and few in the
Ranchi district. The word Kisan means cultivator of the soil,
and they were called so perhaps due to their being cultivators.
Like many tribes o f Chotanagpur, they had come under the in
fluence of Hinduism and had acjopted many of their customs and
practices.*4
BIRJIAS
The Birjias were a small Kolarian tribe and were chiefly

found in Lohardaga, Bishunpur and Raidih thanas of Ranchi
district and within GaTU a n d Barwadih police station areas o f
Palamau. They were mainly an agricultural and land-holding
tribe. They practised jhum cultivation. Nothing definite can be
said about their origin."
They were divided into two sections—the Paharia-

Birjias and t h e ‘Dand-Birjias, so called from living respectively
in the hills and in the plains. The Dand-Birjias had four septs—
Nag, Dodul, Bhair and Kasi—all exogamous in nature. The
first two septs were clearly totemistic and the members of
these septs reverenced the animals, whose name they bore.
The Hill-Birjias had no sept. Rather the village took the place
of sept, the rule being that every man must get his wife from
outside the village.97
The Hill-Birjias took beef, pork, deer, goat, buffalo,

sheep, gaur, dhamin snake, rat, tiger, leopard, bear, and ail
kinds oT birds, ordinary snakes and vulture, abominable in the
eyes of the orthodox Hindus. But they did not take the flesh
9 J. C ol. E.T, D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st e d ., 1872, p. 131.
96. D .H .E . Sunder; Palamau Survey Report (1894-95 to 1896-97), p .
ccxxvm.
97. ibid., p. CCXXVII1. Also see J.A .S .B ., Vol. 57, P art I, 1888, W .H .P.
D river's article en titled , "N o te s o n Some K olarian T rib es", pp. 10-12.
Also H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Cartes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891; pp.
134-135.
S ocia l D ivisions 41
o f m onkeys. T h e D an d -B irjias o f th e s o u th w ere deem ed to be

H in d u s a n d enjoyed m uch th e sam e ran k as th e R ajp u ts.9**
A G A R IA S
T h e A garias w ere a D rav id ian trib e found chiefly in

P ala m au an d also in o th e r d istricts o f C h o ta n a g p u r. T h ey were
divided into A garias an d A sur-A garias. T h e la tte r d id n o t
d rin k w ater fro m o r eat w ith th e fo rm er an d vice-versa. The
A garias w ere purely cu ltiv ato rs. A su r-A g atias w ere iron-sm elters;
they w o rk ed as blacksm iths a n d h a rd ly to o k to cultivation.®9
DHANUKS
T h e D hanuks alleged th a t they em ig rated from T irh u t. In

C h o ta n a g p u r, all o f th em w ere o f th e T irh u tia sub caste. T h e
titles they used w ere S in g h , M ahto, M anjhi an d R am . T h ey
w ere chiefly c u ltiv a to rs.100
B H U IH A R S
T h e fihuibars w ere a sm all ex tin ct trib e fo u n d in so u th ern

p a rts o f P alam au. D a lto n describes them as the low est type
o f h u m a n beings th a t he h ad com e across in course o f his
w anderings. T hey used th e title o f Mat.jhi. T hey were good
cultivators, very docile farm -lab o u rers an d b easts oT burden,
D alto n inform s th a t th e y h ad n o independence o f ch a racter, an d
were fo r th e m ost p a r t in serv itu d e or bondage, an d co n ten ted to
rem ain so. T hey w ere all ex trem ely sim ple p eo p le.1" 1
98. J .A .S .B ., V o l. 57, P a r t 1, 1888, W .H .P . D r iv e r's a r tic le e n titl d,

“ N o te s o n so m e K o la r ia n T r ib e s ” , p . 12; S ee a lso H .H . R isley ; The
T ribes a n d C a ste s o f B engal, V ol. I , 1891, p. 137.
99. D .H .E . S u n d e r; P a la m a u S u rv e y R e p o rt (1894-95 to 1896-97), p.
C C X X X V I.
100. ibid.
101. D .H .E . S u n d e r ; P a la m a u S u rv ey R ep o rt (1894-95 to 1896-97.) pp.
C C X X X iX -C C X L . A lso C o l, E .T , D a lto n ; T he D es. E th , o f B engal,
1st e d „ 1872, p p . i 33-134.
MARS
The M ars were a very small tribe o f Palamau. They were

much influenced by Hinduism and employed Brahmin priests
in the discharge o f their religious duties. They lived comfortably
in good houses and were careful cultivators.102
RAUTIAS
The Rautias were a powerful tribe o f mixed origin with

Dravidian and Aryan blood. They were land-holding and
cultivating people. Their tradition informs that originally they
were the inhabitants o f Ceylon (Sri Lanka). At an early
period they were intoduced by the Nagbansi Rajas o f Chotanag-
pur to help them against their irresponsible K.ol subjects. They
were granted jagirs and land as military colonists, which their
descendants inherited. They were also conferred with the titles
of Baraik Gattjhu and Kotwar.103
The Rautias o f Chotanagpur were divided into two endo-

gamous sections—Bargohri and Chhotgohri. The origin o f this
division is obscure. But, it seems more likely that the Chhotgo
hri were the first settlers and were made outcastes for some
breach of caste rules as people are apt to commit, or that they
were the off-spring of alliances between Bargohri and women
o f inferior castes. They took fowl and wild pigs and drank
spirits, all o f which were forbidden for members of the higher
group—the Bargohri. Within each sub-caste, there was a
group called Berra Rautia, who were admittedly the descend
ants of Rautias by concubines of other castes. Both subcastes
had numerous sections called paris or got. The fact that these
sections were toternistic, eponymous and territorial names, it
makes clear that Rautias were people o f mixed descent. The
102. Cot. E.T, D alton; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed, 1872, p. 138.
103, Ibid., p, 277, Also H .H , R.i 51e y; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol.
II, 1891, p. 199.
Social Divisions 43
totem as taboo to its bearers was applied only to the animal

totems, which might be named but not killed or eaten.101
The Rautias had come under Hindu influence and copied

most of their customs and practices. They also employed
Brahmin priests. Socially, they ranked fairly high. The social
position of Bargohri Rautias was still higher.100
The Bedias were a small agricultural Dravidian tribe of

Chotanagpur, much akin to the Kurmis of the Division. They
■were divided into many totemistic septs.10'
The G oraits were a non-Aryan caste o f musicians, comb-

makers and cotton-carders, found scattered in all the districts
o f Chotanagpur. They were divided into numerous sections,
o f whom many were of totemistic character, which shows
their aboriginal descend. They ate beef, pork and field-rats
and indulged freely in intoxicating liquor. They worked as
musicians and were also employed as labourers. From the point
o f social status, they ranked with the Lohras and the Ghasis.107
The Gonds were a non-Aryan, semi-Hinduised tribe,

found in the district of Singhbhum and in southern parts of the
district o f Ranchi.108
The Jhoras were a small tribe o f Chotanagpur. According

to Dalton, they were a sub-tribe of Gonds. But, Babu Rakhal
Das Haidar thinks that they were K a ib a r tta s , who had made
their way up the valley of the Brahmani river and settled in
Chotanagpur. All landholding Jhoras called themselves
Gangabans Rajputs. The landholding Jhoras were good
cultivators. But in the south of the Ranchi district and trikutory
estates of Chotanagpur, Jhoras earned a miserable and uncertain
livelihood by washiog gold in the beds of the streams.
104. H .H , Rislcy; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, 1891, p. 200.
105. Ibid., p. 207.
106. Ibid., p. 83.
107. H .H , Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, pp. 277
a n d 299,
108. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, 1891, p . 293.
The Jhoras of Ranchi district were divided into three

sections—Kasyapa, Krishnatreya and Nag. These sections, as a
rule, were exogamous in nature. They were a Hinduised tribe
and employed Brahmin priests. The social status of landholding
Jhoras was definitely higher than others.109
The Rajwars were a cultivating caste of Chotanagpur.

They were of Dravidian origin and were probably a branch of one
of the aboriginal races. Opinions are, however, divided on the
origin of this tribe. They were divided into many sections which,
were totemistic in character. The sub-castes of the tribe were :
Angrok or Angar, Chapwar, Sukolkara, Sikbaria, Barghori,
Majhal-Turiya and Berra-Rajwar. O f these the last three sub
castes only were found in Ranchi. These sub-castes were
exogamous in nature. They imitated Hindu manners and
customs and employed Brahmin priests.
The social position of Rajwars was low and the

Brahmins declined to take water from their hands. They did
not take beef and pork, but indulged freely in strong drinks.
Agriculture was their chief occupotion and some of them were
occupancy raiyots. But most o f them were landless and worked
as day-labourers.110
BH U M IJE S
The Bbumijes were found in the districts of Singhbhum,

Ranchi, Hazaribagh and Manbhum. They lived chiefly by
agriculture, hunting, fishing and collection of forest produce.
According to Risley, they were nothing more than a branch of
the Mundas, who had spread eastward, mingled with the
Hindus, and practically severed their connection with the
parent tribe. They were divided into many clans named after
109. H .H . Risley; The TribJs tmJ Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I. 1891, pp. 346
347.
110. H .H . Risley; The T ’ibes anti Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, 1891, pp. 192
194.
Social Divisions 45
palti (a kind of edible leaf), Jeota (a bird), guigu (sal fish), and
hembrom Most o f these clans were totemistic and they did not
kill or injure the objects, which constituted their totems. These
clans were exogamous in nature and marriage within the clans
did not take place.
The Bhumijes were the people o f subsistence means. The

Zamindars of Barahbhum, Dhalbhum, Patkum and Bagmundi and
Sardar ghatwals o f M anbhum having large service tenures
probably belonged to this tribe, though they called themselves
Rajputs,11’ The social status of landholding Bhumijes was certain
ly quite high. But the large bulk of them were simply cultivators
and labourers and stood on a far lower level than the landhold-
ine members of the tribe. People of higher castes did not take
water from their hand and they ranked below even the
Kurtnis.” '
M A H LIS
The Mahlis were found scattered in the districts of Ranchi,

Singhbum, Hazaribagh and M anbhum. According to Risley,
they were divided in five sub-castes : Bansphor, Patar, Sulunkhi,
Tanii and Mahli-Mwda. The chief occupations o f these five
sub-castes were respectively basket making and other bamboo
work, basket making, cultivation, and agricultural labour;
palanquin carrying. The Mnhli-Mundas were a small out-lying
sub-caste confined to Ranchi.113
The Mahlis were divided into many totemistic septs,

which were strictly exogamous in nature. Important septs were :
Charghagia, Charber (a tree), Dhilki, Dumriar or Dengri {wild
pig), Goondii, Hansda, Hembrom, Khangar, Herman, Khariar,
111. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, pp. 116
121; wlso N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People of Tribal Bihar,
pub. by B ihar T ribal Research Institute, I9fil, pp. 109-111.
112. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Casies o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, p. 127.
;1U. H .H . Risley : The Tribes and Casies o f Bengal, Vol. II, 1891, p. 40.
Kathergach, Kerketta, M arri, Murmar, Topowar, Tirky, etc.

These clans were totemistic, the totems o f which were forbidden
to be killed or eaten.
According to Risley, Mahlis ranked socially with the

Banris and the Dusadhs. They took beef, pork and fowls and
were fond of excessive intoxicating, drinking. Their original
occupation was basket making and bamboo work. But, many
of them were also engaged in agriculture as non-occupancy
raiyats and labourers.114
KARMALIS
The Karmalis were chiefly found in the districts o f

Hazaribagh and Singhbhum. They were a minor tribe and
assisted other neighbours. They were more or less o f the same
category as the Lohars. The Karmalis, like the M unda group
belonged to the same social group, but were considered lower
in status by the Mundas, In every M unda or Ho village a few
Karmali families were met with.
The Karmalis were divided into a number of exogainous

clans or Kilis such as Tirky, Samadwar, Karthwar, etc. These
clans were mostly totemistic and exogamous in nrture.
Like the Lohras, their chief means of livelihood was iron-

smithy. They manufactured iron utensils and agricultural
implements for their neighbours. Some of them also resorted
to cultivation and were also employed as day labourers in
neighbouring coal mines. These people were generally poor
and usually in debt. They had to depend upon the Mahajans
for their day-to-day expenses and at the time o f weddings
and festivals, for which they were heavily charged by the
Mahajans.115
114. /M / .,p .4 2 .
115. N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub, by B ihar
T ribal R esearch In stitu te , 1961, pp. 197-200.
Social Divisions 47
BIN JH IA S
Tbe Binjhias, Birjias or Binjwars were an agricultural and

landholding tribe found in Kolebira, Simdega, Thethaitangar,
and Khunti thanas o f the Ranchi district. They were also found
in small number in the Palamau district. They were chiefly
cultivators and wage workers.
The Binjbia society was endogamous, divided into many

exogamous clans such as Nag, Dadui, Kasl, Bhairaw, Kasyopa,
Kaushik, and Agnihotri. Their clan names clearly exhibit the
influence o f Hinduism on them. They did not consider them
selves related to other tribal communities inhabiting in Chota
nagpur and then considered themselves socially high. They did
not take food unless it was prepared in ghee except in the bouse
of a Brahmin, Rajput or one of his own community. They
looked down upon the Dom, the Cham ar, the Ghasi, tbe Lohars,
the Munda, the Oraon, the K haria and other tribes as impure.
They were deemed to be Hindus and enjoyed much the same
social rank as the Rajputs.1*6
SAVARS
The Savars were a minor tribe found in the districts o f

Singhbhum, Ranchi and Hazaribagh. There is much controversy
over the origin and emigration of the tribe.
The Savars were divided into four sub-tribes of which

they could tell the names o f only three, viz. Jhara, Basoo and
Jaytapti. Among them, only the Jhara Savars were found in the
Division. The main sources o f their livelihood were wage-
labour, agriculture and collection of edible fruits, roots, herbs
and leaves in the jungles. They were a landless people and were
employed by the Santhals, the Hos, the Ahirs and others for
agricultural purposes.
116, N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, B ihar T ribal
Research Institute. 1961, pp. 210-212, Also H .H , Risley; The Tribes
and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, pp. 134-1J7.
It is important to note here that the Savars had no clan

system. Marriage among them was regulated through kinship.
The marriage did not take place between the relatives upto
three generations above the parents.
Most o f the Savars of C hotanagpur had come under the

influence of Hinduism, they employed Brahmins to serve them
as priest and worshiped Hindu Gods and Goddesses. But their
social rank was not higher than that of the Koras, the Lohras
and similar castes who hung about the outskirts o f the Hindu
social system.117
BATHUDIS
The Bathudis were another minor tribe found around the

hill ranges and on the banks of River Sw arnarekhain Dhalbhum,
They were more or less a Hinduised tribe. They never called
themselves as tribals and were offended if called so. They
regarded themselves as Rajputs.11® But the prevalence of
totemistic clan system among them makes their tribal origin a
clear fact. The important clans o f the Bathudis were Saluka,
Kok, DahuV, Nag, Panipat, etc. All of them were exogaraous
in nature.118 They were landless agriculturists and worked in
the fields o f the Hos and the Mundas as agricultural-labourers.
Their social position was low in the eyes o f orthodox Hindus.12"
CHIKBARAIKS
The Cliikbaraiks were a minor weaving tribe found

largely in the Ranchi district, living with other tribal and
non-tribal people. Their main occupation was weaving, but
hunting and food collection in jungles were equally important
to them. Some of them also possessed land, but they did not
cultivate themselves and gave it to others for cultivation. The
117. N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B ihar
T ribal Research Institute, 1961, pp. 231-236.
11 S. Ibid , p. 237.
119. Ibid., p. 239-240.
1120. Ibid , p. 243.
Social Divisions 49
reason was that they had no 'ploughs and cattle. They kept
themselves busy mostly with weaving throughout the year.
They were divided into many exogamous clans such as Khambha,
Tajna, Tanna, etc.121
Besides them, there were also a few still minor tribes in

Chotanagpur like the M al-Paharias 'an d others whose number
was negligible.
Impact or Hinduism and Christianity on Tribal Society
The hills, the steep landscape, numerous rivers and

rivulets, the dense forests, and lack of the communications kept
the plateau o f Chotanagpur isolated from the outside world.
Consequently, the tribal people of the region maintained their
individual traditions for a long time. But, with the inclusion o f
the Hindu elements from the sixteenth century, with the coming
o f European missionaries during the last century and with the
establishment of British administration in the region,
the structure of the tribal society began to change. With the
subsequent developments in the field o f education, improvement
in the neans of communication and with the rapid industrial isa-
tion of the region, the changes became all the more apparent
and rapid.
The impact of Hinduism was apparent on most of the

tribes o f Chotanagpur, We have already noticed th at many
of the minor tribes like theC heros, the Kharwars, the Parhaiyas,
the Kisans, the Birjias, the Dhanuks, the M ars, the Rautias, the
Jhoras, the Rajwars, the Binjhias, the Savars and others had been
very m u;h influenced by Hinduism. They imitated a number o f
Hindu manners and customs. They called themselves Hindus and
practised Hindu customs. As a result, they had acquired a definite
social status in the traditional caste system o f Hinduism. Even
major tribes like the Mundas and the Oraons, who had develrped
their tribal individuality to a great extent, failed to spare them
selves from the influence of Hinduism. Those who were near to
121. N arm adeshw ar Prasad; Land and People o f T rib a l Bihar, pub. by
B ibar T ribal R esearch In stitu te , 1961, pp. 172-174.
50 S o ciety in T ribal India
H indu-villages w ere m uch influenced. Som etim es th ey ad o p ted

H in d u practices w ith o u t u n d ersta n d in g th e ir tru e n a tu re .144
M a n y o f th em b eg an to w o rsh ip som e o f th e H in d u gods

a n d goddesses— Devi-Mai, Mahadeo, Kali, etc. N o t only this, they
also em ployed B rah m in p riests on ce rtain social an d religious
o ccasions. T h e H in d u social sy stem w hich aim ed a t gradual
assim ilation h a d also tra n sfo rm e d th e life p a tte rn o f m any a
tr ib a l g ro u p . O ne o f th e m a jo r effects o f such tran sfo rm atio n
o n trib e s like th e M u n d a s and th e O ra o n s w as th e beginning o f
so m e socio-religious m ovem ents, cu lm in atin g in to th e establish
m e n t o f som e im p o rta n t sects such as Sheoli Dharam a n d
Birsa Dharam am ong th e M u n d a s a n d Danha-Bhagat. Bishnu
Bhagat a n d Tana Bhagat m o v e m en ts am o n g th e O raons o f
C h o ta n a g p u r. O n th ese sects, w e clearly find th e im p act o f
H in d u ism .123
T h e trib es o f C h o ta n a g p u r w ere also v ery m u ch influenced

b y th e ir c o n ta c t w ith W estern c u ltu re. T h e tw o m ain channels
th ro u g h w hich W estern cu ltu ral influences r e a c h e d th e n ativ e
p o p u la tio n o f C h o ta n a g p u r w ere th e c h a n n e l o f B ritish adm inis
tr a tio n a n d th e ch a n n el o f E u ro p e a n C h ris tia n m issionaries.
122. On page 88 of his book Cultural Changes in Tribal Bihar, pub. by

Bookland Pvt, Ltd., Patna, 1964; Dr Sachidanand remarks, “ In Sirum
a large number of tribals habitually wear the sacred thread. This
practice is prevalent for such a long time that nobody knows who
introduced it. Though wearing of such sacred thread has beenimitated
from the Brahmins, the imitation is not complete. The Munda do
not know the use of sacred ihread at a particular time or worship
nor do they have any mantras to recite to purify the thread There is
no sacred-thread-ceremony. Anybody can put it on when ever he
likes it. The tribal priest or the Brahmins do not come into, the pic
ture at the time of putting on the thread. It is changed whenever it
becomes old and dirty. People believe that wearing of sacred thread
makes a man pure. Without the sacred thread, the Mundas of this
area are not considered fit to worship their own Gods.”
123. Sachidanand; Cultural Changes in Tribal Bihar, pub. by Bookland
Private Limited, Patna, 1964, pp. 89-104. Also J.B.O.R.S., Vol.
XVII, 1931, article of S.C. Roy entitled, “ The effects on the Abori
gines of Chotanagpur of their contact with Western Civilization” ,
pp. 376-377.
Social Division s 51
O ne o f the most important results o f the impact o f British

administration was the extinction of some o f the nomadic forest
tribes of Chotanagpur, such as the Birhors and the Korwas, who
lived mainly on forest produce and on the spoils of the chase. With
th e opening up o f the country by roads and railways and with
gradual deforestation o f the country and ever-increasing
restrictions on the use o f the forests, these forest tribes began
to go extinct, partly from famine and partly from the loss of
interest in life. No attempt was made by the Government to
look after their welfare.154
The different Christian missionaries, working in the

Chotanagpur, by all means tried and were also successful to a great
extent in connecting the local aborigines into Christianity. As soon
as conversion took place, they were asked to give up their old
beliefs and practices. The converted aborigine was altogether
a different man with definitely a wider outlook on life, a higher
standard o f living and a higher ideal o f culture. Generally raised
in the social scale, he was liberated from the old tribal taboos.
H e had an increased sense of responsibility and self-respect both
as an individual and as a race. Christian influence had indirectly
affected even the non-Christian aborigines in some respect. A
desire for improving their material condition through education
and remedying their social evils had been stimulated among them
by the examples o f their Christian fellowmen.
The impact o f Hinduism and Christianity on the

aborigines of Chotanagpur was not altogether free
from evils. The converts or those who were influenced
by these religions, left their native simplicity. Certain amount
o f complex artificiality was introduced into their lives.
Consciously or unconsciously they developed a superiority
124. S achidanand; Cultural Changes in Tribal Bihar, pub. by B ookland

P rivate L im ited, 1964, p. 106. Also refer to J.B .O .R S,, V o l.X V II,
part IV, 1931, S.C R oy's article en title d , “T h e effects on the A bori
gines o f C hotanagpur o f their contact w ith W estern C iv ilizatio n ,"
pp. 362 & 389.
52 S o c ie ty in T rib a l In d ia
com plex a n d practically c u t them selves fro m th e life a n d society

o f th e ir no n -co n v ert trib a l fellows. T his w as m o st a p p a re n t in
th e case o f C h ristian co n v e rts.125
125. J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVII, part IV, 193), article of S.C. Roy entitled,
"The effects on the Aborigines of Chotanagpur of their contact with
Western Civilization” , p. 389. Also refer to Sachidanand's Cultural
Changes in Tribal Bihar, pub. by Bookland Private Limited, 1964,
p. 106.
CHAPTER II
HOUSING, FOOD, DRESS, ORNAMENTS

AND TOILETRY
NON-TRIBAL SOCIETY
The family, both among the Hindus and the Muslims, was
the most important unit or social organisation. At the beginning
o f the period under review, the joint or extended type of family
existed in Chotanagpur, But, gradual disintegration had started
and the coherency and unity of the joint family had begun to
shatter. Elementary type of families were found mostly in towns.
Both Hindus and Muslims were patrilineal, and in their families,
the position of father was supreme.
Every Hindu sub-caste, inhabiting a village or two, had

a Panchayat of its own. The Panchayat was an ancient Hindu
institution consisting of certain members with definite power to
decide disputes within its jurisdiction. It had the right to
impose fine, to aw ard other punishments, and to excommunicate

members, which was a terrible thing for the Hindus.1 But, with the
establishment and spread of the British system o f judiciary the
importance of a caste-panchayat gradually diminished. Especially
amoDg the higher castes, it began to give way.
HOUSES, FURNITURE AND UTENSILS
Indians have almost always been very particular about th e

construction of their houses. In Chotanagpur, during the period
under review, houses were built with mud or wattled walls, and
thatched or sometimes tiled roofs.
Among the Brahmins, the Rajputs, rand other higher

castes, when a bouse was to be built, the ground where the
principal wall was to be constructed, was dug and a pice (coin)
together with some kasailis (betel-nuts) were buried and the
family priest offered Puja. When the house was ready, a feast
was given to the Brahmins, relatives and other kith and kin.2
The houses of well-to-do persons were built on a well-rais

ed plinth. There were five or six or even more rooms in the-
bigger houses. Generally, a house had a verandah in the front
and an angan or courtyard in the middle. Around the angan,
there were rooms for different purposes. Sometimes a kitchen
room was built separately. The houses o f big landlords were
still larger and they contained more than one angan. There was-
separate provision for keeping the cattle.
Inside every room, small holes called dirka were made on

the walls for the use of keeping the chirag (lamp), oil-bottles or
similar other things. The houses were not properly ventilated
and the windows were very small. Provision for drainage was
made. Sometimes, the homestead was surrounded by an enclo-
1. P. Thomas; Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, Third ed ; 1956,

p. 63.
2, D .H .E . Sunder; Palamau Survey Report, 1898, p. CCXVII,
H ousing, F ood, D ress, O r n a m e n ts a n d T o ile tr y 55
sure.® In to w n s, h o u se s m a d e o f b rick s, w ith b e tte r p r o v is io n s
f o r v e n tila tio n a n d d ra in a g e , w ere g e n e ra lly seen .
T h e h o u se s o f th e c o m m o n e rs w ere b u ilt w ith a lm o s t th e

sa m e m a te ria ls. B u t, th e y w ere sm a lle r a n d less su b s ta n tia l, b e in g
b u ilt sim p ly o f m u d , stra w , a n d b a m b o o s . T h e y u su a lly c o n s is t
ed o f tw o o r th r e e ro o m s . T h e p o o r h a d to r e m a in c o n te n te d
w ith sm all h u ts .4 T h e h o u se s w ere, fro m tim e to tim e , w h ite
w a sh e d w ith lim e o r p a in te d o v e r w ith m u d . O n c e re m o n ia l a n d
festive o cc asio n s, th e y w e re p a in te d a n d so m e tim e s sk e tc h e s o f
a n im a ls, b ir d s a n d h u m a n b ein g s w e re a lso d raw n on th e
w alls.5
T h e h o u se h o ld f u rn itu re o f b o th c o m m u n itie s — th e H in d u s
a n d th e M u slim s— co n siste d o f a few c o ts (charpais), chowki ,
pirha a n d so m e tim e s sto o ls, c h a irs a n d b en c h es. T h e r e w as s c a r
cely an y fu rn itu re in an o rd in a r y s ittin g ro o m except a c a rp e t
s p re a d o v e r th e flo o r a n d a few v e ry s to u t p illo w s to rec lin e.
T h e d o m e stic u te n sils c o n s iste d o f se v eral k in d s o f ir o n ,

b ra ss o r b ell-m eta l u ten sils f o r c o o k in g o r fo r e a tin g a n d d r in k
ing; so m e e a rth e n p o ts, a lso f o r c o o k in g ; o n e o r tw o e a r th e n -
ja r s ; a haroka o r a b a s k e t w ith lid o f th e sa m e m a te ria l fo r k e e p
ing clo th es; a n ukhali a n d a sam at o r w o o d e n p estle o r m o r ta r
f o r d e h u sk in g rice a n d p u lse s; a jan ta o r g rin d in g sto n e ; a silaut
a n d a lorha o r sto n e s f o r g rin d in g spices a n d p u lses; a chhaini o r
sieve; a sup o r w in n o w in g fa n ; a n d a barhni o r b ro o m -s tic k , e tc .
3. D.H.E. Sunder; Patamau Survey Report, 1898, p, CCXV1I; also refer

to W.W. H unter, A.S.T.A.B., Vol. XVII, 1877, pp. 78 & 307. Ibid.
Vol, XVI. pp. 93 & 334.
4. J.B.O .R S., Vol. 1, part I, article o f S.C. Roy, entitled, "O rien tatio n
of Grave Stones and Houses in C hotanagpur1', p. 280.
5. Sunder informs that in Palamau during Dashahra, women made rice
flour, coloured it red and decorated the walls o f the house all over
outside. This was called Gharajugaha. On occasions of marriage, the
walls of one of the huts comprising the homestead were decorated
outside with circles and images of horses, elephants, etc. This was
done by the Soosin or daughters of the house with flour o f rice, mixed
with turm eric and other colours, called Kohobar (D.H.E. Sunder;
Palamau Survey Report, p. CCXV1I). '
56 S ociety In T ribal India
T h e fu rn itu re an d h o u seh o ld utensils o f th e co m m o n ers w ere

m eag re in q u a n tity a n d in ferio r in q u ality .8
L a te r on, th e c o n ta c t w ith th e British b ro u g h t a g rad u al

c h a n g e in th is field. T ables, ch airs, sofas a n d o th e r articles o f
E u ro p e a n fu rn itu re began to m a k e tb e ir w ay in to w ell-to-do
h o u se h o ld s especially in th e tow ns. A few o f th em w ere fu rn ish
ed alm o st entirely in th e E nglish style. O n e o f th e effects o f th e
B ritish c o n ta c t h ad been th e rep lacem en t, to som e extent, o f
e a rth e n co o k in g utensils by iro n o r brass utensils a n d o f m etallic
p a n s by th e p lates o f ch in a-clay a n d g lass-w are.7
FOOD AND DRINKS

T h e food o f w ell-to -d o H in d u s o r M uslim s consisted o f
rice, flour, pulses, p u rified b u tte r an d different types o f vegetables.
6. D H.E. Sunder, Patamau Survey Report, p. CCXVII; also W.W.

Hunter, A.S.T.A.B., Vot. XVII, pp. 78 & 307, also see W.W.
Hunter; A.S.T.A.B., Vol. XVI, pp. 93-94 & 334.
7. Pramath Nath Bose: A History o f Hindu Civilization during British
Rule, Vol. If, 1894, pp. 163-166.
Babu Rakhal Das Haidar gives an account of his furniture and
utensils in his diary of 1872 (preserved in the Santulal Pustakalaya,
Ranchi), His account shows how the well-to-do and educated people
had begun to use English furniture and utensils. He gives the follow
ing list in his diary :
Plates—flat plates, half plates, hot water plates, curry dishes, tea
cups and saucers, spoons, knife, tea-pot, salt-cellar, oval dishes,
desert half-plates, soup-plates, desert spoons, curry knife, tea tray,
-salt spoon, quarter plates, dish covers, bowls, tumblers, forks, egg-
cups, carving knife, milk pot, square spoon, etc.
Cooking utensils—Stew pan, sauce pan, frying pan, boiling pan,
pudding pan, kettles, ‘b h o ja lV , etc.
Furniture -W ritin g desk, camp-chair, camp folding easy-chair, Ameri
can camp-chair, Morha with back, morha, foot-morha, clothes horse,
hanging cloth horse, camp-cot, brass pisspot, iron wash-hand stand,
soap-stand, brass tooth-brush, stand, reading lamp, chamber light,
hill tent, choldari, Kanat, closet, commode, pillows, durree, yalky,
blankets, bed-cloth, bed-linen, etc.
Miscellaneous—Watch, revolver, thermometer, telescope, seal and
stamps, sword, spectacles, sandalwood watch-cases, leather traps,
etc.
Housing, Food, Dress, Ornaments and Toiletry 57
The majority of people lived on rice, mania, gondii, makai

(maize) and the cheaper sorts of vegetables.8 Tbe upper class
Hindus were in most cases vegetarians, and their diet was rich
in vegetable-dishes and confectionaries. But tbe lower c l^ s
Hindus and some belonging to the higher castes, and the Muslims
in general, took meat normally in the form o f curries.
The Muslims introduced various rich dishes such as quatya,

Dampukl.:, etc., which were relished, especially on festive occa
sions. Later on, various English dishes such as soup, roasts, chops,
cutlets, etc. were introduced into the diet o f the neo-Hindus,
especially those of the radical type."
But the majority of people had to remain satisfied with

simple coarse food. They got up early in the morning, ate a
little stale rice or loti, went out with their bullocks to their fields
and began work at once. They v'ere almost unremitting in toil
durirg the season and might tie seen either ploughing, harrow
ing or tending the fields till as late as sunset each day. In the
morning after ploughing till about 11 a.m., they ate mahua,
which they brought with themselves. This was called hokma.
The principal meat called kale a was brought to them by

their wives or children at about noon and consisted o f makai
(maise) porridge, bhaat, or cooked rice or sattu, or any other
food material that might be easily available, together with vege
tables. The next meal, called biari was taken in the evening or at
night. It consisted o f cooked grain, pulses, vegetables, curd
(dahi), butter (ghee), milk, etc. Fowl, mutton and venison were
also eaten whenever available.
Lookira and kaiewa were generally taken in the fields; and

biari always at home. Father took his food first and the
children might eat with him. The mother was generally the last
to take her food in the family.
8. W .W . H u n ter, A .S.T.A .B ., Vol. X V I, pub. in 1877, pp. 93-94.
9, P .N . Bcsc, A H istory o f Hindu Civilization during British Rule, Vol.
II, 1894, p. 157.
The women o f the house did all the cooking, grinding,

cleaning and spinning. They also brought fuel from jungles.
But among the well-to-do Brahmins, Rajputs, some of other
higher castes and also among the rich Muslims, the women
generally stayed at home. The wives and daughters of the com
moners fetched water from wells and visited local markets fo r
purchasing the necessities of daily life.10
Fresh water was the most common drink o f the people.

Some of the non-alcoholic beverages such as lamonade, gingerade,
etc. were becoming popular in the towns. The great majority
o f the higher caste Hindus and also the orthodox Muslims did
not indulge in stronger stimulants. They wery mostly content
with pan (betel leaves) and tobacco. Pan (betel leaves) was taken
by both sexes, especially after meals. The English influence had
begun to reduce its consumption to some extent,
In Chotanagpur, the people belonging to the lower castes

sometimes indulged in alcoholic drinks such as wine and hanria
(rice-becr).
Tobacco, in different forms, was taken by a good number

of people belonging to the different classes o f society. Powdered
tobacco called surti was mixed with lime and then chewed. It was
also used for smoking purpose (in hookas) by both the sexes.
Besides, it was also used in the form of biri, cigarettes, cigars
and pipes.11
DRESS, TOILETRY AND ORNAMENTS
The standard o f dress, toiletry and ornaments, during the

period under review, largely depended upon the social status and
economic conditions o f the people in the region. Men, among
Hindus and Muslims, wore dhotis,12 chaddars or cotton sheets or
tO. D.H.E. Sunder; Palamau Survey Report, pp. CCXVJI-CCXVI1I.

11. D .H .E . Sunder; Palamau Survey Report, p. CCXVIII,
12. Dhoti is a single piece of white cloth, about 3 yards long an d 3 to 4
feet in w idth. It is passed round the waist upto h alf its length a n d the
oth er h a lf is draw n betw een the legs and tucked a tth e waist behind.
shawls, which served as a covering for the upper part of the

body. To them were sometimes added jamas or kurtas (shirts) and
topis (caps) covering the head. The well-to-do people, who wish
ed to appear aristocratic, used long coats or slterwanis. The
Hindus generally did not care much for well tailored elothes.
Among the Muslims, men also used mitjais or angas (coats),
muretthas or murbandas (head coverings) and Paijamas or trous
ers. The dress o f the poor in (he society was meagre and quite
inferior in quality.
By the beginning o f the nineteenth century, mainly due (o

the contact with the English people and also on account of the
spread of English education, certain changes had begun taking
place in this field Some persons began to imitate European
fashions. The most widely adopted Western addition to the male
dress was the coat which was sr-metimes cut according to the
English fashion, but was generally buttoned upto the neck.
Babu Rakhaldas Haidar, writing in 1867, remarks, “Changes

in our social habits are taking place very rapidly. There is grad
ual and decided change in dress. Few years ago, few would date
to put on di pirhum or a pair o f socks or stockings, now even
Amla are wearing Cashmere chupkans, flannels shirts, English
boots and shoes. Many youngmen o f Purulia have learnt to
arink wine and eat fowl. They are the sons and relatives o f
bigotted people of the Amla class. Ten years ago, if one would
walk morning and evening, people would say, ‘Look ! this man
walks like an Englishman. He is a hopeless case’. So goes the
world.” 13
Women, in general, wore the cotton sari, a piece of cloth

normally five yards in length, so adjusted as to cover the whole
body. All those who could afford added to it a blouse or bodice.
Respectable women wore a jacket (angia) with half sleeves over
13, Q uoted from the Diary o f Babu Rakhaldas Haidar o f the year 1876,
preserved in the S antulal Pustakalaya, R anchi.
the bodice and covered the whole with a scarf or chaddar,14 some
were habituated to the use of the petticoats (ghaghris) or the
paijamas, along with the bodice, the jacket, and the scarf.
Women belonging to an ordinary Hindu family wore coarse
saris part of which was wrapped round the middle so as to form
a sort of petticoat, while the upper end crossed the breast, and
was thrown forward again over the shoulder or over the head
like a veil. There were little changes in the female costumes as a
result of the impact of the Western fashions.
Children and infants in the lap sometimes wore a kurta',

but they generally went about naked upto the age o f three or
four years.
Inside the house, both man and woman walked about bare
footed, footwear made o fleaib er being considered unclear. But
while going outside and walking, well-to-do people put on shoes.
Shoes we.■; made by the thamars. Shoes used in Chotanagpur
were o f three kinds, viz. khura-jiba, the point o f which turned
upwards, rtiurla, having square points, and nokdar or pointed.
The ordinary kinds—the khura-jiba and nokdar, were worn by
the poor people and the murla kind was used by the rich.
Women wore kharpas, being a bit of leather of the size o f foot.
It was supported by a string.15 Later on boots and shoes o f
English design came to be used by the educated and the rich
people o f both sexes.1'
People gave much attention on personal cleanliness and

took bath regularly. Women were very much particular about
14. It was considered im m odest a n d u n cu ltu red for a lady to appear in

the public w ithout covering her head. H en ce, a w rapper or th e en d
o f the sari was invariably used for covering the head. Y oung girls,
who were proud o f th eir h air, left it bare, but if they happened to
come across some elderly persons, they im m ediately drew the wrapper
o r Sari over th eir head (See I \ T hom as; Hindu Religion, Customs and
Maimers, 3rd ed , pub. by D .B. T araporevala Sons & Co. (Private)
L td., Bombay, p. 83).
15. D.H.E. Sunder: Falainau Surrey Report, p. CCXVlIt.
Ifi. P .N . Bose; A History o f Hindu Civilization dui ing British Rule, Vol.
II, 3rd ed., 1894, pp. 163-164.
it. They took regular bath to keep themselves clean and fresh.”
People of rank used “A tar" and other perfumes. Perfumed oils
were a lso used by those who could afford them. Those women
and men who were well-to-do used different kinds o f perfumed
oils, soaps, hair brushes, combs, lavender-water, etc.
For a young lady, her hair was a pride. Black, glossy and
luxuriant hair was the delight o f a girl. She anointed her head
with oil and rubbed her hair with herbs at the time of bathing,
which promoted the growth o f the hair and kept it black. The
usual method o f hair dressing among ladies was to comb it
well and tie it behind the neck. The method of tying the knot
differed. Children and unmarried girls plaited their hair and
let it fall to the back, and tied the tail-end with some bright
pieces of ribbon.18
Married women among the Hindus painted their forehead.

The parting of the hair was anointed with vermilion. The tikah,
a silver spot and bindi were also placed between the forehead and
the eyebrows respectively. The eyelids o f both the Hindu and
the Muslim ladies were pencilled with kojal or an antimony
called surma. Tattooing was a prevailing practice among ladies,
particularly o flow er castes,1®
A variety of ornaments constituted the delight of all

classes o f women. There were ornaments for different parts of
the body, such as head, forehead, face, nose, ear, waist, wrist,
arm, finger, leg, toe, etc. Round the neck hung several chains
of gold and silver, The neck ornaments constituted of chandra-
har, tilri, Panchlari, sat lari, sikri, etc. The nose-ring was worn by
the Hindu ladies in a variety of chapes and was considered a
sign of married bliss and a widow did not wear it.!0
17. At Jh ald a, in M anbhum , wom en bath ed naked in public and were
notorious for their loose ch aracter (See S ukum ar H aidar; A M id'
Victorian Hindu, pub, by S ukum ar H aid ar, Sam long F arm , R anchi,
1921, p. 167).
18. P . Thomas; Hindu Religion, Customs, & Manners, pub. by D .B. Tara-
porevala Sons & C o. (Private) L td., 3rd ed ., 1956, p. 84.
19. Bihar Through the Ages, e d ., by R .R . D iw akar, p. 687.
20. J.P .A .S .B . (New Series), Vol. 19, 1923, an artic le entitled, ‘‘The
Nose-ring as an In d ia n Ornament** by N .B . D iv stta , pp. 67-68.
62 S ociety in Tribal India
T here were various ornam ents fo r arm s, wrists, elbows and

fingers. Even th e waist an d legs were n o t free from ornam ents.
Below the waist, the o rn am en ts w ere generally o f silver.
M ost o f the H indu w om en loved to lo ad themselves with

silver and gold ornam ents from head to foot, n o t always to
enhance their beauty, b u t to show o ff to o th er w omen their
h u sband’s w ealth.
P. T hom as rem arks : “ T he H iad u s will starve themselves

in order to buy ornam ents for th eir womenfolk. A m ong o rth o
dox classes, w hat is m ost adm ired in a w om an is n o t good looks,
figure o r health, b u t ornam ents. A middle-class H indu lady
carries a fortune ab o u t h er person by way o f ornam ents. She
m ay not have enough to eat or feed her children, b u t she must
have her trinkets.” 21
T he craze for ornam ents w as n o t confined to th e H indu

ladies only. It was cherished by all women. Even women of
p o o r classes im itated the rich an d trie d to have as m any o f them
as they could afford. G lass-bangles were also p o p u lar am ong ail
sections o f the society. T h e m ost im portant change, which was
noticed later on am ong a small class o f ladies, who had been
influenced m ost by the W estern civilization, was in the fashion
and variety o f ornam ents. B ut th ere was little dim inution in the
love o f them.
Very few ornam ents were w orn by boys and men. In

addition to the ring, wh:';h men generally loved to wear, the
H indus delighted to w ear wrist chains and bangles. M en also
wore ear-rings, and for this purpose the ears o f a H indu boy
were bored at an early age. Boys an d grow n-up m en also som e
21, P. T h o m a s, Hindu R eligion, C ustom s and M anners, 3 rd e d ., 1956,

p . S3.
H ousing, Food, D ress, O rnam ents a n d T oiletry <3
tim es w ore go ld ch ain s a n d lockets ro u n d th e ir neck if they
co u ld afford to h av e th e m .22
TRIBAL SOCIETY
Family, Village and Socio-Political Organisations
T h e abo rig in al p o p u la tio n o f C h o ta n a g p u r com prised o f

th re e m ain trib es— th e A u stric-sp eak in g N lundas an d th e ir kins
m en, th e K h a ria , an d th e D ra v id ia n -sp eak in g O rao n s. T h e
M u n d a g ro u p also included the H o s a n d a few sm all trib e s such
a s th e B irhors, th e K o rw as, th e B irjias an d th e A surs.
A m ong all th e trib e s o f C h o ta n a g p u r, th e fam ily w as th e

b asis o f social life. I t w as o f th e n u clear o r elem en tary ty p e in
w hich p are n ts an d th e u n m a rrie d ch ild ren lived. M a rrie d sons
a n d d a u g h te rs usually set u p new hom es. T h ey w ere a p a tri
lineal g ro u p . M o st o f th e trib e s w ere divided in to a n u m b e r o f
clan s, w hich w ere to te m istic a n d exogam ous in n atu re.
T h e M u n d a s, th e K h aria s, th e O ra o n s, th e H o s, th e San-
th als, th e C h e ro s an d th e K h a rw a rs h a d w ell-organised villages
22. For details of dress, toiletry and ornaments, see P. Thomas; Hindu
Religion, Customs ond Manners, 3rd ed , pp. 71-84; also P.N. Bose;
A History o f Hindu Civilization during British Rule, Vol. II, 1894, pp.
157 & 165; also Bihar Through the Ages, Ed. by R.R. Diwakar, pp.
686-687. See also D.H.E. Sunder. Dipping his finger in a heap of
ashes, made two marks on the back of the suppliant just below the
shoulders-blades. His assistant, pinching up the flesh underneath
these marks, thrust the two large hooks securely through. This done,
the devotee rose amid the series of admiration of the crowd and
marched off to the swinging post, swaggering along with pride and
seemingly unconscious of the wounds made by (he hooks, from which
blood was flowing down his back. The hooks being attached to the
ropes of the swinging machine with a sudden wrench that would seem
as if it must have lacerated the flesh beyond endurance, he was swung
aloft, to the wild shrieks or the crowd of enthusiasts and the deafen
ing noise of the drums. A loose band, placed round the man's chest
prevented the strain from actually causing the hooks to burst through
the flesh, but so slackly that it mitigated little of the pain” . (See F.B.
Bradley-Birt. Chotanagpur, A Little Known Province of the Empire
pp. 53-54).
with their secular and religious headman and staff of village

officials and judicial and administrative committees of village'
elders, known as the Panchas. They went further and confedera
ted several villages together into a socio-political group, known
as the Parha among the Oraons, the M undas and the Kharias, as
the Plri among tbe Hos ; and as the Pargana among the San
thals. The other tribes such as the Mahlis, the Lohras, the
Korwas, the Bedias, the Chilcbaraiks, the Asurs, the Birjias, the
Cheros, the Kharwars and the like followed the same pattern o f
social system as the m ajor tribes.
The Parha, Pir and Pargana had their own office-bearers,81

and their own Panchas who acted as higher courts of appeal. The
organisation and function of these confederations were mainly
aimed at maintaining peace and tranquility, and the lessening o f
group feuds and disputes. They also sometimes collected land
revenue from villagers on commission from the landlords.
The tribes such as tbe Birhors, the Korwas, the Farahiyas

and the Hill-Kharias were on a lower level of cultural develop
ment and their life mostly depended on hunting and fcod gather
ing. The nomadic way o f existence of the Birhors may give an
impression of fluidity in their social organisation. The moving
band or group which was in a social kin-relationship, was inclu
ded in the tanda, as association of different family group.
The tanda was a collective aggregate o f the individual fami

lies which could also be called a horde. It was more or less an
economic grouping, which functioned collectively with sole ob
ject of getting food and an assured supply of game. The head o f
each tanda was called Naiga or Naya, who was both a secular as
well as a religious head, combined in one. Among the Korwas,
the village life was regulated through the M ukhiya o f the tribe.
23. T he head o f the O raon Parha was called Parha-raja, w ho was assisted
by the Dewcm, th e Panre an d the Koiwar. A m ong th e M undas, th e
head of th e Parha was called M anki a n d h ead o f the village was called
Munda. T he Hos had also Aia n k i as th eir P ir-head.
A m ong tb e Santhals, th e h ead of the Pargana w at called Porga-
nail and th e head o f the village was called Xtanjhl,
Bousing, Food, Dress, Ornaments and Toiletry
The ioter-village disputes were settled by bigger Panchayat or the

inter-village council where the Bar-Mukhiya presided and settled
feuds and disputes.
YOUTH D O RM ITO RIES
The youth domitories were indigenous institutions for the

training o f aboriginal youths, which evolved from a very primi
tive stage o f tribal societies. In Chotanagpur, the youth dorm i
tories were only to be found among the Oraons, the Mundas, the
Birhors, the K harias and the Asurs. But, it was only among the
Oraons that youth dormitories had reached their perfection.
Commenting on the objects of the youth dormitory among

the Oraons, S.C. Roy w rite s: “ In the Jonkh-Erpa— better
known to us under the Hindi name of Dhumkuria or Dhangar-
Muria, the hut o f the Dhangars or young men—we catch a
glimpse o f a very archaic form of economic, social and religious,
organisation. It must have been in its time an effective economic
organisation for purposes o f food-quest, a useful seminary for
training young men in tbeir social and other duties, and an insti
tution for magico-religious observances calculated to secure
success iu hunting and to augment the procreative power of the
young men so as to increase the number o f hunters in the
tribe.1*
The Oraon boys were admitted into the Dhumkuria a t

about eight years o f age. They were divided into three age-
groups, known as turs. The first group called Puna-Jonkhars
(novices) consisted of the youngest boys. Another group was.
called Magh-turia-Jonkhars or members of intermediate class.
The third tur consisted the eldest members and they were called
Koha-Jonkhars (elder boys). In the first two classes, member
ship was for three years each and then they remained the mem
bers of Koha-Jonkhars till they were married. Thus, the age o f
the Dhumkuria boys ranged from 11 to 20 years.15 The Dhum-
24. S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 211-212.

25. Ibid., pp. 2X5-216.
kuria boys and girls were also known as Dhangars and Pellot
respectively.
The incharge of the supervision and control of the boys’

Dhumkuria was Dhangar-Mahto. The eldest among the boys was
selected as Dhangar-Mahto and the seniormost among the girls,
preferably an able widow, was appointed as Barki-Dhangrin or
the leader of the girls' dormitory known as Petlo-Erpa. The
Dhangar-Mahto was assisted in his work by another boy who
was appointed as Cholabu or Kotwar. The Dhangar-Mahto had
to instruct the fellow-dormitory boys in their socio-religious
duties. And Chalabu or Kotwar bad to attend and supervise
Oraon Jalras and dances and to see that all the paraphernalia
were being strictly adhered to by the boys and the girls on such
occasions. He might compel any unwilling boy or girl to attend
these Jalras and dances and in case of disobedience, be could
oven punish them by beating. Strict discipline was observed in
the dormitory.86
The offices of Dhangar-Mahto, Barki-Dhangrin, and Kotwar

were changed every three years. This was done by a simple cere
mony called Mukhia-handi or the drinking of the rice-beer in
honour of Mukhia, the leader. On this occasion the outgoing
Dhangar-Mahto transferred his powers and authority to the newly
elected leader of the dormitory.”
The new entrants were admitted into Dhumkuria only once

in every three years—just after the appearance of the new moon
in the month of Mogha (January-February). On the admission
into the dormitory, the parents had to supply annually a certain
quantity of Karanj—fruits for extraction of oil for the lamps of
the Dhumkuria-housc.
The Dhumkuria-boys developed a feeling of fraternity and

regarded this as a primary group of the village. Many magico-
26, S.C. Roy; The Oraont o f Chotanagpur, pp. 215-216.

27. Ibid., pp. 216-219.
religious,** social and economic functions were assigned to tbem

and they performed these duties as a single unit. The Dhumkuria-
boys had to perform many social and economic duties.19 They
used to cook for visitors at a wedding. When the strangers came
to the village and they were accommodated in the dormitory, the
Dhangars had to attend and entertain them and had to wash
their feet. M ost of the work were done by the younger boys.
They had also to serve the elder boys, run their errands and to
keep the dormitory-house clean, neat and well-provided with
fuel.
If any villager was in the need o f help for thatching a
house or for some other similar work, he applied to Dhangar-
Mahlo who assigned the duties to the boys. At his bidding, the
boys went in a body to do the job. This was called Pancha ser
vice. In lieu o f their services, they were paid either in cash or in
kind. The wages received were generally spent in the purchase of
some new musical instruments or other requisites (such as cloth
for making village-flags) for the dormitory. The Dhumkuria-
boys also enjoyed certain privileges such as to gather once in the
year the fruit from all karanj and mahua trees of the village.*0
For the Oraon girls, there was a separate similar institution

called Pelh-Erpa. Unlike Jonkh-Erpa, its location was not sup
posed to be known to any body except its inmates and to those
o f Jonkh-Erpa. The organisation and functions of Pelh-Erpa
was similar to the boys* Dhumkuria. There was, however, no
office-bearer attached to the maidens* dormitory, but an elderly
Oraon male-member was appointed as the Pello-Kotwar who
functioned like the Kotwar of the bachelors’ dormitory. The
leader of the maiden-dormitory was called Barki-Dhangrin. She,
in consultation with other girls o f the dorm itory, directed and
controlled the inmates o f the maidens* dormitory.
23. For details of religions and magical observances such as different types
of hunting like Phagua-Sebdra or the spring hunting and Bisu-Sikar
or the summer hunting, see S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur
pp. 223-243.
29. For details of their social duties, see, S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chota
nagpur, pp. 244-249.
30. N . Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, 1960, p. 90.
In addition to their common duties, winch resembled with

the duties o f the boys of the bachelors’ dormitory, each maiden
was required to plait a strip of palm-leaf mat as long as the
length o f the bachelors’ hall, which served as bed for the boys
and it was renewed every year. They helped the villagers in
reaping and transplanting paddy and other grains and prepared
meal for marriages for which they were duly paid in cash or
kind.*1
Sachidanand, however, doubts that the institution o f

Dhumkuria was ever universal among the Oraons. Moreover,
with the passing of time, there came about gradual changes in
the organisation. The entry o f boys and girls into the dormitory
became irregular. Similarly, the election o f Dhangar-Mahto and
Kotwar was not done at regular time. The members o f dormitory
were loosing gradually the strong feeling o f fraternity and co
operation. They did not perform their magico-religious, social
and economic duties with th at much of enthusiasm and strict dis
cipline, which was very essential in a Dhumkuria.
Due to their contact with Hinduism and Christianity and

with the spread o f education among them, some o f the Oraon
parents began to look down upon this institution. Generally in
a Christian village the youth dormitory was banned by the
village-elders.'12
The youth dormitory among the Mundas was known by

the name o f Gitiora. There were separate Gitioras for the
Munda-boys and girls. Comparing the dormitories of the Oraons
and the M undas, S.C. Roy observes : “ Although M unda bache
lors, except in some localities, such as in Pargana Lodhma, have
no institution exactly like the Oraon Jonkh~Erpa or Dhumkuria ;
all young bachelors o f M unda village or hamlet (tola) have a
fixed common dormitory in the house of a Munda neighbour,
who may have a but to spare for the purpose. And, similarly, all
31. N, Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B.T.R.I., p. 90;
' also S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur , pp. 261-273.
32. Sachidanand; Cultural Changes In Tribal Bihar , pub. by Book!and
(Private) L td., Patna, 1964, pp. 60-65. . .
Housing, Food, Dress, Ornamtnts and Toiletry 69
the unmarried girls o f a village or a hamlet sleep together in the

night in a house belonging to some childless old M unda couple
or some elderly M unda widow. The matron o f the house exercis
ed general superintendence over the morals of the girls.33
In the dormitory, they learnt their folk tales, traditional

customs and laws, agricultural methods, hunting, and everything
about their community life. By the time they left the dormitory,
they knew all about sex, morals and social customs o f the tribe.
Thus, the dormitories for the Mundas acted as schools and made
them perfectly trained for their future life.3’
Among the Kharias, the youth dormitory was called G ith.

The GUh or the bachelors' house of the non-Christian Dudh and
Dhelki Kharias was also used as the guest-house of the village.
It was generally situated at one end of the village and in com
parison to ordinary dwelling houses of the Kharias was more
showy, artistic, and spacious. But, by tbc end of the period under
review, this institution was on the decline.
In the words of S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy, “ In many villages,

particularly where Christianity has spread, the Bachelors’ House
is falling into disuse. And in general, the Kharia Bachelors’
House possesses no longer the disciplinary organisation and the
elaborate rules and the ceremonies connected with that institu
tion among the Oraons of the Central Plateau of Chotanagpur.
Among the Kharias, the Gitio is an effete institution, which has
long lost its utility and is fast decaying. The Dhelki Kharias in
RajgangpuT lhana call it GUa-Cha'i but among them it is only the
bigger village, where the number of bachelors and maidens is
fairly large that bachelor ■, sleep together in a separate house
(Gita-Chari) and all the maidens sleep together in the house o f a
lone widow. There arc no longer any special rites of admission
nor any regulations, nor office-bearers, connected with these
dormitories,” 3i
33. S.C. Roy; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 385.

34. li'ld ., pp. 385-386; also see N. Prasad; Land and People o f Tribat Bihar,
pub. by B .T .R.I., I960, p. J01.
35. S.C. Roy; and R,C, Roy; The Kharias, pub. In 1937, pp. 77-78.
Separate youth dormitories for boys and girls were also to

be found among the Birhors. Generally two huts were construct
ed at one end of the Birhor tanda for which materials were
brought by young boys and girls and their parents and other re
latives helped in th ^ construction work. These huts were fairly
commodious and varied with the size o f the settlement. The
boys1 dormitory had only one door at the back.38 They called
the youth dorm itory as Gitij-Oro.
The boys and girls were admitted into their respective

dormitories when they were about ten years old and they slept
there till they were married.and constructed huts for themselves.
In the boys' dormitory, there was no recognised headman and
the most intelligent aad tactful among them was recognised as
their leader. In the maidens’ dormitory, an old widow acted as
the guardian and watched their movements. She used to sleep
close to the main door to prevent the intrusion o f outsiders into
the dormitory o f girls at night.37
As regards the morality in the dormitories, S.C. Roy gives

the following a c co u n t:
"A lthough post-nuptial immorality is practically unknown

among the Birhors, liaisous between bachelors and spins
ters are the rule rather than the exception. The back-door
to the maidens’ dormitory is supposed to enable the girls
to go out to satisfy her cails o f nature without disturbing
the old duenna.
“ In practice, however, this door affords the means of
escape to boys, who may have entered the hut
during the absence of the old woman and also enables girls
to steelthily go out to meet their lovers who notify their
approach by some preconcerted sound generally made with
the hands striking the ltaves and branches forming the wall
of the hut. The old woman, even if awake, pretends to be
asleep and thus connives at these practices. Every bachelor
has his sweetheart amongst the maidens. And I am in
36. S.C. Roy; The B irhors, 1925, pp. 243-244.

37. Ibid., p. 244.
formed by some Birhor elders that to attract a maiden he

loves, a young man sometimes approaches her without any
clothes on his body.
"There is, however, no trace o f sexual communism.

On the other hand, there appears to exist a well-recognised
rule of fidelity amongst Birhor spinsters and bachelors. It is
considered wrong for any one to go with a maiden who is
known to be the sweetheart o f any other boy; and
although such a breach o f etiquette is not punished with
fine, the aggrieved boy has the support of his fellows, when
he seeks to retaliate by himself sleeping with the recognised
sweetheart of Ihe offending boy.
“ In theorey, liaisons between unmarried boys and girls

are believed to offend the spirits and bring ill-luck in hunt
ing. But the only result o f this theory is to bring perquisites
to the Matt and the Naya or priest. For in order to avoid
detection and disclosure by the M ali (diviner) the young
m an gives him some money-presents, while they give the
Naya some money to buy a piece of cloth, liquor and
fowl so that he may appease the offended spirits who would
otherwise prevent success in hunting.
“Occasionally, the supposed spirit-possession
is made a pretence by a young man to go with
his sweetheart. Thus, it sometimes happens that when
a young man m etis his sweetheart at a market,
he begins to shake his head violently and in this condition
o f supposed spirit-possession carries off the young maiden
in his arm s in the direction o f some jungle. The bystanders
merely remark that some spirit is on him and no harm is
meant to him.
“ The pre-marital liaisions of a Birhor women are so

lightly thought of that no Birhor has the slightest objection
to marry a girl whom he knows to have been the sweet
heart o f another young m an ...’8
38. S.C, Roy; The Birhors, pub. io 1925, pp. 244-248.

The dormitories among the Birhors, which at our time

must hvae been effective organisations for the purpose of sexual
generation, gradually gave up to serve effectively to th at end and
left most of the ceremonies connected with them.*9
Among the Asurs, the children were sent to Dhumkuria at

a very early age. The unmarried boys and girls of the village
slept together till they got married and thus, were trained in the
art of life. The girls were expected to become experts in all
domestic and cooking activities and the boys were also expected
to know all ways o f agricultural operations, house-building, their
profession of iron smelting, and making o f agricultural and
domestic implements, utensils and weapons. They were also given
training in playing in the Akhara (the dancing ground); and
boys were also trained in the a rt o f hunting.10
VILLAGE, H O U SIN G , HO USEHO LD FURNITURE

AND UTENSILS
The selection of sites for villages by different tribes

depended on their nature and character. But the villages o f
the various tribes were usually situated near the forest from
where they could easily get materials for the construction of
their houses and collect jungle-fruits, flowers, roots, and leaves.
"Sites near the springs o r the river were also preferred for
settlements. Typical villages of the Hos and the Kharias were
usually built on the banks of some rivers or streams and those
o f the Parahiyas were often situated near some springs.
In most cases, tire villages were situated on high grounds
on a ridge surrounded by undulating country. In most o f the tribal
villages were situated Akhara, Sasan and Sarna, the first for
playing and dancing and the last two tor worshipping. The
population of a tribal village usually constituted the majority
o f tribal people, but most of the villages also contained families
39. Ibid., p . 248.

40. N. Prasad, Land and P eople o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B.T.R.I., 1960,
p. 218.
o f a few functional classes as the Lohras, the Ghasis, the Mahlis,

the Jolahas, the Abirs, the Chik-baraika and so on.41.
Like other people, the aborigines of Chotanagpur built

their houses, f< r p ic iett cn firm tain, cold and the sun. The
houses were built mostly by the native materials such as the
■wood of Sal, Kend and Asan, trees bamboo, grass, paddy-straw,
etc. The walls of the houses were constructed with mud.
■ The layout of the villages did not conform to any pattern

except in the case of Santhals who built their houses on both
sides of a long straggling street known as a Sadar-Kuli. The
houses were built in disorderly manner. The shape of the houses
also varied from tribe to tribe and from place to place. They
were either rectangular, conical or square-shaped. We find the
absence of windows in the houses o f almost alt the tribes of
Chotanagpur. But all houses had doors. The roof of the houses
were either thatched with grass, pady-straw or tiles. The walls
were plastered with clay or cowdung. In some cases they were
painted in different colours or decorated with paintings of
human being animals, birds and trees.
The types of dwellings built by the various tribes

corresponded with their repective needs and were expressive of
tbeir genera! cultural level. Each house had a kitchen garden
o r b a ri attached to it, were vegetables were grown for domestic
purposes. Space was provided for the keeping of cattle, fowl and
pigs around and about the houses.
An Oraon basti consisted of a cluster of mud-huts,

huddled together without any definite arrangements. There
were no thoroughfares, but only small and little bits of winding
and crooked paths—a most perfect labyrinth leading to an
infinite series of cul-de-sacs, each one more puzzling than the
last. Rev. P, Dehort remarks, “ A European who finds himself
in one of these mazes would find it impossible to get out o f it
without a guide. Nothing monstrously fitting can be imagined
than one of these villages in the rainy season. As it is impossible
to dig any ditch in such a disorderly heap of houses, the rains
-41, Bihar Through the Agee, Ed, by R.R, Diwakar, pp. 699-700.
collect and form stagnant pools. The cattle and the pigs (every
Oraon must keep five or six pigs) have very soon made a
perfect quagmire through which everyone has to wade knee-
d eep 4a Among the public places o f an Oraon village were the
akhara or dancing ground and the Dhumkuria or the youth
dormitory. The villages were not fortified or walled in. Outside
the basti was situated the sacred grove called Sam a or Jhakra.4*
The Oraons were wanting in the art of construction and

their huts were badly built and incapable o f affording decent
accommodation to a family. The average Oraon tenant had
two huts, each with four low-side-walls, one opening or doorway,
and a roofing of tiles or grass-thatch. The grass-thatch had
gradually been replaced by tiled-roofs in the Central Plateau,
but in the greater part in the west and south-west of the Ranchi
District, thatched houses were still common, and the walls
were sometimes m ade of twigs, plastered over with mud and
cowdung. The floor of the hut was also o f mud and was
slightly raised above the level of the ground.
The bigger huts were ordinarily divided into two main

compartments, the longer compartment serving the purpose
o f sleeping-room, dining room, and kitchen, and the smaller one
serving as the lumber-room and granary. A small verandah was
often attached to the hut which served as the sitting-place. The
smaller huts were ordinarily used as cattle-shed and a small
verandah attached to the cattle-shed served as the pig-sly.
But, poor Oraons could n ot afford to have

a separate hut for their cattle and in his but the hum an
beings and the cattle both lived together. Windows were
absent in their huts. There was rarely more than one door,
which was closed by two big revolving planks of wood roughly
hewn out o f the trunk of a tree. A very few Oraons living
amongst the Hindu neighbours had taken to imitating them in
the m atter o f adoning their house-wails with drawings o f animals,
flowers and human beings.44
42. M.A.S.B., Vol. I, No. 9, article of Rev. P. Deboo entitled “ Religion
and Customs of the Oraons” , p. 170,
43. S.C ■ Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 172,
44. S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 172-174.
the m atter o f adoning their house-walls with drawings of animals,

Bowers and human beings.41
Much care was taken in the selection o f the site rn which
the house was to be built. S.C. Roy describes it thus
"W hen an Oraon wishes to build a new bouse, he puts
out an evening unobserved by anybody else, a few grains
o f rice on the intended house site. If, in the course of the
night the grains of rice disappear, having been eaten up or
removed by birds, beasts, ants or other insects or in any
other way he gives up the idea o f building a house on that
site, as the omen clearly indicates that there will be want
and poverty in such a house, o r, to use the O raon’s own
phrase, ‘rice when boiled will decrease in quantity instead
o f increasing” .
“ If only a portion o f the rice thus exposed at night
disappears before morning, the intended house-site is,
though not absolutely bad, an undesirable one, and
should, if possible, be avoided.
“If, on the other hand, the rice remained intact, the
intended house-site is very desirable one, where prosperity
will attend the family, or, in the O raon’s own phrase, ‘a
little rice when boiled will turn into an unusual large
quantity o f bhat (boiled rice)’. When, in the morning,
the Oraon examines the rice left in the evening, fo r
purpose o f prognostication, and he finds the rice safe and
intact, he makes a mark on the ground around the
rice. And on the site thus selected, the Oraon builds his
house.4S
When an Oraon started to build his house, he commen
ced with one of the two walls running east and west, and a
portion, however small of all the four walls o f the house, will
be also erected on the very first day of construction. An
Oraon would not, ii he could avoid, have an extension to his
house thus made towards south, nor remove his house further
to the south o f his old house site.
They believed that a south facing house brought ill-luck, and
they tried their best to construct tbeir house facing east or w est.
44. S.C, Roy; The O re m o f Chotanagpur, pp. 172-174.
45. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 175.
North-facing houses were, however, sometimes built as being less

objectionable than a south-facing one. But gradually these restric
tions lessened.49 When an Oraon first occupied a newly built hut,
Ije usually gave a feast to his fellow-tribesmen o f the village.
There was a remarkable similarity between an Oraon

basti and a Munda village. Their villages were generally
situated on the highest level amidst the jungle. The houses
were huddled together without any orderly arrangement and
plan. There were practically no roads (boras) and a number of
winding and crooked-paths provided an apology for roads. The
village had three important sites—the Sartia, the sacred grove,
where the village gods resided and the Akhara, where the
Panchiyats were held and the young folk assembled in the
evening to dance and the Sasarr, the burial ground where stone-
slabs were kept over the graves to commemorate the dead.
The average Mundas had generally commodious houses.

The residence of a well-to-do family consisted usually of three
o r four houses with a quadrangle called Racha in the.middle
and a bakhri or compound at the back. The majority o f Munda-
houses consisted each o f at least two huts; the giliora or the,
sleeping-house, and mandiora or the eating house. They usually
comprised also the maromoia or the goat-pen where goats were
kept. All Mundas could not afford to have separate cattle-shed or
unrigora and they used a portion of their sleeping-house for the
purpose.
The mandiora included also the ading or sacred taberna

cle where the spirits of departed ancestors were worshipped.
Only the members of the family were allowed to enter the
ad.ng, which was partitioned off from the rest o f the Mandiora,
by a low mud-wall. It also served the purpose of a store
room.
Well-to-do Mundas had also veranda or Oaris on one

or more sides of the main house. The houses had mostly
tiled-roofs, but the poor thatched their houses with a sort of
■46. J.B O.R.S.. Vol. I, pt. II, article of S.C. Roy entitled, "O rientation
of Grave Stones and Houses in Chotanagpur," p. 279. .
grass called sauri. W alls w ere m ade o f mud or split-bam boos,
plastered with m ud and cow dung. T here was no arrangem ent
for ventilation, except the door. A ttached with the house was
a bari, w here vegetables were grown. Every cultivating M unda
had a m anure-pit or Sara-gar a often close to his house-stead,
in which cowdung was allowed to decom pose and later on burnt
and used as m anure for his fields.*7
As in the case of th e O raons, when a M unda began to

build his house, he wiil sta rt with one of th e two walls running
east to west, b u t the construction o f all the four walls will be
started on the very first day o f construction. Houses usually
faced east o r west. If unavoidable it may face north, but
never south as it was om inous an d brought ill-luck to the
family.49
The H o villages were usually situated on the banks o f

the rivers, by the side o f springs o r on an elevated river
terrace. Villages com prised of tw o o r m ore tolas. A narrow
street generally ran through the village. In the centre of the
village was the akhara and on th e outskirt was situated the
Sasan and Sarrta o r Jahera.49
Construction of houses, am ong the H os was a simple

affair. The walls were constructed by w ood, twigs and mud
and neatly plastered with cowdung or coloured with earth. The
m ain house had a small verandah supported on w ooden pillars.
The roof was generally thatched with grass o r roofed with tiles
The houses were divided into tw o com partm ents; a sleep

ing-room -cum-kitchen and a store-room . Opposite this house was
another sm all hut for the guests. But the guest-houses were
constructed only by the well-to-do Hos. On the sides were the
cattle-shed and a pig-shed. T he walls of the houses were som e
times decorated with drawings o f animals o r plants. Adjacent
47. S.C. Roy; T h e M undas and Their C ountry, pp. 382-381

48. J.B .O .R .S . Vol. I, p t. II, article o f S.C, R oy entitled, “ O rientatioc
of Grave Stones and Houses in Chotanagpur?’, p. 279.
49. N. Prasad; Land and People o f Tribal B ihar, pub, by B .T .R .I., 1960, p
105.
to the house was the Bakai land where vegetables and other
crops were grown.'"
Except the Hill-Kharias, who had no villages properly

speaking, but groups o f about four or five to a dozen o r so
families living together in a settlement, alt other sections of
-Kharias lived in regular villages. Their houses were constructed
in a disorderly manner. The K haria village lacked proper
roads but a few narrow winding paths. In a K haria village we
.also find the akhara, sasan and $arna.il
The Hill-Kharias constructed small rectangular huts (with

little or no plinth) of mud walls thatched with grass, for their
dwelling. The walls were plastered over with mud paste.
Ordinarily, only one room was used by them for living or sleep
ing and kitchen. But, in some cases two rooms were also cons
tructed for these purposes.
The dwelling house o f the D udh and Dhelki sections o f

■the Kharias were more spacious and varied in construction
according to the means o f the family. The houses were cons
tructed on high plinth and were rectangular in shape. The walls
were made of wood, twigs and mud and the roofs, were suppor
ted by wooden pillars and were either thatched with grass or
roofed with tiles. The floor and walls were often coated over
with a solution of cowdung. Well-to-do K harias had more than
one such hut or house.
M ost of the houses o f Dudb Kharias had one or more

water-vessel-stands by the side of the main house. Generally,
big earthen vessels or pitchers filled with water were placed on
it. Usually, they also constructed tin cow-shed and pig-sty.62
SO. N. Pratad ; Land a n d People o f Tribal B ihar, pub. by B.T .R I. I960, p.

!05 ; also Bull. ofB .T R..!., Vol. lit . No. 1, containing the article
entitled, “T he Hoa of S a ran d a” , by R ekha O 'D h a n , p. 42.
51. S.C. Roy and R .C . Roy ; T he Kharia, p. 77.
5 2. S.C. Roy an d R .C . R oy ; The Kharias, p p. 78-81.
As in the case of the Oraons, proper attention was given

to the selection of site for the construction of a new house by
the Kharias also. They selected the sites in the same manner
as the Oraons did. The same method o f prognostication was
also adopted when a few families decided to establish a new
village or a tola on some waste o r unoccupied land.
A nother test employed in determining whether a certain

site was propitious or not for building a house or establishing a
village, was to plant a sat post in the middle o f the proposed
site in the evening. On the following morning, if the post was
found standing quite straight and upright, the site was selected
and if it was not in that position, the site was believed to be
haunted by some evil spirits and was accordingly abandoned.
When the house was constructed, the family entered the

new house on an auspicious day. Generally, a feast was given
in this connection to which village elders, friends and relatives
were invited and were treated with a hearty meal and plenty of
rice-beer.6*
The Birhor village or Tanda consisted of half a dozen or

more huts. They were a nomadic tribe and were almost stran
gers to agriculture. Their huts were devoid o f the beauty of
design. The typical conical huts of the Uthlu-Birhors were very
low and small. There was no windows and the only opening
which served as the doorway was not more than 20 inches wide
a t the bottom and about 22 inches in height.
These huts were made by driving into the ground, in a

circular way a number of sal saplings o r leafy boughs. Over
this wooden framework with leaves and boughs other saplings
o r branches o f trees were placed for further protection. These
huts were used only for sleeping at night and keeping the scanty
possessions o f the family. Each hut or kumba was tenanted
only by a man and his wife. Each married son had a separate
kumba of his own. Grown up unmarried boys and girls slept
in separate huts.
JJ. S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy ; The Kharlae, pp. 381-183.
The huts of Jaghi-Birhors were more spacious and had a

slightly raised floors and roofs. They were usually thatched
with leaves or grass. In fact there was no basic difference in
the houses of Uthlu and Jaghi-Birhors.31
As compared to other tribes of Chotanagpur, the Santhal

village had a better look, Their houses were constructed in a
planned manner and the villagers were provided with better
thoroughfares. Like other tribral villages of the Division, the
Santhal villages had also theirakhartt, sarna or jaher and in the
centre, the Manjhi-ihan for worship,*5
The Santbals were very much particular about the cons

truction o f tbeir huts and houses, Tbeir huts were rectangular
in shape and had raised plinths, with verandas on all sides, along
with a courtyard. The whole house was partitioned into differ
ent rooms and compartments. But there was no entry from the
front except the door in the wall that ran all round the spacious
courtyard on which the house opened from within.
On the inner side of the house, in one corner, there was

the abode of the ancestors and the Orak-bonga, worshipped by
the head o f the family in each house. The walls were made of
mud and the roofs were either thatched or tiled.5*
The' Santhals had a special love for the decoration o f

their houses. They painted their walls in alternate broad strips
o f red, white and black with clay and charcoal. The houses
were kept perfectly neat and clean. There were separate places
for cattle, pigs and fowl.57
The other small tribes of Chotanagpur followed the same
54. S.C. R o y ; The Birhors, pub. in 1925, pp. 508-509 ; also|see Col.
E.T. Dalton The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st e. . pub. in 1872, p 219.
55. N. Prasad ; Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B.T.R.I., I960,
p. 70.
56. Ibid., also Col. E.T. Dalton ; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872.
p. 208. See also F.B. Bradley-Birc ; The Story a) an Indian Upland,
London, p. 244.
57. Col. E.T. Dalton ; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872, p. 208.
pattern in the construction of their houses and huts as were
adopted by these major tribes. The Hinduised or semi-Hinduised
tribes like the Cheros, the Kharwars, the Bhumijes, the Kurmis,
the Rajwars, the Ghasis, the Goraits, Ihe Bedias, the Kisans,
etc. imitated the Hindu pattern in construction of their houses.
O f course, it varied from place to place and from tribe to tribe.
The poverty of the aboriginals was reflected in their scanty

and cheap household utensils and furniture. Their quality and
quantity, however, depended upon the means of individual
family. The rich and well-to-do among them possessed, both
qualitatively and quantitatively, b etter'fu rn itu re and utensils
than the poor ones.
The common furniture possessed by the tribal people of

Chotanagpur were machia—a stool with a wooden frame and
string bottom and wooden and straw seats. String cots called
parkom or charpais were used by well-to-do among them. Those
who could not afford parkom, used palm-leaf mats as beds.*8
Occasionally, some cast-off of tattered cloth was spread over tbe
mat to make it more comfortable for sleeping. The richer ones
sometimes indulged in the luxury of a pillow stuffed with cotton.
For the commoners, wooden or straw planks placed underneath
the mats, served the purpose of a pillow for the head. In many
cases, however, no such head-rest was used at all. The tolerably
well-to-do among them used blanket or kamra as a wrap in
winter.59
The household utensils of the tribals were also neither very

numerous nor costly. The utensils used by them were made of
bell-metal, stone, wood and clay. Their service plate consisted
of a few bed-metal cups (dubris) and dishes of three sizes called
iliari.?, duva:, and chipnis. Those, who could afford bought
58. S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 175-176 ; also S.C. Roy
and R.C. Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 90-91.
59. S.C. Roy ; The M undas and Their Country, p . 377,

brass lota's for water to wash their hands, feet, and face and to
drink. Knives {katu) and meat-cutter bait hi, karchhul, etc, were
made of iron. They sometimes also used stone plates {pathra)
and cups ipathri). W ooden bow’s and spoons were also in com
mon use.
But, the number and kind of earthen utensils were the

largest. Earthen jars were used to hold drinking water. They
varied in size and shape. Those Who could not afford to buy
brass-Lotas used earthen cups (<Jhukas), and plates made o f Sal-
leaves. W'hile on travel, they used tvmba or pumpkin-gourd to
hold drinking water.
Various kinds o f bamboo baskets were also used for stor

ing household goods. Paddy was stored in bundles of different
sizes, made of straw-strings. It was called potoms by the Mundas.
Large bamboo baskets called chatkas were also used for this
purpose. Baskets of different sizes, known as khanchis, tunkis,
tupas, etc. were used for carrying or keeping the grain, vegetables
and the like. All these baskets were generally made by members
of castes and tribes like the Doms and the Bans-Mahlis. Wooden
pailas, made by tbe barhi or carpenter, were used for measur
ing grains. A set of scales called tula-dandi was kept in the houses
o f some well-to-do among the agricultural tribes. W ooden boxes
o f varied sizes were used by them to store their belongings.
These boxes were gnerally covered with lids at the top. Other
important utensils were winnowing fans, pounding stones, an d
brooms, which were required in day-to-day use.*0
FOOD AND DRINKS
The main food o f the tribal people o f Chotanagpur was
60. S.C. Roy ; The A/un tas and Their Country , pp. 375-377 ; also see
S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 176-180. Also see S.C.
Roy ; The Birhors, pp. 520-521 ; tee also 'S .C . Roy and R . C . Roy ;
The Kharias, pp. 91-96.
H ousing, Food, D ress, O rnam ents a n d T o iletry 8J
boiled rice.61 F o r a side-dish, the m o re w ell-to-do people used
boiled pulse o r dal, b u t, except on special occasions, th e p o o r
h a d only som e boiled green h erb s o r sag. A s a p a rtia l su b stitu te
fo r rice, they also used gondii, m aize an d m arua, fo r a few m o n th s
after these cro p s w ere harvested. F o r m ost trib esm en , th e p erio d s
fro m N ovem ber to A pril, w ere m o n th s o f p len ty , w hile th e re s t
o f the y ea r was a lean p erio d d u rin g w hich gondii, m illet a n d
marua Sow ers w ere eaten.
T he varieties o f pulses ord in arily eaten by th e m w ere, urid .

kurthi, bodi, barai, g ram a n d rahar. Besides green h erb s o r sagr
th e m ore w ell-to-do am o n g th em occasionally used v eg etab les
o f different kinds such as brinjals, rad ish , o n io n s, to m a to e s,
pum pkins, gourds, lady’s fingers, b eans, an d varieties o f arum ,
such as th e saru an d p echki, a n d ro o t vegetables such as th e
sw eet potatoes.* *
61. Paddy was grown by all the agricultural tribes o f Chotanagpur and
was used by them in the form of boiled rice. Those who did not culti
vate rice procured it from others. For example, most Hilt-Kharias.
did not grow rice themselves, but procured it by barter from their
neighbours. Similarly, the Birhors as a tribe, had not taken to agri
culture, and the cultivation of rice was particularly unknown among
them except in a few sporadic instances among the Jaghis. Rice was
highly esteemed as food. They generally exchang sd jam, honey or
‘chos’—string for rice, and whenever available, took a meal of rice-
boiled in water. (See S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 82
83 ; S.C. Roy ; The Birhors, pp. 514-515).
62. Vegetable cultivation was popular among most of the tribes of Chota
nagpur. It was, however, not very popular among the Hos in the
beginning, though gradually it became so. (Bulletin of B.T.R.I.,
Vol. Ilf, No. 1, Rekha O'Dhan’s article entitled, “The Hos o f
Saranda", pp. 91-92).
In fact, the tribal people relished vegetables, but it was generally

beyond their means to procure them. Gradually, however, vegetable
cultivation became popular among them and varieties of vegetables,
were grown in the bari-land of the aboriginals of Chotanagpur.
84 S o c ie ty in T rib a l In d ia
A s fa r th e e a tin g o f a n im a l flesh®3 w as c o n c e rn e d , sh eep ,

fo w l, g o a ts a n d in c e r ta in p a rts , p igs, w ere h a b itu a lly e a te n . B ut,
-as th e y w ere g e n e ra lly p o o r , th e y c o u ld h a r d ly affo rd to ta k e
m e a t re g u la rly . F ish , w h e n a v a ila b le f ro m r iv e r o r p o n d s , w as
e a te n as a d e lic a c y .
T h e o il u se d f o r c o o k in g w a s e x tra c te d e ith e r f ro m m u s ta rd
o r Jw rgtya-seeds.
63. Among the M undas, fowl and goats were reared for food, but were
killed and eaten chiefly on oc< ions o f festivals and sacrifices.
Except am ong the M undas of the Panch-Parganas, the use of beef,
pork and buffalo-meat as food was not altogether in disfavour
(See S.C. R oy’s The Mundas and Their Country, p. 380).
As for anim at food, the H ill-K harias ate almost every non-
poisonous animal-food except beef. They abstained also from eating
pork and monkey-flesh and m utton. Certain grubs were caught and
eaten by children with relish. D river speaks o f two sections of the
K harias, viz., the Paharias, and the Heosas who ate cows and animals
that died o f diseases. S.C. Roy, however, denies it. He informs us
that the H ili-K harias o f D halbhum district were reported by some
of their neighbours to eat carrion, even o f cow, if they could procure
it, but they strongly repudiated the im putation, when inquired.
The D helki-Kharias for a long tim e, had no objection to eating beef,
which the D udh-K harias religiously eschewed. (S.C. Roy and
R .C . Roy ; The Kharia, p. 88). ,
O f anim al food, the Birhors ate almost anything that they could
procure, except the m eat o f their totem beasts, birds, or reptiles and
the flesh of tiger, bear, jackals, wild-cats, domestic cats, snakes and
frogs, and among birds o f crows, cuckoos, kites, storks, and
vultures. The tortoise was not eaten. But the flesh o f all available
varieties were relished as food. Though reported to have been anthro-
pophagons at one tim e, the Birhors o f the period under review, were
not known to eat hum an flesh. On the occurrence o f a death in a
Birhor tanda, no one in the settlem ent was perm itted to eat animal
m eat, until the hoyon o r purificatory shaving cerem ony was per
formed, It is worth noting that the violation of this taboo was
regarded as tantam ount to eating the flesh o f the deceased person
(S.C Roy ; The Birhors, pp. S 19-520).
The Birhors employed the prim itive method o f scorching meat
by placing it between two red-hot stones (S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy ;
The Kharias, p. 89).
,
Housing Food, Dress, Or na me nt s a n d Toiletry 85
T h e p re p a ra tio n and m ode of t a k in g fo o d , s o m e tim e s ,

v a r ie d f ro m t r i b e t o tr i b e .04 A s in t h e H in d u f a m ilie s , th e f e m a le
64. D escribing the food h ab its o f th e M undas, S.C . Roy inform s us :

“ The daily m eals o f th e M u n d a are th ree in n u m b er— th e loari o r
m orning m eal, th e tikin mandi o r m idday m eal, a n d th e ayub mandi
o r the evening m eal. T he loari m eal consists of stale rice preserved
in w ater o v er-night, a n d a p in c h o f salt. T his is generally tak en at
ab o u t 8 a.m . by ad u lts, a n d a little e a rlie r by ch ild ren . T he p o o rer
people can n o t o ften afford to have loari b u t tak e for th e ir tikin mandi,
som e stale rice w ith sag an d m ar o r th e thick starchy liq u o r d ra in e d
off th e cooked rice. In m ore w ell-to-do M u n d a fam ilies, th e tikin
mandi, w hich is ta k e n at ab o u t n o o n , co n sists o f hot rice an d som e
boiled sag a n d dal o r pulse. T h e ayub mandi is g en erally ta k en
betw een 6. pm , a n d 8 p .m ., an d consists o f hot rice w ith sag o r d a l
o r both (S.C. R oy ; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 380).
T he B irhors used honey-com bs to g e th er w ith th e eggs an d la rv a s
in th e ir food and took it w ith relish. T hese w ere e a te n e ith e r raw or
afte r being scorched in fire w ith a jo M e af p laced above an d a n o th e r
below . (S.C. R oy ; The Birhors, p. 515).
The K h a ria s cooked food by boiling, ro astin g o r frying. T h ey
used salt in a large q u an tity . T hey took boiled rice m ixed w ith sa lt
w ithout throw ing out the w ater in w hich it was coo k ed . T he D udh
and D helki K harias prepared a sort o f curry by bo ilin g green vegeta
bles an d pulse w ith w hich they m ixed salt, pow dered tu rm eric, o n io n
and nepper.
In th e m ore w ell-to-do K h a ria fam ilies a sort o f cake was p re
pared w ith th e d ried up corolla of the murum a n d eaten as a delicacy.
T his was p rep ared by parching over a fire d rie d m arum flowers in th e
em pty e a rth en p o t. T he parch ed flowers w ere tak en o u t, a n d w hile
w arm , p o u n d ed along w ith some seeds o f e ith e r surguja or til, till
they got thoroughly m ixed up. T his was th e n m ade in to sm alt cakes
an d eaten.
A m ong pulses, urid was ea te n raw a n d also by bo ilin g in w ater
and salt. O th er pulses like barai, arhar, bodi, a n d m illets such as
gondii an d marua were also b o iled in w ate r a n d ea te n . Besides sa lt,
turm eric, pepper, o n io n , e tc ., were used as co n d im en ts. As a deli
cacy, p articu la rly at w edding a n d on festive occasions, b read , an d
cakes (pitha) were p rep ared w ith rice flour.
A m ong the H ill K h aria s, th e o ld m ethod o f scorching m eat for
food by w rapping it up b etw e en leaves a n d th ro w in g it on th e fire
was practised. O th e r n eighbouring tribes, on th e sam e level o f
cu ltu re, also ad o p ted th is m eth o d o f co o k in g m eat. B ut o th e r
sections o f th e K h a ria s, usually boiled m eat in w ate r an d ad d ed sa lt,
pepper a n d tu rm e ric pow der, to give it flavour. M eat was also ro asted
S6 S o ciety in T rib a l India
m e m b ers am o n g th e trib a ls d id th e co o k in g w o rk an d did not

s it d o w n to e a t b efo re th e m ale m em b ers h a d finished th eir
m eals. A t th e tim e o f each m eal, th e M u n d a , like .the o rth o d o x
H in d u s, d ro p p e d a few g rain s o f rice on th e g ro u n d in the n am e
■of his deceased ancesto rs.66 T h e B irh o rs d id n o t ta k e m ahua*
flow ers a n d fru its, u p la n d rice ( Gora), gondii, etc. until they had
■offered th e first-fru it o f th e seaso n to th e sp irits.66
It is im p o rta n t to n o te h ere th a t th e trib a ls co u ld n o t d ep

e n d on agricu ltu ral p ro d u cts th ro u g h o u t th e year. Tn fact, a large
m a jo rity o f th e ab o rig in als w ere obliged to live on sparse an d
■varied diet fo r m o re th a n fo u r m o n th s in th e year. D u rin g this
p erio d , th e food q u est o f th e trib als to o k th e fo rm o f hunting
w ild anim als a n d collecting ed ible ro o ts, fruits, flow ers an d leaves
in the jungles.
T h e fav o u rite d rin k o f th e trib a ls in C h o ta n a g p u r was

rice beer o r illi o r golang. E ach fam ily brew ed its ow n HU. T his
w as m ade o f boiled rice, w hich was ferm en ted an d m ixed with
c e rta in kind o f vegetable ro o ts (ranu). This Jiquor was sto red in
e a rth e n ja rs a n d becam e read y fo r use in a b o u t fo u r o r five
d a y s . In the co ld season, if le ft u n to u c h e d , it rem ain ed good
for food. Fish was cooked in the same way (S.C. Roy ; The Kharias,
pp. 83-89).
Among the Hos, food varied according to the classes or groups.
The Hos might be divided into two classes, the first group consisting
o f the Mundas, Man'cis and th :ir relatives ; the other consisted of all
those raiyats who did not belong to the original families. The social
exclusiveness explains the diversity of food that had become custom
ary among the two groups. The first group had adopted a number of
dishes from the caste people and had learnt to use spices and condi
ments. The second group preferred to keep their indigenous system
of preparing food undisturbed (See D.N. Majumdar; The Affairs o f a
Tribe, pp. 72-74). ■
The Santhals were a bit advanced in this respect. They prepared
meat, pulses and vegetabies by boiling and putting spices and salt.
They cooked young bamboo shoots and took them with relish (Refer
to Cecil Henry Bompas ; Folklore o f Samhai Parganas, p, 345). ’
65. S.C. Roy ; The Mania and Their Country, p. 381.
66. S.C. Roy ; The Birhors, p. 520.
H ousing, Food, D ress, O rnam ents and Toiletry 87
fo r a m onth o r even longer, b u t, in h o t w eath er, it w ould n o t be

d rin k a b le fo r m o re th a n th ree o r fo u r d ay s only.*7
T he K h aria s h a d phuW * as th e ir fav o u rite d rink. T he

phulli w as m ad e by stew ing fo r 12 h o u rs o r so o ver a slow fire
fresh m arum s (m ahua-flow ers), m ixed w ith beans. W h en the stew
becam e cold, it w as ta k en as b o th food an d d rin k . T his w as n o t
intoxicating by natu re.* 9
T h o u g h in th e beginning, th e trib a ls were n o t fond o f

d rin k in g distilled liquor, g ra d u a lly this becam e m o re an d m o re
p o p u la r am ong them 70 I f av ailab le, m ilk an d h oney w ere also
used as p o p u la r d rin k s. A m o n g th e H os, h o w ev er, th e re w as
n a tu ra l dislike fo r m ilk a n d its p ro d u cts.71
All th e tribals o f C h o ta n a g p u r, b o th men an d w om en,

universally used to b acco , generally in fo rm o f p o w d er mixed
w ith lim e. M o st o f them did n o t o rd in arily sm oke to b acco , b u t
a few used pow dered to b acco rolled u p in s a l o r som e o th e r
leaves in th e fo rm o f cig arettes.72 T h e use o f betel o r b etel-n u ts
w as practically unknow n except to th e H in d u ised M u n d a s an d
O ra o n s."1
67. For details of the preparation of rice beer, see, S.C. Roy ; The
Mundas and Their Country, pp, 381-382 ; also see S.C, Roy and R.C.
Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 89-90.
68. S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy ; The Kharias, p. 90.
69. Ibid.
70. “It is a most remarkable fact that the majority of Hinduised Mundas
have given up their age-long habit of drinking In the whole of
Pargana Barande there is practically not a single grog-shop". S.C,
Roy ; The Mundas and Their Coun'ry, p. 382.
71. D.N. Majumdar ; The Affairs o f a Tribe, p. 74.
72. Most of the Hill-Kharias smoke tobacco as leaf-eigarettes called
phika (S.C. Roy & R.C. Roy ; The Kharias, p. 89). The Mundas did
not ordinarily smoke tobacco, except in the eastern part of the
Ranchi district, where powdered tobacco rolled up in .raMeaf in the
form of cigarettes was smoked. (See S.C. Roy ; The Mundas and Their
Country, p. 382).
73. S.C. Roy; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 382.
DRESS, TOILETRY AND ORNAMENTS
The dress o f the tribal people was very simple and scanty.
About the Oraons, S.C. Roy records that the ordinary clothing,
both of men and women, might be said to serve more the pur
pose o f decoration, concealment, and advertisement, than that
o f inadequate covering o r protection from the civilized m an’s
point of view.7,1 This remark of S.C. P.oy, however, was also
characteristic of other tribes of Chotanagpur.
Their children generally remained naked till about five o r

six years of age, after which boys wore only a piece o f loin-cloth
7 to 10 inches in width and about one and a half yards in length.
Among the Kharias, it was called Khadia, while the Birhors
called it bhagoa, and the Hos called it kepar. In fact, it was a
small karea or batoi used by the adult-males. It was passed round
the things and wound round the waist. This was worn till the age o f
about twelve. The girls wore a piece o f cloth called putli o r
lahang-lutni, about four and a half feet long and one foot
wide.75
The traditional dress o f a tribal young man was a narrow

piece of loin-cloth called batoi, or kareya o r khadia or bhagoa.
This was generally about a foot in width and three or five feet
or even longer in length. It was wound round the waist and
then passed between the thighs once tightly and again loosely,
the end being allowed to hang down from the waist.7*
On festive occasions, the young aboriginals wore a kareya

with the two ends ornamented with figures inter-woven with
coloured thread and also a num ber of small round tassels o f red
thread hanging from the ends.
Young men also wore round their waist a sort o f belt
74. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 93.

75. S.C. Roy & R.C. Roy ; The Kharias, p. 524; S.C. Roy; The Birhors,
p. 99, Also see S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 96, _
76. S.C. Roy; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 364. Also see S.C. Roy; ‘
The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p 94.
H o u sin g t Food, D re ss, O rn a m e n ts a n d T o iletry 89
c a lle d kardhani. I t w a s a g ird le m a d e e ith e r o f tw isted c o tto n

th r e a d , o r c a c o o n silk o r o f th e fib re o f a c re e p e r sim ila rly
tw isted . T h e Kardhani h u n g d o w n a b o u t 12 in c h es fro m w aist
to w a r d s th e th ig h s. I t w as in d e ed a c o n v e n ie n t th in g in w hich
th e y c o u ld c a r ry , as in a p a c k e t, all th e o u tfit th a t a h u n te r a n d a
w o o d -c u tte r m ig h t re q u ire to c a rry w ith h im to th e ju n g le s /’
O ld m e n a n d th e p o o r in th e village o rd in a rily w o re o n ly a
bhagoa.
B esides lo in -c lo th , g e n e ra lly , w h ile g o in g o u t o n a jo u rn e y ,

a n d a ls o o n sp e cia l o c c a sio n s, m o s t o f th e trib a ls u sed a p iece o f
c lo th a s a w ra p p e r fo r th e u p p e r p a r t o f th e ir b o d y . T h is was
o f tw o k in d s : th e lo n g e r v a rie ty , ca lle d barki, m e a su rin g a b o u t
six y a r d s in le n g th , a n d w a s d o u b le d u p in w eaving ; a n d
th e s h o r te r v a rie ty c a lle d picbow ri, fro m five to six c u b its in
le n g th a n d less in w id th . .
In th e c o ld w e a th e r th e w e ll-to -d o a m o n g th e m also used

b la n k e ts as w ra p p e rs. B ut, th o s e , w h o c o u ld n o t affo rd to b u y
b la n k e ts , u se d o n ly th e b a rk i.'* T h e u se o f h e a d -d re ss w as n o t
v e ry c o m m o n a m o n g th e trib a ls o f C h o t a n a g p u r 7!l T h e y h a d
n o h e a d -g e a r.
T h e w o m e n o r d in a r ily w o re ro u n d th e w aist o n ly a lo in
c lo th c a lle d khanria o r lahanga. It w as a p iece o f c lo th about
77. S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 93-94; Also see S.C. Roy;
The Mundas and Their Country, p. 364; Also see S.C. Roy; 7he
Birhors, p. 524.
79. S.C. Roy; The Mundas and Thetr Country, p. 364. Also see S.C, Roy;
The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 94-95.
79. Among the Orao.is, only im portant persons put on piece o f karea
round the head to s;rve as a headdress while going on a visit to
other villages or to the market o r courts. But this, too, gradually
went out of use (S.C. Roy; The Oraons o f Chotonagpur, pp. 94-95).
Among the M undas, the head was usually uncovered. Occasionally,
however, well-to-do among them, while going to the market or
towns, more pagari or hsned as it was known in Mundari. A large
piece o f cotton cloth wound round the head in coils several times
served the purpose o f a bsne.l. O n dancing and festive occasions,
coloured bened was used.
Among the Birhors, the occasional use of head-dress pagwi wa;
noticed (S.C. Ro ; The Birhors, p. 525).
90 Society Tribal in India
four cubits long and tw o feet wide, w ith or w ithout borders and
reaching down to the knees. The upper p art o f the body was
w ithout any covering. Som ^/ women, however, covered their
breasts either by using a lahdnga a little longer, o r by w earing
another piece o f cloth in addition to lahanga, round the
chest.
The well-to-do am ong them p u t on sari, ten or twelve

cubits long, one end o f which was used to cover the trunk. This
was called paria by the M undas. They hardly used any u nder
w e a r/0 W ith the spread of education and growing influence o f
Hinduism and Christianity, there had been, however, rem arkable
changes in this field. E ducated o r converted tribal men began
to use dhoti, shirt, tunics, jackets and coats, while th e women
began to put on a m ill-m ade sari, blouse and saya (petticoat).
At weddings, festivals, and dancing occasions, people wore

th e best clothes they possessed. On cerem onial occasions they
put on their traditional d r e s s /1
Beth males and females, generally went bare-footed. Some

times, however, people p ut on a sort o f leather-sandaU called
kharpa or uhur-kharpa consisting only o f a sole with a strap
passing over the feet. W ooden shoes called khatus o r khatnahis
were of little use during the rains.82
A kind o f rainhat called chhupi o r chukrri m ade o f the

leaves o f the g/mgir-crceper, was used by men, and a kind of
w aterproof called gungu, covering the head and back and reach
ing dow n to the back o f the knees, was chiefly w orn by the
women. It was also m ade o f gungu leaves and teem ed with
bam boo splinters. B am boo umbrellas called chhattas or chatoms
80. D .N . M ajum dar; The A ffairs o f a T ribe, p. 82 ; also see S.C. Roy ; The
Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 96. A lso see S .C . Roy; The M undas and
Their C ountry, p. 365.
81. S ach id an an d a; Cultural Changes in Tribal Bihar, P a tn a , pp. 10-12.
82. S.C- Rov ; The Oraons o f C hotanagpur, p . 95; also see S .C . Roy;
The \ I Hildas and T heir C ountry, p, 366,
Housing, Food, Dress, O rnam ents and Toiletry 91
were also used during the rains.®* T he use o f im ported umbrellas

was also not altogether unknow n to them .
In their journeys from one village to ano th er or to the towns,

they carried with them a stick, a purse, a time-box and a small
box for carrying pow derd tobacco.84
Their dress was generally made o f co tto n . C loth were

m anufactured by the weaver castes such as the chik baraiks and
the jula/ias. Some o f them , particularly the converted Christian
and those who lived near the towns, were also using some im por
ted and m ill-m ade cloth. T he Hinduised or semi-Hinduised
aboriginals generally im itated their H indu neighbours in m atters
o f dress.85
M any o f the tribes were known for their personal cleanli

ness. They took bath in some neighbouring stream or spring,
ab o u t once or twice a week and, if possible, oil-bath.81 T he use
o f spap was practically unknown am ong them , an d they used
som e sort o f clay for washing their head and body.e; After bath
they used to com b their hair with bam boo o r wooden com bs.88
M en rarely kept beards, but m oustaches were sometimes kept.88
Y oung women used a kind of hair-pin, m ade o f iron o r

brass called kltongso, to hold together their wealth o f black hair
which was tied up in a knot or chignon with twists o f false hair
a t th e back of the head. They frequently decorated their bair
w ith flowers.90
83. S.C. R oy ; The M undas and Their C ountry, p. 367; also see S .C . R oy ;
The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 95.
*4. S .C . R oy ; The M undas and T heir Country, p. 361.
85. S .C . R oy ; The M undas and Their C ountry, p, 367.
86. S.C. R oy : The B irhors, p p. 525-526.
87. S .C . R oy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 96.
8 j, S .C . R oy ; The B irhors, p p . 525-526.
£y. ib id ., p. 525.
90. S .C . R oy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 99. Also D .N . M ajum dar ;
The A ffairs o f a JTribe, p p. 83-84; see also S .C . Roy ; ,T h e B irhors,
p. 526.
This love of persona! decoration was, to some extent,

shared by young men as well. It was not unusual to meet a
Munda or Oraon youth wearing long hair, which was well coiled
and combed, and tied up at the side in a knot with a wooden
hair-comb stuck in it. They appear to have formerly worn their
hair long, but the example of the numerous Christian converts
amongst them was influencing them in cutting their hair short.
Non-Christians amongst them, however, had to keep a pig-tail
(dmndi}. In some instances, this chundi was allowed to grow
very long, when it was tied up in a small knot.91
Among the tribes, young women were fond o f decorating

their persons with a large variety o f ornaments. These ornaments
were generally made of brass, for very few of them could afford
to go in for jewellery of more costly metals. Ornaments of other
metals such as gold and silver were, however, worn by well-to-
do women, who cQuld afford them.
The ornaments ordinarily worn were, for the arms, various

types of brass bracelets, called sakom and kankan, (sometimes)
iron bracelets, called betas were also used) ; lac-bracelets called
lahti, brass armlets called tar, and glass armlets called churiu ;
for the neck, brass necklets called hamuli (imitation of coin
necklace, which was widely u se d ); and for the legs, brass anklets
called andu o r painra.
Besides these, ear-omaments of different types called lolas

adorned their ears. The ears were pierced for the purpose o f
wearing ear-rings, and the holes thus made were abnormally
distended by inserting pith-sticks into them. Parkis or ear-rings,
made of brass and occasionally o f silver or even of gold, were
also worn.
The poor M unda women used a peculiar ear-ornam en:

called tar-sakom. This consisted of a roll o f palm leaf o r some
similar leaf o f about an inch and a half in width and about
9J. S.C. Roy ; The M undas and Their Country, p. 365 ; also see S.C. Roy ;
The Oraons o f Chotanagpur y p. 10!-
/ Housing, Food, Dress, Ornaments and Toiletry 93
three-fourths o f an inch in diam eter, dyed red, and set off with
tinsel and lace.
N ose-om am ents were also w orn by girls. At the age o f

five o r six years, a girl got the left nostril pierced and ’ a reed
inserted into the hole. Two or three years later, the reed was
replaced by a pose-pin nak-mudri ; and finally, four years o r so
later, the nose-pin was, if circum stances perm itted, replaced by a
silver ornam ent.
On the fingers, young w om en w ore as many rings (mudams)

as they could get. O f these, some were m ade o f iron o r copper
o r brass or even gold. Polas o r ring for the large too, and
jhutias or ring for the o th er toes m ade o f brass were generally
used. Different types o f hair-pins khongso were also used by
the aboriginal maidens o f C h o tan ag p u r.9-
This love o f parsonal decoration as stated before, was to

some extent, shared by the young men as well. They also, like
the young girls, decorated their arm s, necks, fingers and hair
w ith different types o f ornam ents, though less elaborate and few
in num ber. Old men had nothing to do with all these things.93
Besides the dress and ornam ents, tattooing was a com m on

mode o f personal decoration. W hatever might have been the
original object o f tattooing, it cam e to be regarded by the tribals
92. F or deta Is o f ornam ents refer to D .N . M aium dar ; The Affairs o f a

Tribe, p. 86 ; also see S.C. Roy ; The M undas and Their Country, pp.
367-369; see also S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur ; pp. 97-99 ;
also S.C. Roy and R.C. Roy; The K harias, p. 100; refer to S.C. Roy ;
The Birhors, pp. 526-527; also see Bihar Through the Ages, Ed. by R .R ,
Diwakar, p. 702. Also A .D . Tuckey ; The Kolhan Resettlement, con
taining, “ N otes on the H os" by M r. D han Mashi P anna, Appendix
E: p. 118.
93. S.C. Roy ; The Munda and Their Country, p . 3 69; also S.C. Roy &
R .C . Roy ; The Kharias, p. 100 ; see also S.C. Roy ; The Oraons o f
Chotanagpur, p. 100.
as the cheapest mode o f decoration. Though it had become less

and less popular among men, women were still fond o f it—
and it was done when they were quite young. They used to get
their forehead, the two temples, chin, the back, the arms, the
bands and the feet elaborately tattooed. Tattooing was some
times associated with magical purposes.
CHAPTER III
GAMES, SPORTS, FESTIVALS AND

OTHER PASTIMES
NON-TRIBAL SOCIETY
Elderly persons, both among the Hindus and the Muslims,

considered games as childish. Children and, to some extent, young
men, however, had some sort of liberty to take part in certain
games and the grown-up men were allowed only to watch them
and to be amused. These persons were more prone to the cultiva
tion of those arts that delighted the intellect than developed the
muscles.1
Among the most im portant out-door games played in the

villages were Dandaguli, Hededudu or Kabaddi, wrestling and
football. In towns, however, English games such as cricket,.
1. P. Thomas ; Hindu Religion, Custom s am! Manners, 3rd c d ,, pp. 68-69-

Society in Tribal India
football, tennis, badminton etc. were becoming more popular.

The danrfa-guli was a kind o f primitive, bat-and-ball game, with
a large stick (danda) for a bat and a small piece o f wood (gitli)
for a ball.
Hededudu or Kubaddi was also an ancient and popular

game. The players were divided into two parties, separated by a
line. If a member of one o f the parlies could cross over to the
side of the opposite party, touched a member o f it, and returned
to his own side, all in one breath, the man so touched was sup
posed to be ‘dead*. If, on the contrary, he was caught hold of
and detained till he took another breath, he was considered as
"dead’. Thus the game went on until all the members o f one o f
the parties ‘died’ aQd the opposite party being declared the
■winner.
Wrestling was the most fashionable and popular amuse

ment, particularly among the villagers. Among the martial
classes, there were many manly games apart from wrestling,
intended to build up good physique and endurance. Even elderly
persons took keen interest in them. The Hindus were adepts in
the use of stick as a weapon o f offence and defence. A well-train
ed man could wheel a stick so effectively that a dozen unarmed
persons were helpless against him. Display of fighting with stick
was popular as wrestling.*
Football was the most favourite game both among rural

and urban people. But the manner o f its playing differed. In
villages, the rules of the jam e were few and vague. Before the
coming of the British, the ball was made of leaves o r twigs.
Later on, the English pattern was followed and much perfection
was acquired in it. Foctball was becoming very popular among
the students.1
2. P.N. Bose : A History o f Hindu Civilization during British Rule, vol. II,
pp. 150-1S I.
:J . Ibid., p . 151; also refer to P. Thomas; Hindu Religion, Customs and
Manners, 3rd ed., p. 68.
Games, Sports, Festivals and Other Pastimes 97
W ith th e p a ssa g e o f tim e , th e r e h a d b e e n ra d ic a l c h a n g e s
in th e o u td o o r g a m e s . G a m e s lik e kabaddi, danda-gult a n d w re s t
lin g g ra d u a lly w e n t o u t o f fa sh io n a n d E n g lish g a m e s su ch a s
c ric k e t, te n n is , b a d m in to n , a n d f o o tb a ll b e c a m e v e ry p o p u la r ,
p a rtic u la rly a m o n g th e u r b a n p e o p le .
A m o n g th e im p o r ta n t in d o o r gam es w ere ch ess, pasha,

c a rd s, Daspanchish, A shta-Kashti, Hughal Pathan, B agh ban di ;
e tc .4 E u ro p e a n g a m e s lik e b illia rd s a n d a few o th e rs w ere g r a d u
ally b e c o m in g p o p u la r in towns.®
H u n tin g fo r p le a su re w as th e m o st im p o r ta n t p a s tim e f o r
th e ric h p e o p le a n d th e p e o p le o f m a rtia l a n d h ig h e r c la s s e s ,
esp ec ially th e R ajas a n d th e la n d lo rd s . S o m e tim e s , th e ir h u n tin g
e x p e d itio n s w e re q u ite e la b o r a te a ffa irs in v o lv in g th e use o f
e le p h a n ts , tr a in e d a n im a ls a n d an a r m y o f m e n th a t h e lp e d in
h u n tin g . T h e v illa g e rs o f te n d id h u n tin g f o r m e a t.
C o c k , b u ffa lo , a n d ra m fights® a n d p ig e o n fly in g w ere a ls o

im p o r ta n t p a s tim e s f o r th e c o m m o n e rs a n d th e y g e n e ra lly in d u l
g e d in th e m w ith m u c h in te re st.
Ju g g le ry a n d m a g ic w ere also very p o p u la r b o th in th e

villages a n d th e to w n s. T h e ju g g le rs a n d m a g ic ia n s w e n t f ro m
p la ce to p la ce e x h ib itin g v a rio u s fea ts a n d tric k s o f h a n d fo r f u n
a n d fo r e a rn in g th e ir liv e lih o o d .
4. For details o f these games, refer to P.N. Bo.e; A H istory o f Hindu

Civilization during British Rule, Vol. II, pp. 145-149 ; See also
P. Thomas ; Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, 3rd ed., p 68.
5. P. Thomas ; Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, 3rd ed,. p.68.
6. The ram-fight was held in a large open space with a ring of spectators.
all round. Released sim ultaneously from opposite sides o f th e
arena, the ram s made a frantic rush for one another, meeting in the
centre with a shock that often for a moment stunned them both.
But a ram 's strength is proverbial. They were soon on their feet
again, prepared to fight it out. As soon as one g ined a distin t
advantage, they were separated and not much harm was allowed to
be done. (F B. Bradley Birt ; Chotonagpu-, A Little-known Province
o f the Empire, 2nd ed„ Sm ith E lder & Co., London, 1910, p. 62). In
cock-fights and buffalo-fights, a sim ilar pattern was followed.
D escribing their ‘m iracles” P .N . Bose writes :
They create an egg in an em pty bag, and cause a dead goat

to drink w ater. They can dance upon a rope, vom it fire, and
som etim es th ru st a knife through a m an ’s neck w ithout injuring
it—which may be reckoned their chef d ’oeuvre.
‘‘T here are juggling women, who, unacquainted wilh the
higher mysteries o f the occult science, are only proficient in show
ing in their ow n gums a variety o f teeth— teelh o f m onstrous
size.7 Besides these jugglers and magicians, Bahurupiai, rope-
dancers, snake-charm ers and a gro u p o f Madaris, who exhibited
dances o f monkeys, bears, elc., were also found perform ing their
skills and earning th eir livelihood. N o t only this, the Yogis
also perform ed num erous feats and exhibited them to the general
public.8
Music, dance and d ram a were o th er p o p u lar entertain

m ents. D ram a and dance program m es were organised by those
w ho were given to th e cultivation o f such arts th a t delighted
th e ir intellect. M usic was univeisally appreciated by th e H indus
a n d the Muslims, except those M uslims who were very orthodox
a n d thought it to be anti-religious in character.
M usic form ed p a rt o f rituals and cerem onials. People of

higher classes were connoisseurs >f music and dancing. To
d ance o r to sing was supposed to be derogatory to the dignity o f
th e respectable persons. So far as women were concerned, the
w ords ‘dancer’ o r ‘singer’ used to be synonyms fo r prostitute.
People loved to see others dancing but were reluctant to dance
' them selves.8
T ow ards th e end o f the period, cinem a houses, exhibiting

•films, were also started in a few towns o f C hotanagpur and in
-due course c f time, cinema-shows becam e the m ost im portant
and com m on m eans o f entertainm ent.
7. P .N . Bose ; A History o f Hindu Civilization during Briiisi; Rtde,

V ol. II, p. 152. .
S. ib id , pp 152-153.
■9. P . T h o m a s ; Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, 3rd e d ., J9J6, p. 69.
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
Both Hindus and Muslims celebrated a number o f religious

festivals throughout the year. Festivals were the occasions of
great rejoicing and merry-making. They were celebrated with
great enthusiasm by both communities. It was often found that
one community co-operated with the other on these occasions
and the present feeling o f bitterness and antipathy was to be
observed only in the later part o f the period under review. Apart
from this, there was nothing remarkable about these festivals.
Their nature remained the same as it is today. The important
festivals celebrated by the Hindus were Vasanta Panchami, Holi,
Ramnavami, Bisua, {Satuon), Rathayatra, Tij, Karma, Jitla,
Janamastami, Dashehra, Dipavali, Bhaia-Duj, Chhat, Makar-
Sankranti, etc.
The festival o f Vasanta Panchami was the fore-runner of

the spring season and was observed in the month o f Magha
(February-M arch). Goddess Sarasvati was worshipped on this
occasion. The ceremony was followed by rejoicing, dancing,
singing and spraying of coloured powder (abir, gulal, etc.) and
water. Holi was, as it is even today, a very popular festival
among the Hindus. Tt was observed on the last day of the bright
half o f Phalguna fFebruary-M arch). For a few days on the eve
of this festival, the Hindus of all castes and classes drenched
everybody with coloured water and rejoiced. Rakhi Purnima in
the m onth o f Sravana was also a favourite festival of the Hindus.
On that day, the rakhis (a string made of silk thread and tinsel)
were put as wristlets on the hands of males by their sisters or
other maidens, as a token of good luck and affection.
The festival of Dashehra, occurred on the tenth day of

the Shukla-Paksha in the month of Asvin (September-October)
and the worship o f Goddess Durga was performed with great
enthusiasm. On the eve o f Dipawali or Diwali (the festival of
lamps) Goddess Lakshmi was worshipped and houses were
decorated with lamps. The Rathayatra festival was performed
in Asadh (July) in different parts of Chotanagpur. Other festi
vals were also celebrated in the same manner as they are cele
brated even today.
Among the Muslims, the most important festivals were

ld-ul-Fitr, Id-ul-Zohz, Mohurram, and Sab-i-Barat. The dates
of the Id festival depended upon the visibility o f the moon. On
these occasions, prayers were offered and on that day people put
on new dress and ate sumptuous food. Shab-i-Barat, (the night
of records) was celebrated on the fourteenth night of the month
of Shaban. On this occasion, prayers were offered in congrega
tion. The religious enthusiasts, however, spent the whole night
in offering special prayers and reciting the Holy Koran.
Mohurram (a festival of mourning) was one o f the most

important festivals o f the Muslims, especially with the Shias. It
is observed by the Muslims in honour of Hussain, the grandson
o f Prophet M ohammad, who was slain on the field o f Karbala
on the banks of the Euphrates. The festival lasted for ten days,
but the great day was the tenth when vast processionists carrying
tazzias and flags and leading a gaily decorated but riderless
horse thronged the street. The, tazzias were wonderful mosque
like structures in miniature, made of wood and covered with
white cloth or paper, and gay with gold and silver tinsel. They
were carried on shoulders and a huge procession followed them.10
The nature o f the celebration of festivals among the Muslims
also has remained the same as it is today.
Besides these festivals, many large annual fairs were held

in Chotanagpur, such as at Chutia, P ithopa, Jagam athpur,
Daltonganj, Chaibassa, Chakultor, and Anara. These fairs were
visited by people o f all classes and provided healthy entertain
ment.
A bout the Ranchi or Chutia Fair, WiW. H unter gives the

following details :
10. F.B . B radley-B irt; Chotanagpur, A Little-know n Province o f the

Empire, pp. 55-56; See also B ihar T hrough the Ages, ed. by R .R .
D iw akar, p. 679.
“ The Ranchi o r C hutia Fair was first established in 1851

by Mr. C raw ford, Agent o f the G overnor-G eneral o f India for
the South-W est Frontier Agency, at Silli, ab o u t 38 miles east o f
Ranchi, on the main road to Purulia. In 1855, M r. Ricketts, in
his Report on Chutianagpur, speaks o f the poverty o f the chiefs
living round Silli, and the w ant of shelter for persons attending
the fair ; and recommended its removal to C h u tia, where there
was a mango grove covering over a hundred acres o f land, three
large tanks, the River S uvam arekha close at hand, a village in
which goods might be secured and the bazar at Ranchi, less
than two miles off for visitors to lodge in. This proposal was
carried out and the fair had since been held at Chutia. “ The
original object of the Fair was to establish an attractive centre
for the general encouragem ent o f trad e and exhibition of local
produce : to improve the social relations between the different
chief's, who were disposed to isolate themselves, and to bring
them into friendly com m unication w ith the E uropean officers o f
the Province. F or some years these objects were to a certain
extent attained, and the annual Fair is still regarded as a great
social gathering ; but as a meeting for th e purpose of trade ; it
had of late years declined.11
The fair gave an opportunity for entertainm ent and

rejoicing to the visitors and they witnessed many native sports
such as three-legged race, greasy-pole-climbing, jum ping and
running races, etc. Besides, many jugglers and magicians came
there to show their jugglery, feats and skill and people were also
delighted in seeing cock and ram -fights.1"
At Pithoria, a festival known as the Ind Parab was an

nually held in honour o f the race o r ‘Ntgabanshi Rajas race. Its
im portant feature was a huge um brella raised ab o u t 40 feet high
on a long pole. T he exciting part o f the ceremony consisted in
hoisting it, all the villagers being eager to lend a hand and exe
11. W .W . H u n te r ; A .S .T .A .B ., Voi. X V I, p u b . in 1877. p. 322.

12. F.B . B radlcy-B irt ; Chotanagpur, 4 Littte-knerm Province o f the
Empire, p p . 60-62.
cuting a kin d o f m a y p o le d an ce ro u n d it w hen it w as a t last

securely fixed.1* T h e festiv al h a d ta k en th e fo rm o f a F a ir.
S im ilar in n a tu re w as th e ce le b ra tio n o f Raihyaira festi

val held a t J a g a n n a th p u r, a few m iles fro m R an ch i. A huge
fair w as held o n th is o ccasio n .14
A large a n n u a l fa ir w as also held a t D alto n g an j. I t w as

sta rte d in th e y ea r 1873 fo r th e p ro m o tio n o f social w elfare
am ong th e people a n d d ev elo p m en t o f tra d e a n d com m erce in
th e d istric t o f P a la m a u . A g o o d n u m b e r o f p eo p le g ath ered a t
th e fa ir.15
A t C h a ib a ssa, a larg e fair w as h eld yearly a b o u t C hristm as

tim e.1* In M a n b h u m , a n n u a l fairs w ere h eld a t C h a k u lto r an d
A n a ra . T h e C h a k u lto r F a ir com m enced in S ep tem b er a n d lasted
a b o u t a m o n th . T h e A n a ra F a ir was held d u rin g th e Charak Puja
o r sw inging festival,17 in th e m o n th o f A p ril a n d lasted fo r a b o u t
20 days.
13. F .B . B ra d le y -B irt ; C h o ta n a g p u r, A L ittle -k n o w n P rovince o f th e

E m p ire, p . 66.
14. I b id ., p p . 66-68.
15. W .W . H u n t e r ; A .S .T .A .B ., V ol. X V I, p. 323.
16. F .B . B ra d le y -B irt ; C h o ta n a g p u r, A L ittle -k n o w n P ro vin ce o f th e

E m p ire , p . 9 9.
17. F .B . B ra d le y -B irt, c o m m e n tin g o n C h a ra k P u ja sa y s: “ C n e o f th e

m o s t c u r io u s is th e C h a ra k P u ja r e m in is c e n t o f th e o ld d a y s w hen
d e a th , to r tu r e a n d m u tila tio n w e re th e c o m m o n a c c o m p a n im e n t o f
H in d u w o rsh ip , I t is g e n e r a lly k n o w n a s th e h o o k -sw in g in g fe s tiv a l,
ih e d e v o te e s b e in g sw u n g u p in th e a i r b y m e a n s o f h o o k s th r u s t
in to th e flesh , a n d , th o u g h lo n g sin c e s tr ic tly p r o h ib ite d by law ,
a lm o s t e v e :y y e a r u n t i l r e c e n tly cases o f its h a v in g ta k e n p la c e w ith
fu ll r i te s w e re r e p o r te d in v a r io u s d is tr ic ts . I t is o n e o f th o se
g h o s tly e x h ib itio n s t h a t a p a s t race o f H i n d u s m o re sp e c ia lly d e
lig h te d in , a n d th e d e v o te e s th e m s e lv e s , f r o m a ll a c c o u n ts , eagerly
u n d e r w e n t t h e t o r tu r e , p r o b a b ly w ell d ra g g e d to m itig a te w hat
w o u ld o th e rw ise h a v e b e e n p h y sic a l a g o n y . E a c h d e v o te e ap p iO ach e d
t h e p rie s t in tu r n a n d fell full le n g th o n th e g ro u n d b e f o re h im , h is
b a c k a n d sh o u ld e rs b a re .
TR IB A L SO C IE T Y
Games and sports
A large variety o f gam es, sports and o th er pastim es had

been popular with m ost o f the tribal boys and girls. M ost o f
them were played by young boys and girls together; a few by
girls only and the others by boys only.
Analysing th e nature o f these gam es and sports o f the H os,

D .N . M ajum dar records thus,
There are games in which children copy the productive

activities o f their elders, there are others in which
they im itate the activities o f various anim als, identify
ing themselves with peculiar species o f their gait an d
movements o r by mimicking their howls or groans.
Sometimes the children are found to create new gam es
by com bining elements from different games. T here a re
also games which display movement, like running, swimm
ing. climbing trees or mimicking dance movements o f
particular m em bers o f the village, and there are games o f
skill, chance o r enterprise.18
This rem ark o f M ajum dar also holds true with other tribes
of C hotanagpur. The indigenous tribal games may be roughly
divided into three classes, athletic sports, popular juvenile
pastimes and dram atic games.
Am ong the athletic sports played by most o f the tribes,

im portant were, Phoda or Phodi, Khati, Bheja, Gobar-hot-khel,
Chengahot, Hardanga and many o th e is.lu Im portant games in the
second category were Chhut Boura-lnu o r Sikar, Kanju, Kasu,
Hota-dartda, Tukaodanda, Ku!ao chak Landapati, Uknu-Inti,
18. D .N . M a ju m d a r ; The Affairs o f a T'ibe, pp. 117-118

19, Phodi o r Phoda was played m ostly by ihe M u n d a s, th e B irh o rs ar.d
th c K h a r ia s . I t w as a k in d o f hockey . I n t h i s g a m e , th e hall v.as
pick ed up by a p layer o n o n e sid e A p la y e r from th e o th e r side
cam e to c o n fro n t h im , T h e first player threw the b all in to the a ir .
Kowri-Indu Dundu-Inu, H u n te r th e S lip p e r, Kowa Dhopong ,

L o rk a o r Sam bher o r Sam ber, L ed-L ed, Lokaguti, Chal-guii,
TiligutL 20
and both players strike it. T hus the game proceeded till the ball was
driven to one or the other of the fixed boundaries, P h o d a or P h o d
matches were also played between two villages (S.C, Roy; T h e M u n d a s
a n d T h e ir C o u n tr y , p. 490; also S.C, Roy and R .C . Roy; T h e K h a r ia s ,
p. 462).
The game of K h a ti, which was a kind o f cricket, was played in
■some shady place. Against a peg, fixed at some distance, the player
propelled a small flat piece o f wood by holding a short stick upright
behind it and striking against th is sharply with a third stick (Refer to
:S.C. Roy; T h e M u n d a s a n d T h e ir C o u n tr y , p. 490; Also S.C. Roy and
R .C , Roy; T h e K h a r ia s , p . 462; S.C. Roy; T h e B ir h o r s , p . 535.)
The game o f B h e ja was most popular with the X harias. In this
:game the boys went with their bows and arrows to an open field.
T here they planted th eir arrows together on the ground. The one,
whose arrow was the shortest would select the target. If one failed to
hit the target, th en the boy, whose arrow was the next in height,
would select a target. If any of the players could h it the target, the
'boy, who, selected the target, would have to select another target.
And so it went on till someone had failed to h it it. T hen the boy,
whose arrow was next higher in length, would select a target, and
so on it w ent till every one had a chance of selecting his target.
. Finally the boy, whose target was hit by the largest num ber of his
companions, selected a tall tree and trie d to shoot his arrow over the
head o f the tree an d beyond it. O re after the other all tried to do the
sam e. The boy whose arrow went farthest would be entitled to take
any o f the arrows o f other boys, that he might choose for himself
(S.C, Roy & R.C. Roy; T h e K h a r ia s , pp. 462-463).
O ther games in this category were also o f the same nature,
20 C h h u t was one of the most im portant and popular games played by
young M undas, Birhors and Hos. In this game, a couit was drawn on
the ground by scratching parallel lines. The players divided them
selves into two parlies of equal strength, and a crude form of lottery
was made which decided which party should defend first. The
farthest portion above the last line was the goal and if any member
of the attacking party could come back to th e place of starting, after
reaching the goal without being touched by any member o f lb®
defending party, who stood on g u ard in the lines, the game was won.
If any o f the members was caught by the defending party member,
while running through the courts, the party had to change place and
there was no score on the offensive side (S.C. Roy; The M u n d a s and
Ga m e s , Sports, Festivals a n d Other Pastimes 105
The d ra m a tic gam es fo rm e d th e m o st i n te r e s ti n g

c a te g o r y o f tr ib a l g a m e s . T h e y w e r e m e a n t to c o m b in e a t n u s e -
Their Country, p. 491; Also M an in In iia , Vol. V, pp. 193-194; Also

D .N . M ajum dar's, T he Affairs o f a Tribe, p. 118).
Boura-Inu o r Sekar was an o th e r p o p u lar gam e o f sp in n in g th e to p .
This was played w ith th e to p . w hich was m ade to spin on its p o in t
by draw ing a strin g ro u n d its stem . {S.C. Roy; The Mundas and Their
Country, p. 492; Also M an in India, V ol. V. a rtic le o f D .N . M ajum .
d a r en title d , “ Some O u td o o r a n d S edentary G am es o f t h e H o s o f
K o lh an ’, p. 194).
The gam es o f Kanju, Kasu, Hotadanda, Tukaodattda, Kulaochal
an d Landapaii w ere chiefly played by th e Hos. (F o r details o f these
gam es see D .N . M ajum d ar; The A ffa irs o f a Tribe, pp. 118-120. Also
refer to Man in India, Vol. V, an a rtic le by D .N . M ajum dar en titled ,
“ Some O u td o o r a n d S ed entary G am es o f th e H os o f K o lh an ’, pp.
194-201).
In th e gam e o f T ilig u ti, m ost popular am ong th e M u rd as and
th e B irhors, seven holes w ere m ade in each o f two parallel lines on
th e grourid and five small stones (Gutika) were shifted ab o u t in those
holes by tw o opposing p lay ers (S.C. Roy; T he Mundas and Their
Country, p 491; Also see S.C. Roy; The Birhors, p. 536).
In Kowri-Inu. two boys sto o d fa te to face, jo in in g th e ir h an d s
a n d repeatedly chopping th e m . Two o th e r boys, with th eir hands
sim ilarly jo in e d , run u n d e rn e a th th e jo in e d h an d s o f the form er p air
from one side to the other (S .C . Roy; The Mundas and Their Cotmtry,
p. 491).
Dundu'lnu o r Sundu-Khel was a v ariatio n of the b lin d m an 's buff.
A boy’s eyei w ere olindfo l ded an d his p aym ates slapped him one
afte r th e o th er. W hen he co u ld recognise a boy slapping him , his
eyes were uncovered, a n d the boy, w ho had just slapped him
a n d had been caught, took his place a n d the gam e w ent on (S.C .R oy;
The M undas and Their Country, pp. 491-492; also see S.C. Roy; 7Vie
B i'hors, p. 536).
Hunter the Slipper” was on e o f th e E uro p ean gam es introduced
by C hristian M issionaries am ongst the M unda an d the O raon boys.
In this game, a large n um b er of boys sat down in a row w ith th e ir
legs extended in fro n t, an d a piece o f rag was adriotly passed o n
under the legs o f the boys, on e boy passing it on to an o th er unobse
rved, one o r m ore boys m oved above try in g to find o ut the rag (Sec
S C. Roy; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 492).
Kows-Dhopong was a p o p u la r game with th e K h arias an d was
played with five sm all pebbles calcd Guti. T hree to six boys generally
sat in a circle a n d played th e gam e. T h e five gutis were p aced
together on th e g round in fro n t o f th e boy, who sta rted the gam e.
m e a t w ith in stru c tio n . T h e y w e re g e n e ra lly p la y e d in th e ev en in g .

M o s t o f th e tr ib e s h a d a la rg e n u m b e r o f g a m e s o f th is c a t
e g o ry . I m p o r ta n t a m o n g th e m w ere Kantara-Inu o r th e J a c k -
f r u it g a m e o r Kanthra-Kanthra, Didi-Irtu o r V u ltu re -p la y ,
Tuyu-merom, Chilhor-hor, D heko-K oko, M ali-Inu, Ma!i-Inu (in
w a te r), Kind-lnung, Gaigai-Inung, e tc .21
He took up one g u ti , at a tim e, threw it up and while it went up, he

had to pick up another g u t i before the former came down, and with
the second g u t i in his hand, he had to catch hold of the first £UW'
before it dropped down on the ground. He had to do the same with
all the five g u t is , one after another; so th at he would finally have all
the five in his hands. If he failed any tim e, he had to give up th e
gutis to the boy next to him, who, in his turn would try his hand in
the same m anner.
W hen all the players had tried, they repeated in the same order,
six times or m oie. Then, again, every boy tried in the same order to
take up two g u / i s a t a tim e from the ground while throwing up one
g u ti. ' •
When this had been tried seven tim es, they would again proceed
in the same order to take up three g u t is at a tim e, then four g u t is at
a tim e, two other g u tis were placed one cubit apart in the m anner
described above, and a boy tried to pick up the tw o g u tis after
throwing up one g u t i an d catching the other g u t i th at was thrown
up. The boy, who succeeded in the attem pt, was declared the winner,
(S.C. Roy & R.C. Roy; T h e K h a r ia s , p. 4 6 4 ). O ther important
games played by young K haria boys and girls, together o r separately
were L o r k a o r S a m b h e r or S o m b e r . L e d - L e d , L o k a g u ti, C h a l- g u ti, etc.
(For details of these games, refer to S.C. Roy; T h e K h a r ia s , pp. (46 4
471.)
21 The game of K a n ta r a -I n u or K a n th a r a -K a n th r a (the Jackfruit game)
was very popular among the M unda, tke Birhor, an d the K haria
children. A number o f little boys and girls joined in this game. One
represented a jackfruit tree and rem ained standing in the middle. The
others represented its fruits and rem ained seated, hoiding the leg and
truna of the boy, who represented the tree. A nother, boy, a little
older and stronger than the rest represented a thief, and still another
represented th e owner of the tree. The th ief came stealthily and
felt each fruit to see if it was ripe and took up one of the boys
representing a jack-fruit, and moved away with him running.
W hen the owner gave a chase, others also got up and joined the
chase as sipahis or constables, shouting Chor chor. When the thief
was caught he was seized by his hands a n d legs by the other boys
and swung forwards and backwards by way o f punishm ent (S.C.
Games, Sports, Festivals and Other Pastimes io r
All these gam es w ere p la y ed by m o st o f th e trib e s o f

C h o ta n a g p u r, except th o se w ho w ere still savage a n d w ere
u n ab le to ap p re cia te th e im p o rta n ce o f gam es an d sp o rts in
th e ir life. Besides th ese indigenous gam es, th e trib a ls, u nder
th e H in d u an d C h ristian influences also im itated som e o f the
gam es played by th e H indus an d th e C hristians. W ith the
grow th o f ed u catio n , English gam es like fo o tb all, hockey,
b a d m in to n , tennis, etc. also g rad u ally becam e p o p u la r am ong
them .
H U N TIN G
F o r a long, long tim e R o m em h u n tin g w as p ractised as an

o cc u p atio n by th e trib es o f C h o ta n a g p u r. But, d u rin g th e period
u nder review , m any o f th e ag ricu ltu ral tribes such as th e O rao n s,
th e M u n d a s, th e S anthals, th e C h e ro s, th e K h arw ars, th e H os, an d
m o st o f th e K h a ria s and o th e r m in o r tribes had left h u nting as an
o cc u p atio n , an d only a few tribes, w ho w ere still savage, such as
th e H ill-K h arias, the B irhors, the K orw as, etc. d ep en d ed on
h u n tin g as th e p rincip al source fo r securing food. Som e o f th e
trib e s p ra c tise d hu n tin g as th e ir sub sid iary occupation.
B ut, m ost o f th e trib es to o k to h u n tin g m o re fo r th e sake

o f pleasure and as a favourite pastim e. T he O ra o n s still celeb rated
th e m em ory o f old days by p erio d ical h u n tin g excursions o f a
socio-religious n a t u r e / 2 Besides, th ey h ad w h a t w ere called
Roy & R.C. Roy; T he K h a ria s, p. 463; also see S.C. Roy; T he M undas
an d T heir C o u n try . pp. 492-494).
The Mundas had Similar games like D id i-ln u , T uyu O ro S im -ln u ,
etc. (For details, see S.C, Roy; T he M undas a n d T heir C o u n try , p. 494).
Among the Kharias, T u yu -m ero m , C h il-h o r-h u r and D h tk o -K o k o
were of th e same nature (For other details, sec S.C. Roy & R C.
R o y , T h e K h a ria s, pp. 463-467).
Some of the games of the Hos such as M a li-in u , M a li-in u (in
water), K ind-Inw tg, G aigni-Inung , etc. were of the same nan,re (For
further details, see M a n In India, Vol V, an article by D.N.
Majumdar entitled, “ Some Outdoor and Sedentary Games of the
H osof Kolhans” , pp. 198-200).
22 The periodical hunting excu'sions of the Oraons were three in
number; the great tribal hunt called ‘Bisu Sendra’ held in the month
of Baisakh (April-May), the less important ‘Phagu Sendra, held in:
Dournha Sikar o r inform al hunts held according to th e pleasure

a n d convenience o f each village o r group o f villages.
Besides pleasure, magic also played an im portant role in the

case of the tribal hunting. F o r example, in the case o f the O raons,
th ro u g h the mysterious magical influence o f a successful h u n t,
they desired to secure a luxuriant rice crop.23 T ribal hunting
was generally connected with m any religious beliefs an d practi
ces. Before proceeding on their hunting expeditions, m ost o f
■the tribes invoked th e spirits to ensure success.
T he M undas, the O raons and the K harias did not take any
copper coins o r indeed anything m ade o f copper w ith them
while hunting which was strictly taboo on such occasions.24
A m ong some o f the tribes like th e Santhals an d th e K harias,
when the men w ent to a hunt, th eir wives would not b ath e till the
men returned hom e and their feet were w ashed.26
T he game o f the tribes in C hotanagpur were hares, bears,

•tigers, deer, but they hunt alm ost all anim als except those
w hich were their totem s. Their hunting im plements consisted o f
T jo w s , arrow s, c l u b s , axes an d spears o f different types, and
sizes. The mode of hunting varied from tribe to trib e and from
.jungle to jungle.
W O M E N ’S H U N T (“ JA N I-SIK A R ” )
Whjle discussing hunting, it is im portant to refer here to

th e w omen’s hunt (Jani-Sikar).26 W om en's hunt o r the Jani-
th e m o n th o f M arch; a n d the ‘Je th S ik ar’, h e ld in th e b eg in n in g o f

rain y seaso n (F o r d e ta ils, see S .C . R oy; T h e Oraons o f Chotanagpur,
pp. 226-23v; also se e H ans; The O raon F olklore, A Garland, p. 14).
L ike th e O rao n s, th e K h a ria s also p ractised cerem o n ial h u n tin g
in c o n n e c tio n w ith th e ‘J a n k o r ’ festival (S.C , R oy & R .C . R oy, The
K harias, p. 348). '
23. S .C . R oy; Oraon R eligion and C ustom s, pp. 228-229.
24. S.C . R oy & R .C . R oy; The Kharias, p. 348.
.25. Ibid., pp. 348-349; also re fe r to C e c il H e n ry B o m ja s ; F o lk lo re o f
Santhal Parganas, p. 417.
26. S acl.id an an d ; C ultural Changes in T rib a l B ihar, pp. 29-30. '
Games, Sports, Festivals and Other Pastimes
Sikar was held once in every twelve years. It was actually more
a m ethod o f recreation than anything else. On the first day o f
the hunt, women put on masculine dress and carried with them
"bows and arrows, baluas, spears, clubs, etc. The wife of the
Parha-Raja led the party. They left the village in a group in
search o f domestic animals. They w ent to an o th er vi.lage and
killed o r to o k away whatever they found. Fowl, goats, sheep and
pigs were their favourite game. W hen the party entered a vilLge,.
its menfolk received them and washed their feet. One after the
other many villages took part in the women's hunt by turn.
F IS H IN G AND BIRD -CA TCH IN G
Like hunting, fishing and bird-catching were also the irfavou-

rite pastimes. Fishing was done either individually or in groups.
Some of the tribes such as the K harias and the O raons took out
ceremonial fishing expeditions. A variety o f fish-traps and fishing-
nets were used for the purpose. Some o f them com monly used
were, k u m n i: jhim ri, kurua, jiryo, o r jira, pilni, churguria and
jalli. Fishing with dartg-b^nsi o r the com mon fishing rod and
line was also known to them, though not extensively practised.17
Bird catching was done with the help of the iasba-thongi,
which consisted o f bam boo splinters sm eared over with gum
obtained from the pipal or bar (banyan) trees. Bird-catching
with the traps was also practised. In some cases, it was also done
with the help o f a raptorial bird (sikra) which was trained in the:
pursuit of other birds. Gulel was also used for the purpose.18
D A NCE AND M U S IC
D ance, song and music played vital roles in the cultural life
o f the tribals o f C hotanagpur, All o f them took delight in danc
ing and singing. Indeed, it was through th eir songs and dances
27 S .C . R oy & R .C . R oy; The Kharias; p p. 104*106; also see S.C . Roy;

The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p p . 159-161. A lso refer to D .N .
M a ju m d a r, The A ffa irs o f a Tribe, p p . 58-61.
28 S .C . Roy; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 161-162; also S.C. R oy;
The Birhors, pp. 521-522; see alse D .N . M ajum dar; The A ffairs o f a-
Tribe, p. 117. A lso refer to S .C . R oy & R .C . Roy ; T he K harias, pp.
100- 101.
that they tried to satisfy the inner urge o f their hearts. These
gave expressions to their innermost feelings, their joys and
sorrows, their natural affections and passions, their social emo
tions and ideals, and their appreciation o f beauty o f nature and
o f human beings.
Every season and every soeio religious ceremony had

appropriate songs and dances. It was during the adolescent period
that boys and girls have regular training in the village A k h a r a s
in the various kinds of dances and songs, befitting the different
occasions.29 In summer and winter nights, young people o f both
sexes were seen dancing and singing at the A k h a r a from evening
till midnight, and often much later.
On occasions o f their important religious festivals and

marriages, they were generally found dancing and singing for the
whole day and night. In majority o f their dances, people o f both
sexes participated. Occasionally, boys and girls from other vill
ages also joined them. But for the purpose of night dancing,
which went on almost throughout the year, each village consti
tuted an unit for the dance.30
The types o f dances as performed by various tribes of

'Chotanagpur, varied from tribe to tribe. Im portant dances o f the
O raons were J a d u r a , K h a d d i or S a r h u l, K h a h 'a , K a r a m and a
few minor dances such as the wedding and blessing dances like
J h u m a r , D o m k a c h , etc.31 The principal dances of the Mundas
were M a g e , J a r g a , J a d u r a , J a p i and L a s h u a or K a r a m } - Simi
larly, the Hos and the K harias33 had their respective important
forms o f dances and songs. The other minor tribes o f Chotanag
pur, imitated the styles o f their major tribes.
The tribal dances and songs were o f course accompanied by

music and drums. The most important types o f musical im tru-
29. B ihar Through Ihe Ages, ed by R .R , D iw akar, p . 705.

30. W.B. A rcher; The Blue Grove, p. 19.
31. F o r details o f these dances, see S.C. R oy’s; The Oraons o f Choianog-
pur, pp. 289-300; also W .B. A rcher ; The Blue Grove, pp. 20-22.
32. S.C . Roy ; The M undas and Their Country, pp. 483-485.
H i, S C . Roy & R .C . Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 476-482,
Games, Sports, Festivals and O ther Pastimes 111
m ents were arum s like mandat or mandar, dhot, dhak, nagara,

hunj, etc., horns and trum pets such as bhenr, sahnai, narsingha,
etc., cym bals and clappers like theska, jhanjh, conch-shell, varie
ties o f bam boo flutes, sarangi, etc. M ost o f their musical instru
m ents were m ade by the tribals themselves and a few were pur
chased from the m ark et3'1 or th e jatra.
In many prim itive tribes, dancing had either sexual, magi

cal o r symbolic significance. T he tribes o f C hotanagpur, however,
hardly had any purpose attached to their dances o th er th an enter
tainm ent.
T here was little to suggest any sexual motive. N either the

steps n o r th e mass m ovem ents were sexual in character. The
arm s and the lees were used merely for the sake o f execution o f
simple fluid patterns. T here was similarly no attem pt on the
part o f the players to w ear any sexual costum e. If there was any
sexual stim ulus in th eir dances, it was only in the form o f ten
sion, which the dance produced, the excitement generated by the
beat o f the drum s, the mass im pact o f a line o f boys on another
line o f girls, and in the general stimulus o f exeicise.
There is, however, controversy over the magical and

symbolical nature o f these dances. S.C. Roy believes th at in a
few dances the elements o f pantom im e were present. But W.B.
A rcher, disagrees with him. In his opinion, the question o f the
presence o f pantom im ic elements in the tribal dances o f
C hotanagpur doe; n o t arise at all. Similarly, A rcher declines to
accept S.C. R oy’s opinion th at Jadura, Jatra an d Karam dances
o f the O raons were symbolical in n atu te.35 On the whole, we
may say, th a t the dances and songs o f the tribals o f C hotanagpur
were m eant for am usem ent and recreation in general.
34. F o r d e ta ils o f m usical in s tru m e n ts, re fe r to S.C, R oy ; The Oraons of

Chotanagpur. pp. 180*184; also S .C . R oy & R C . Roy ; T h e Kharias,
pp. 111-1 !2 ; S.C, R oy ; T he M undas and their C ountry, p p . 378-379 ;
also see S.C, R oy ; The B irhors, p , 507.
35. S .C . R oy ; T h e Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 273-301 ; also W.B. A rcher;
The Blue Grove, pp. 23-24.
FESTIVALS
The religious enthusiasm o f the tribals was expressed in

the number of festivals, which marked different stages of their
agricultural calendar. Their festivals were intimately connected
with agriculture, because they were held at times when the peo
ple had their granaries full. Their zeal depended on the success
of the harvest. Jt was the only time when they had anything to
spend upon recreation ; otherwise their life was that o f a hand to
mouth existence.
All the tribes of Chotanagpur were not on the equal level

of cultural evolution. Some o f them like the Hill-Kharias, the
Birhors and the Korwas were still savage. Their time was
entirely taken up in the quest for food and precautions against the
consequence of dangers from natural and supernatural elements
of nature. They had practically no leisure to indulge in regular
religious festivals. From year’s end to year’s end they were in
a state of almost constant anxiety for securing food, Naturally,
either they hardly celebrated any feslival or, if at all, they
ventured to do so, it was a simple and prosaic affair.
The major tribes like the Oraons, the Mundas, the Kharias,
the Hos and the Santhals celebrated a number o f festivals in an
elaborate manner. Most of the festivals celebrated by them were
indigenous in nature.
But the process of Hinduisation of these tribes, particularly

of the higher classes, had been going on for a long time, and in
consequence many Hindu festivals and ceremonies had began to
be celebrated by them in their own manner. In spite of this,
their own indigenous festivals had not been allowed to fall into
disuse. Other minor tribes such as the Korwas, the Savars, the
Asurs, the Birjias, the Birhors, the Bhumijes, eic. had imitated
the major tribes and celebrated their festivals in a like manner.
The Hinduised or semi Hinduised tribes like the Cheros, the
Kharwars, the Lohras, the Ghasis, the Ahirs, the Kuimis, the
Karmalis, the Kisans, etc. had adopted the Hindu festivals and
celebrated them in their own ways. ~
Cam*t, Sports, Festivals and Other Pastimes 113
The important festivals celebrated by most of the tribes o f
Chotanagpur were Phagua or Phqgu, Sarhul, Sohrai, Karam,
Maghe, and Jitia,
Phagu or Phagua which also corresponded to the Holi

festival of the Hindus, bearing evidences of its origin in the food
gathering and hunting stage of economic life, had long ago been
borrowed by the tribes from their Hindu neighbours and identi
fied by them in thought and in song as analogous to tribal festi
val o f Sarhul. This festival was celebrated by many tribes o f
Chotanagpur such as the Korwa, the K baria, the Savara, the
Asur, the Birjia, the Birhor, the Oraon, the Chero, the M unda,
the Kharwar, the Lohra, the Bhutnij’, the Kisan and others,
The Oraons and the M undas had adopted it in a mutilated

form, presumably because it stood for a similar idea as that o f
their own Khadi or Sarhul festival. This festival was celebrated
in tne month o f Phalgun (February-March), which not only
marked the end of the dying year, but also the birth o f the New
Year. Sacrifices were offered to different Bongos (gods) on this
occasion. The festival was concluded with songs and dances and
drinking of rice-beer.*8 The Hinduised and semi-Hinduised tribes
o f Chotanagpur celebrated this festival in the Hindu fashion.
The Sarhul or the Bo-Porob Khaddl and Baha festivals known

respectively by the Mundas, the Oraons and the Kharias, was
celebrated in the month o f Chait (March-April), wben the sal
trees blossomed. They had their origin in a festival of the food
gathering stage in the economic history o f the tribals. The simple
rites of this original festival o f the food-gathering stage would
appear to have since been overlaid by other rites connected with
a more advanced economic life and celebrated by gradual accre
tions and additions o f centuries through which the tribes pro
gressed from mere food gatherers and hunters to settled
agriculturists.87
36. S.C . Roy ; The M undas and their Country, p p . 474-476 ; also S.C.
R oy's Oraon Religion and Customs, pp. 191-193.
37. S .C R oy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, p, 191,
114 Society ip Tribal M i a
la the coarse of the celebration o f this festival, the Santa

tree o f the sacred-grove was worshipped by the Pahan the (village
priest) Sal flowers and sacrifices were offered to the sacred grove.
People rejoiced themselves in this festival for a few days and spent
their time in drinking, feasting, dancing and singing.3* This festi
val was also celebrated by the Korwas the Asurs, tee Birhors, the
Bhumijes, the Cheros, the Kharwars, the Karmalis, the Kisans
and many others.
The Sohorai festival was celebrated by most of tbe tribes of

Chotanagpur such as the Oraons, the Mundas, the Birhors, tbe
Korwas, the Kharias, the Asurs, the Santhals, the Lohras, tbe
Kisans, the Karmalis and others. The K haria called it Bar.doi.
It was the only festival connected with cattle and was adopted
by them from their Hindu neighbours. It fell in the month of
Kartik (October-November)—after tbe rice crops had been
harvested. On this occasion, the cattle were washed with w a te r;
their horns and hoofs were anointed with ghee or oil, and they
were given sumptuous food by their owners. Sacrifices were made
for the welfare of the cattle. Drinking, dancing and revelry went
on for several days and there was a great deal o f sexual license.3'
The festival o f Karam was celebrated by most o f the tribes

o f Chotanagpur, with im portant exceptions of tbe Santhals and
tbe Hos. It fell in the month of Bhado (August-September) and
was borrowed from the Hindus. The Pa Aon or the village priest
had nothing to do with it. On this occasion, a few branches of
Karam tree were brought ceremonially and planted in the court
yard or the Akhara by the head of the family. T hat night was
spent in reciting the story o f Karam and in singing and dancing.
38. Ibid., pp. 193-227; alio S.C. Roy ; The M undas and Their Country, pp.
476-477 ; a lio lee A. G rin a rd ; H an't Oraon Folklore, pp. 161-164 ;
a lio J.V .A.S.B,, Vol. X X H I, N o. 3, a n artic le by D .N . M ajum dar
en titled , "S o m e o f the W orshipping F estivals o f t h e H o s", pp. 282
284; also D .N . M a ju m d a r; The Affairs o f a Tribe, pp. 212-213,
39 S.C. Roy & R .C Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 376-380; Sir John H oulion;
Bihar the Heart o f India, p. 81 ; S.C. R o y ; The Mundas and Their
Country, p . 481; S.C. R oy; Oraon Religion and Customs, p p. 231-234.
Gemvt, Sp&rll, Festivals and Other Pastimes US
The next morning, the Karam branches were carried in proces

sion, accompanied with songs and music and drums and thrown
into some tank or stream.10
Among the Oraons, besides this principal Karam festival,

known as Raja-Karam, some of the villages also celebrated other
Karam festivals. In some villages on the full moon day following
the Hindu Dashahra festival in the month of Aswin (Septembet-
October) and in a few villages in connection with the Sohorai
festival in Kartlk (October-November), respectively known as
DasaF Karam and Sohorai-Karam, were celebrated. Similarly in
some other villages Jitia-Karam, was also celebrated in connec
tion with Jitia festival in August* September. A special Karam fest
ival called Burhi-Karam was also celebrated in all villages once
in three years, as also in the years o f drought, in the month of
July.11
The Jitia was celebrated chiefly by the Oraons, the Birhors

and other Hinduised and semi-Hinduised tribes of Chotanagpur.
It fell 10 or 12 days after the ‘Karam* festival. Like many other
fotivals, it was also borrowed by the tribes from their H indu
neij^ibours. Both men and women fasted throughout the day and
jkia-pipar branches were planted in the courtyard or any open
space in front of the house. Generally, a Brahmin priest was
called to efTiciate. He usually recited the story connected with
“Jitia" and offered flowers, rice, milk, molasses, ghee to the jitia
branches. After the worship, the usual dinner was taken nod
people rejoiced in the festival.42
The Afaghe was one o f the most important festivals observ

ed by the Mundas, the Hos, the Savaras, the Asurs, the Bhumijes
and the Kisans. It was held in the month of Push (January*
February). As regards the significance of the word Magket
opinions are divided.
AO. S.C. Roy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, pp. 240-247 ; S.C. Roy ; T i e
M umtas and Their Country, pp. 478*479 ; also see S.C. Roy ; The
Birhors, p. 358 ; A. G rinard ; H a n ’s Oraon Folklore, pp. 164-166
41. S.C. R oy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, p. 247.
42, Ibid., pp. 247-249. Also refer to S.C. R oy ; The Birhors, p. 359,
116 Society in Tribal JtuUa,
S.C. Roy has explained it by referring it to the Mundari

m onth o f Maghe. As it was held in the month of, Maghe (Push.
in Hindi), the festival was known as Maghe-parab.4> Some are o f
the opinion that as the festival was held in honour o f spirits,
whose bodies were devoured by animals (Mugia Bonga), it is
styled as the Maghe festival.44
D.N. M ajumdar observes :

“ It appears from enquiries made in ditlerent quarters, that-
the term M agheis not the same as Magha in Bengali, but
is used to mean the procreative power o f young men.
Whether the latter significance is an after-thought or the.
general sexual liberty enjoyed by the people during the
festival had suggested such an association, th at remains to.
be ascertained. But whenever I approached the people to
have my doubts cleared regarding the use of the word, I
was given an evasive answer and it was with much diffi
culty I could arrive at the present significance. N or does it
require any long stretch o f imagination to arrive at such a n
explanation o f the word for it is always after the celebra
tion of Maghe festival that marriages are settled and the.
Hos believe th at if they do not indulge heart and soul
during the festival, the number o f births pi the tribe is sure
to decrease.” 46
Among the Hos every village had to celebrate this festival.

Should any village fail to do it, it was sure to be doomed. The
ritual aspects o f the festival extended over five consecutive days
during which sacrifices were offered by the Deuri,4a During the
course of celebration o f this festival, people showed much sexual
laxity.
Describing the sexual licence among the people during the

festival, Dalton re m a rk s:
43. S.C. Roy ; The Mtmdas and Their Country, pp. 472-473.
44. J.P .A S B , Vol. X X III, N o. 3, article en titled , “ Some o f th e W orshi
pping Festivals o f the H os" by D .N . M ajum dar, p. 278.
45. Ibid., p. 278.
46. Ibid , pp. 278-282.
-Garnis, Sports,‘-Festivals and Other Pastimes 117
“This is held in tbe month of M a g h or January, when the

granaries are full o f grains, and the people, to use their
own expression, full o f devilry. They have a strange notion
that at this period, men and women are so over charged
with vicious propensities that it is absolutely necessary for
the safety of the persons to let off steam by allowing for a
time full vent to the passions....
Tbe festival, therefore, becomes a satum abic, during
which' servants forget their duty to their masters, children
their reverence for parents ar.d elders, men their respect
for women, and women, all notions o f modesty, delicacy
and gentleness ; they become raging beechantes.”
The duration of this festival was sometimes a month or

. even more. This led to some undesirable effects. Graven in 1898
, suggested the fixing of a date for the celebration of this festival
to Kolhan, Bompas, however, did not agree to it on the ground
that though a good deal o f drinking and licence was manifested,
.there was none o f the open and flagrant indecency mentioned by
D a lto n /6
Like the Hos, the Mundas also celebrated this festival with
great rejoicing. The spirit of deceased ancestors were the main
objects of their worship. For a few days of the festival, they went
about visiting their friends and relatives, who entertained them
with more than ordinary warmth and lib erality /11
Besides these, there where a few other festivals which were

observed by more than one tribe such as the D a s a i, B a ta u li ;
. o r K e d le ta , H a r ia r i and K h e r ih a n i K a r r a -P u ja in Oraon and
K o la m S in g B o n g a in M undari) festivals.
The D a s a i was observed by the Mundas, ihe Birhors, tbe

Korwas, and other Hinduised and semi'Hinduised tribes of
Chotanagpur. This was definitely borrowed from the Hindus and
it corresponded with the D a s h a h ra festival. It was held in the
47. C ol. E .T . D alton ; The Des, E th. o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872 p. 196.
48. D.N. Majumdar ; The A ffairs o f a Tribe, p. 214, ,
49. SiC. R oy ; The Mundds and Their Country, p . 473.
118 Society in Tribai hd ia
m o n th of Astvinor Kortik. They celebrated this festival not by any

public worship, but by. singing and dancing and, if economy
permitted, by sacrificing goats to the family deities.'0
The Batauli or Ktdieta festival was observed by the Mundas,
th e Oraons and the Kharias. This was a sacrificial feast, obser
ved just before the transplantation o f paddy scedings to save
them from evil-eyes. The festival ended with dancing, singing,
•drinking and feasting.01 The Hariari, or the festival of green
plants was celebrated in the month of Asarh, by the Oraons and
the Asurs. Sacrifices were offered to tbeir ancestor-spirits and
Afewt-spirits for better crops.00
The Kheriharti festival was celebrated in the month of
Asarh (November) and was the last in this chain of agricultural
festivals of the year. No villager would thresh his paddy unless
this festival was celebrated at the Pahrn's Khariban (threshing
floor). Sacrifices were offered to the Bongos, followed by feasting,
drinking, dancing and singing,"
Besides these festivals, different tribes bad their own
festivals which were celebrated only by the members o f that
particular tribe. The Mundas observed the Hon Ba P o n t,
Jom-Nawa festival, Ind-Porob, Soso Bonga Porob, etc." The
Oraons celebrated the Nawa Khanni festival, Dhan Btmipuja,
and Bongaripuja, etc." The Kharias observed the Jeth Namak-
haoni, Bo Bil'n Bitfn-puja, Nuodem Neona, Bomdu-puja and
so o n ." The Hos celebrated Hero-Parov, Jomnawa and Koiam.n
The Sanlhals celebrated Baha or Ba festival, Patu festival
Janthor festival, Chhatta festival and Erok Sim festival."
50. S.C. R o y ; The Mundas and Their Country, p. 479; a lio S.C . R o y ;
The Birhors, p. 358.
51. S.C Roy; The Mundas and Thtir Country, p. 478 ; also see S.C. R o y ;
Oraon Religion and Customs, pp. 239-240 ; see also S .C , Roy St RjC.
Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 358-359. '
52. S.C. Roy ; Oraon ReTgion and Customs, pp. 239-240.
53. tbid. pp. 249-251; also S.C. Roy ; The Mundas and Their Country;
pp.479.
54. S.C. Roy ; The Mundas and Their Country, pp. 479-482.
55. R.C. Roy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, p. 249.
56. S.C. Roy & R .C . Roy ; The Kharias, pp. 339-J76.
57. D.N. M ajumdar ; The Affairs o f a Tribe, pp. 211-224; also see Bull, o f
B.T.R.I., Vol. I l l, N o .l., Rekha O 'D h a n ’s a rtic le entitled “ The Hoe
o f S aranda", pp. 85-86.
58. E.B. Bradiey-Btrt.; The story o f an Indian Upland, pp. 270-281.
The Hinduised and serni-Hinduised tribes like the Cheros,

the Kharwars, the Karmalis, the Kisans, the Bhuraijes, the Kur-
mis and others observed many Hindu festivals such as Chhatt,
Dipavali, Chaitnawami, Anant-Panchami, Janmastami, etc. after
the Hindu fashion. These festivals gave the aboriginals great
opportunities to forget their hardships and worries and to enjoy
the life to the maximum.
JATRAS
The Oraon Jatra was another institution having greater

attraction for the Oraon bachelors and maidens. The Jatras enab
led the meeting of a number of groups of villagers, for a common
dance and they could rightly be described as inter-far/ia dancing
festival. Describing the probable origin and functions of these
Jatras among the Oraons, S.C. Roy says that in the beginning
the tribes required an agency to settle their disputes over
games and to arrange the marriages of their maidens. This
resulted in the organisation of the Oraon Jatras.
To quote Roy “ It was at these Jatras, that the young men

of the tribe came to choose their mates from amongst
the girls of class other than their own ; it was there that
outstanding disputes about games were settled, and it
was there that the dances and songs of the outgoing season
were formally exchanged for the dances and songs
approriate to the coming season. And to this day it is at
these Jatras that new dances and songs are similary
taken up and disputes about game are settled by arbitra
tion or by fight. Nor it is unusual to find, even to this day,
attachment formed between young men and girls of
different villages during these seasonal Jatras, ending, if
other considerations permit, in marrige. As during a
Jattra month there is a regular round of such dancing
meetings held, one after another in several neighbour
ing villages, the young men and girls have repeated
opportunities of coming together. Besides this social
120 Society in Tribnhlndia
aspect, the Jairas have also their socio-political and

' religious aspects,fit
Roy further adds : th at a successful Jeth-Jatra in which

there was a large gathering o f Oraons foretold an abandance of
paddy-crops.*0
W.B, Archer, however, doubts this explanation of

Roy and he says th at as described by him the Jatras did not
appear to have any business function. The reasons for the duplica
tion o f Jatras in different villages appears to him to be simply the
mass excitement o f the enormous crowds and the thrill o f the
dancing. He could not trace any evidence of their function as
a marriage agency. He also doubts as in w hat sense the
object of a Jatra was to make a formal exchange o f songs and
dances, because Jatra had its own dance forms, and during the
Jatra season this was the only forms of dance which were
danced at Jatras?1 ■
Describing the procedure of the Jairas, Roy observes,

“ The Oraon Jatra’s are usually held once in Aswin (Dasara
Jatra), or Kartik (Sohoral Jatra), when the rainy season is
over and the Karam dances and songs are exchanged for the
Chirdi-Kharia dances and songs, again in Aghan, Pus, or Magh,
when the lowland paddy crops have been harvested and Jadur
dances have to be taken up, and, finally, in Jeth, when the
Jatra-Kharia dances taken up after the Sarhul festival have to
be exchanged for the Karam dances.'2
Then Jatras were organised by the villages after much con

sultations among themselves. Onthe day o f Jatra the Sags of
each o f the villages were brought out and set up on the road that
led to the place o f meeting, People of different villages prepared
. themselves to participate in it. They put on befitting dresses.
When they were ready, the drums were beaten and

huge horns were blown. Thus summoned, the groups from the
59, S.C. R oy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, pp. 3 12-313
60. S.C , Roy ; The Oraons o f Chotanagpur, p. 31 S.
61. W .A . A rcher ; The Blue Grove, pp. 55-56.
62. S .C . Roy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, pp. 313-314.
Games, Sports', Festivals and Other Pastimes 121
villages formed their own procession with their respective

village-flags. At the place of meeting they performed dances
along with music and drums till near sunset. Then they all
went home dancing.*3 Thus, the Oraon Jatra provided them
great opportunity for mcrrv-makine and recreation.
\1A N D AS
While discussing the festivals of tribal Chotanagpur, one

cannot but describe the Manda or Fire-walking festival of the
-Hinduised M undas and Oraons in which some Hindu castes
like the Telis, the Kurmis, the Kumhars and some
.others also participated. The festival was held in summer, during
.the months of Chait, Baisakh, and Jeth (April-Junc). The exact
date depended on the state o f funds of the villages and also
on the convenience of the priest.
Those who participated in the fire-walk were termed as

Bhoktas or Bhogtas or devotees. Women were not allowed to
become Bhogtas.
The principal ceremony lasted for three days. The Bhogtas

had to take a restricted diet. They were not allowed to take
meat, fish, salt, turm eric and other spices. They had to put on
the dress as prescribed by the priest. The festival was held
near the Mahadeothan, where Lord Shiva and Parvati were
worshipped. A trench for keeping live charcoal burning was
m ade on the same site where it bad been made in previous
years. Live charcoal bits were put in the pit with pieces of
burning wood and when these were in blaze,.more charcoal bits
were heaped.
The Dame was fanned with winnowing fans and

the Bhogtas marched on this blazing fire from west to east and
back and finally again to east. Others were also allowed to walk
on the fire but they had also to make necessary observances.
After the fire-walking ceremony was over, the rest o f the night
63. Col E .T. D alto n ; The Des. Eth. o f Bengal, 1st ed., 1872, pp. 254-255.
was spent in dance< by the villagers and Bhogtas, On this

occasion dancing parties were also invited from other vilJagcs.l,,
IMPACT OF HINDUISM AND CHRISTIANITY
In this connection it may be worthwhile to note that

changes were gradually taking place in the cultural and social
life of the tribals of Chotanagpur due to their contact with the
Hindus and the Christians. The tribal culture had long before
began to change under the impact of external influences.
With the development of communications, new ideas, new

artifacts, machinery, etc. found their way to the remotest
comers of the tribal areas. The coming of the landholders from
outside, contacts with courts, money-lenders and petty officers
of the State Government had also opened up new vistas. The
Christian missionaries brought with them Western culture and
technology.
The spread of education and the tribals returning from

industrial places, mines and tea-gardens of Assam and Bhutan,
had accelerated the process of changes.
Under the pressure of these forces, the canvas of the

tribal culture began to change fast. There was no aspect of
life that was not touched by this change. The social solidarity of
the village was practically broken up. Respect for age, tradition
and the traditional customs began to vanish gradually. Modern
evils such as drunkenness, debauchery and contaminous diseases
found their way into the tribal society.
The material aspects of the lives of the tribal underwent

great changes. The leafy booths and mud walls gave place to
many substantial houses.
In many houses, modern furniture such as beds, coun

try-made chairs, cups, saucers, and modern umbrellas, lanterns,
etc. came to be found. The traditional dress gradually became
64. J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXX, N o. 1, K .P. Chatopadhya’i and N .K . Basu's
article entitled, “ The M anda Festivals o f Chotanagpur, pp. IS 1-160.
unpopular and converts and school-going children began to put

on sewn clothes, pants and shirts, etc.
In non-Christian villages, among the common people, the

Kareya was replaced by the dhoti. The use of trousers, shirts,
coats, pant and shoes had also began. Among the converted
women, blouses, saris, and petticoats became quite popular. The
fashion o f keeping long hair and decorating the head with
flowers by the tribal boys gradually declined. Women began to
prefer sparkling ornaments.
In the industrialised areas, soap, hair-oil, cosmetics, and

kttmkum gradually found their way into the houses of the rich
and the poor alike. There was also a marked change in their
food and drink habits. Tea had gained popularity as a cheap
beverage and distilled liquor was also coming in vogue.
Education and Christianity worked against the popularity of
dancing and hunting, but made European games such as football,
hockey, badminton, tennis, etc. gradually popular among them.
Their conversion into Hinduism or Christianity caused

much change in their religious thinking and they gradually
adopted Hindu o r Christian festivals. The Christian converts
began to observe the different Christian festivals, such as the
Christmas, Easter, All Saints, Day, “ Israili Ja tra '1, etc.
Examples of cultural re-interpretation of a number o f

tribal beliefs and rituals were also met with. The origin of some
festivals such as Sarhul was traced to the fight between Alexander
and Porus.
The traditional village system, consisting o f the Mundas

and Mahtos and the ParLas disappeared yielding place to the
Church Mandalis and Panchayats. The Christiam Mission became
a very powerful agency in their life.
Thus, we see th at the contact of tribals with Western

civilization and Hinduism had considerably contributed to the
124 S o ciety in Tribairndia
- cultural change of the aboriginal tribes o f Chotanagpur, though

not without certain undesirable influences.85
65. Bihar Through the Ages, Ed. by R.R. Diwakar, pp. 711*712; J.B.O.R.S,
Vol. XVII, part IV, an article by S.C. Roy, entitled, “ The Effects on
the Aborigines of Chotanagpur of Their Contact with Western Civili
zation; pp. 358-394; also Sachidanand ; Cultural Changes In Tribal
Bihar, pp. 6-19 & 106*109.
CHAPTER IV
SOCIAL STATUS OF WOMEN
TH E H IN D U WOMEN
The cultural level of a human group has sometimes been

evaluated in terms o f the status given to its women. Writers,
both Indian and foreign, have often painted Indian womanhood
in a deplorable light. S.C. Bose, writing in about, 1881, states
that from infancy to old age, the existence of woman presented
a uniform picture of gloom, uncertainty, dependency and neg
lect. In her case, bitterness far out-classed the sweets of life.1
If we go through the earliest accounts of the Hindus, we

come to the conclusion th at the position of woman was one of
superiority over man or was in no case a subordinate one. The
Mahabharata clearly states that there was a time when woman
was not subordinate to man in the Hindu society and she went
1. Bihar Through the Ages, E d. by R .R . D iw akar, O rient Longm ans,

1938. p. 680.
about freely as she liked. From this time onwards, a gradual

subjection o f woman started which culminated in her complete
slavery*
According to th e H indu Law books, the position of woman

is one o f pitiable and complete dependence upon man. The
great Hindu law-giver, M anu, lays down that a woman, from her
cradle to the grave is to be dependent upon a male—in child
hood, on her father, in youth, on h er husband and in old age,
on her son—for a woman is never fit for independence.3
True it is, that even Manu advocated for a subordinate

position of woman in the society, yet in actual practice, she
enjoyed an honourable status. She was to be protected by the
males. M anu rem a rk s: "reprehensible is the father, who gives
not (his daughter in marriage) at the proper time; reprehensible
is the husband, who approaches n o t (.his wife in due season) and
reprehensible is the son, who does not protect his mother after
her husband has died. She was to be guarded by all means.” 4
Though M anu has prescribed to the woman a thoroughly

dependent status, yet he does not forget to refer to the honour
able position enjoyed by her in the society. He remarks :
“ Women must be honoured and adorned by their lathers,

brothers, husbands, and brothers-in-law, who desire (their
own) welfare. Where women are honoured, there the
Gods are pleased, but where they are not honoured, no
sacred rite yields rewards. W here the female relations
live in grief, tile family soon wholly perishes; but that
- family where they are not unhappy ever prospers. The
houses in which fe nale relations, not being duly honoured,
pronounce a curse, perish completely, as if destroyed by
magic. Hence, men who seek (their own) welfare, should
2. F. Thomas ; Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, pub. by D.B.

T araporevala sons & Co. (P rivate L td.), Bombay 3rd ed., p, 69.
3. M anu, V, 147-9. p. 195.
4. The Law o f hfaiui^ ch, IX , Sections 2-7 as quoted in The Sacred
Books o f the East. Ed, by F . Max-M ulJer, Vol. XXV, Oxford, 1886fc
pp. 327-328.
Social Status o f Women 127
. always honour women on holidays and festivals with

(gifts) ornaments, clothes and (dainty) food. lit that
family, where the husband is pleased with his wife and
the wife with her husband, happiness will assuredly be
lasting.*
A critical study of the status of women during the period

under review, however unveils a mixed picture of their position
in the Hindu society of Chotanagpur. It is a fact that most of
their hardships were present. But the exaggerated picture of
depravity was not to be found.
The Indian women in general and those of Chotanagpur

in particular, enjoyed a modest position. The Hindu women
were generally chaste; they had a strong sense o f religion and
were ready to undergo any amount o f suffering for it. The
women was the priesless of the house, she watered the sacred
plant, kept the sacrificial fire, guarded sacramentally the purity of
food, and was busy offering oblations and prayers.
The birth of a daughter was n et always regarded as a

curse. Though in theory, the position o f wife was regarded
subordinate to that of the husband, in actual practice she was
more independent and had much influence over her husband.
The existing family system contributed much to her powers

and position. She was the mistress o f the household. There was
an equitable division of labour between man and woman. It
was very seldom that the women of any caste were to be seen
doing outdoor work ; they had enough to do looking after their
household. Women were seldom treated harshly by menfolk.*
MARRIAGE
Marriage was regarded as the most important event in the

life of a Hindu woman. The fundamental concept underlying
5. M in u , H I, 55-9. p. 85; Y ajnavalkya, 1, 82, text, p, 172 (V.N.)

M andalik, Bombay,-180).
6. Bihar Through ike Ages, Ed, by R .R . D iw akar, 1958, pp. 681*682.
the law o f marriage was regarded as a so rt o f sacrament and

not as a m atter of free contract between the two parties. The
sanctity of marriage was so great th at i t was regarded to have
some divine origin and was thought to be predestined. “Those
whom the Gods have united, men will not separate” . T h a t was
the sort of idea underlying marriaee amongst Hindus.
It followed, therefore, that minority in age either o f the

bridegroom or of the bride was not regarded as a vitiating ele
ment in the marriage. Indeed, in the large majority of cases,
marriage was settled by the parents or the guardians and the
parties to the marriage had no sry in the matter.
A further necessary corollary of this concept o f marriage

was that the law did not adm it of any divorce o r dissolution o f
marriage in any form whatsoever. Thus, even if there was
either adultery or cruelty or desertion o r any kind o f venereal
disease on the p art of the husband or the wife, marriage wa;
still held to be subsisting between the parties and there was no
going back upon it.7
Hindu fathers preferred to get their children married at an

early age. In fact, it was one o f the prim ary obligations of
their lives. The higher castes such as the Brahmins, the
Kshatriyas, the Kayasthas and even some of the Vaisya sub
castes were in favour o f child marriages. Risley describes the
practice o f child marriage as the most unique institution found
only in India and says th at it came in from very early days.
According to the Hindu law-giver, Baudhyayana, a girl

who remained unmarried, when she reached m aturity, was de
graded to the rank o f a Shudra, and her father was held to
have committed a grave sin by having neglected to get her
married.1 This was admitted by all the law-givcrs and many
7. A .G . R oy ; commentary on Hindu Law (Past and Present), pub. by

' P ahuja B rothers, P a tn a . 1960, p. 67.
8. H .H . Risley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengai, Vol. I , pub. in 1891,
p . LXXV ; also H .H , Rfotey ; The people of India, p. 189.
of them even went further and fixed a definite age for the
marriage of girls. According to M anu, a m an o f thirty should
m arry a girl of twelve, and a man o f twenty-four, a girl of
eight.9 L ater writers fixed the higher limit o f age in such cases
at ten or eight years, and reduced the lower limit to seven, six
or even four years.
Piscussing the causes of child marriage, Risley says that

the growth o f the patriarchal power o f the head o f the family
must have been adverse to any assertion of independence on the
part of its female members, and more especially to their exer
cising the right o f choosing their husbands for themselves.
Where family interests were involved, it might well h .ve seemed
simpler to get a girl married before she had developed a will
o f her own, than to court domestic difficulties by allowing her
to grow up and fall in love o f her own account.
The gradual lowering of the position o f woman from the

ideal standards of the Vedic times, and the distrust o f their
virtues, induced by the example o f prem atlim onial license set
by the Dravidian races, must also have had its effect, and a
girl would be married as a child in order to avert the possi
bility of her causing scandals later on. Hypcrgamy also bad
its powerful effect on the infant marriage.10
Risley quotes one of the writers in the official publication

on this practice :
“ U nder these circumstances, w hen in the case o f a daugh

ter, parents see that unless they marry her at once, the
one or two bridegrooms th at there are open for their
selection would be availed of by others, and that they
would be disabled from marrying her before the eleventh
year, and that they would thereby incur a religious sin
and social degradation as regards the caste, tbey would
9. M anu, ]X, 94, p. 344.

10. H .H . Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I , pp.L X X X V
to XC1U; see also H .H . Risley; The People o f India, pp. 189-190.
seize the opportunity to marry their daughter, quite dis

regardful of the evil effects of infant m arriages” .11
In the beginning, th e practice of child marriage was exclu

sively carried on only by the Superior castes, b ut gradually it
spread and took root more deeper am ong tbe lower castes
also. The custom of child,marriage had been consciously bor
rowed from the higher castes in-order to raise the social status.
But even during the period under review, many forces had begun
to root out the custom of child marriage. As a result, it gradu
ally began to disappear among the educated and enlightened
classes of the society, though the process was rather slow.
It may be noted here that through various legislative

enactments, this evil was sought to be eliminated. In 1872, the
Native M arriage A ct was passed, which regulated the m arriage
among the Brahmins. It fixed the minimum marriageable age
for boys at 18 an d for girls 14 years,12 The Child M arriage
Restraint Act of 1929 sought to prohibit marriages between
children.13 But even these laws could not check the evil practice
o f child marriage to a considerable extent, because it was thought
the marriage was valid once perform ed and the only thing the
government could do was to punish the parents and the partici
pants in the marriage ceremony. M oreover, such offences in the
society were rarely brought to the notice o f th e authorities.14
It is, however, pleasing to note here th a t this evil has been

gradually, though slowly, disappearing in the Hindu society,
particularly among the educated and the enlightened people, and
even among the people o f lower classes its tempo is towards
decline,
11. Q uoted in H .H . R isley’s work, The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol
I, 1391, p. X CI,
12. P .N Hose; A History o f Hindu Civilization during British Rule, Vol
I, C alcutta, 1894, pp. 52-53,
13. A ,G . Roy; Commentary on Hindu Law ( Past & Present), pub. by
Pabuja Brothers, P atna, 1960. pp. 67-68.
14. P. Thomas; Hindu Religion Customs and Manners, pub. by D.B,
T araporevata, Sons & Co. (Pvt. L td.), B om bay, 3rd c d „ 1926, p.
70.
Any kind o f intercaste m arriage was not favoured by th e

Hindus. According to som e authorities, a particular kind o f
intercaste m arriage, viz., “ A nulom a” -m arriage, which is a
marriage o f a m an o f higher caste with a w oman o f lower caste,
was held to be valid. But the reverse o f it, v iz , “ P ratilom a"-
marriage, the m arriage of a man o f lower caste with a w om an
of higher caste, was held to be invalid.
Two forms o f marriages were recognised ; T he Brahma

form of m arriage and the A sura form of m arriage. M arriage in
which the father or the guardian o f the bride received no consi
deration for giving away of the bride in m arriage to the bride
groom was said to be in accordance with the Brahma fo rm ,
whereas th a t m arriage in which consideration was paid for th e
taking of the bride was said to be in Asura form .
T he rigidities o f the H indu m arriage were subsequently

sought to be alleviated by various legislative enactm ents. T h e
Hindu M arriage Disabilities Removal A ct o f 1926 sought to
prescribe that no m arriage between the H indus should be deem
ed to be invalid by reason only of the fact th a t the parlies belong
ed to different religions, castes, sub-castes or sects.1*
A nother evil found in the H indu society was th e preval

ence of th e system o f dow ry o r “ bridegroom -price.” It was to
be found particularly am ong the higher castes. A m ong the low er
castes, as am ong all the tribes o f C hotanagpur, the system o f
dowry and bride-price depended on the social status and th e
prevailing custom s o f different castes and sub-castes.10
fn theory, the H indus were allowed to m arry any n um ber

o f wives, but in practice it was rare. Only a few people o f higher
castes o r o f better economic status were in a position to have
more than one wife The Brahm ins might m arry tw o
sisters and the num ber of wives depended upon their ability to
m aintain them. But polygamy was not com m on in the Division
15. A .G . R oy : Commentary on Hindu Law {Past <S Present), P alu ija

B ro th ers, P a tn a , 1960, p p. 67-68.
16. Bihar Through the Ages, E d, by R .R , D iw a k a r, O rie n t L o n g m a n s,
1958, p p. 685-686.
And the vast majority o f people were monogamous.

The system of maintaining concubines was also prevalent
am ong some castes. These concubines were from various professi
onal castes, widows, adulteresses, maid-servants and so on. But
this type of luxury gradually began to disappear under the pressure
o f economic factors in particular.
W ID O W H O O D
It has often been said that the lot of Hindu widows in

^general and that o f the higher castes in particular was the worst.
But, at the same time, it must be admitted that among the higher
castes, widows were always treated with consideration. Those
■who were elderly widows acted as guides and advisers to the
younger folk. A widow usually led a life o f abstinence, and
gave up wearing good clothes and ornaments and other joys o f
life.
Among the higher castes like the Brahmins, the Rajputs
and the Kayasthas and even in some o f the Vaisya castes, they
■were not allowed to be re-married. But widows among the
S hudras or other tower castes had the liberty to get themselves
re-maTried.17 The restriction on widow re-marriage was a unique
phenom enon in India.
“O f all the peculiar usages” , says Risley, “ which are asso

ciated with marriage in India, none have impressed so distinctly
on the census statistics as the custom which prohibits the second
m arriage o f a w idow ...” 18
It should be noted here th at in the beginning, widow-re-

m am age was prohibited only among higher castes, b u t gradually
it also developed among some of the lower castes.1*
17. Bihar Through the Ages, Ed. b y R . R . D iw akar, O rient Longmans, 1958,
p. 682.
18. H .H . R isley’s The People o f India, p. 181.
19. The K oiris o f M anbhum accepted at least in theory, ihe rc-m arriage of
widow, though they allow ed them to live in a sort o f licensed con
cubinage n ot preceded by an y kind o f cerem ony. T h e L o h ra sa n d
th e D hobis, who though they occupied a very low social position, bad
com pletely throw n o u t the practice o f widow re-m arriage an d m arr
iage o f divorced wives (H .H . Risley ; The Tribes and Castes of
Seagal, Vol. I, 1891, p. juutiii).
Analysing the causes o f this prohibition, Risley informs us
that in the first place, the anxiety o f the early Hindu law-givers
to circumscribe a woman’s rights to property would unquestion
ably tend to forbid her to join her lot to a man whose interest
it would be to assert and extend those rights as against the
members of her husband’s family. At the same time, the growth
of the doctrine of spiritual benefit would require her huiband’s
shradh.
Technical obstacles to her re-marriage also arose from the

Brahminical theory o f marriage itself. T hat ceremony being
regarded as a sacrament ordained for the purification o f women,
and its essential portion being the gift o f the women by her
father to her husband, the effect of this gift was to transfer her
from her own gotra to that of her husband.
Some influence must also have been exerted in the same

direction by the competition for husband resulting from the
action of hypergamy, as widows certainly would be the first to
be excluded from the m arriage market. Moreover, the family
would have already paid a dowry for the widow at the time of
her first marriage, and naturally would be indisposed to pay a
second and probably higher price to get her re-married again.
Among the Hindu castes, those who permitted widows to

re-marry, all these factors were practically absent. They know
nothing of the custom of hypergamy and as a rule they paid for
the bride and not for the bridegroom. M oreover, the lower castes
seem to have a greater capacity Chan the higher castes for throw
ing off sub-caste barriers.20
In the case of widow re-marriage, the Sagai form o f

marriage was practised, in which the marriage rituals were less
elaborate and comparatively very simple. The widow could
marry her late husband’s younger brother or a younger cousin.
In some cases, she was under a sort o f obligation to do so,
20. H.H. Risley; The P j o j t e o f In d ia , p. 181; also refer H .H . Risley ; The

Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. I, 1891, p.p. lxiv-lxxviii.
A m ong the castes which practised widow re-m arriage, it was

n o t considered disrespectable. T he sagai bride h ad all the rights
an d position o f a wife.21
DIV O RCE
D ivorce was n o t legally perm itted in the H indu society. It

was quite impossible am ong th e higher castes like the Brahmins,
th e K shatriyas, th e K ayasthas and even am ong m ost o f the
V aisya sub-castes. But, am ong the lower castes, separation was
practised. D ivorced women and men were a t liberty to get them
selves re-m arried.
T H E “ S A T I” SY STEM
The Sati o r the practice o f w idow -im m olation on the funeral

p y re o f her deceased husband was an ancient custom in India. It
w as n o t altogether unknow n to the people o f C hotanagpur
during th e period under review.
Speaking ab o u t th e horrible rite o f sati, a m odern historian

has observed th a t its endurance for centuries am ong such an
intelligent and cultured people as the H indus, illustrates in a
striking m anner how “ faith in a superm undane existence, instead
o f enlightening an d purifying the ideas and sentim ents o f m an at
tim es w arps his judgem ent and paralyses his noble instinct and
hum an feeling.” 22 T he practice o f sati was invested with sacred
virtue, but was actually followed by few.
By the eighteenth century, however, it had developed into

a curse, especially in Eastern India, where in some cases even
unwilling widows were forced to com m it sati by interested rela
tives. Forces, however, were w orking against it—the measures
ad o p ted on the ground o f adm inistrative necessity by the Com
p an y ’s G overnm ent in India, attem pts on the p a rt o f Christian
missionaries and th e grow th o f an enlightened public opinion as
p a rt o f th e Indian Renaissance led to the ultim ate abolition of
21. H .H . R isley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, V ol. I , 1S91, pp. Ixx:-
Ixxxi.
22. Bengal Past and Present, Vol. LXXV, 1956, article of Amitabha Muk-
hcrjee entitled, “Infanticide in Bengal and Its Suppression” , p. 118.
this practice by R egulation X V II in D ecem ber, 1829. But for a

long tim e to com e, occasional cases o f 'sa ti' were attem pted and
even accom plished.23
A bout the prevalence o f the institution o f sati in C hotanag
pur, just a few years before the passing of the Regulation XVII
o f 1829, S.T. C uthbert, a M agistrate o f R am garh in his Report
an Pargana Chutianagpur (R anchi), dated April 21, 1827 writes :
■ " In this Parganah (indeed throughout Ranchi) Suttees1* do
n o t take place so often as form erly. I am credibly inform
ed th a t the ancient custom o f im m olating the unfortunate
widows was as follows : A high wall having been erected
around a small space, the inside was filled with dry wood
and oth er com bustibles and the wretched victim was com
pelled to ascend the w all by a ladder, and on her descent
the place was set fire to an d thus was she consum ed w ith
o u t the possibility of escape.
“ In the year 1824,1 issued a proclam ation forbidding the

land-holders perm itting suttees taking place in their villages
o r in their estates save in the presence o f the Police
D arogab, and I notified to the inhabitants o f the district
th a t a co ntrary conduct w ould be visited by me with fine
and im prisonm ent. T o the D arogah, I gave orders to use
every mild and persuasive m eans to prevent such sacrifices.
I even (privately) recommended force to be resorted to in
failure o f m ore lenient m easures, especially if the intended
victim should be young.
" I t m ay here be said th a t I took upon myself a heavy

responsibility in urging the Police officers to act in a m an-
23. B ihar Through the A ges, E d. b y R .R . D iw a k a r,O rie n t L ongm ans, 1958,
p p 682-683.
24 H ow ever p la tfo rm s o r o th e r sm all s tru c tu re s in th e R a n ch i
D istric t, still h eld in rev eren ce a s S a tith a m (seats o f raris) by
local H in d u s, b e a r te s tim o n y to th e p rev a le n c e am o n g th e H in d u s
o f th e R a n c h i d istric t o f th e cru e l custom o f S a ti (J.B .O R .S ., Vol.
V II, p t. IV , o f 1921, a rtic le s o f S .C . R o y , E th n o g ra p h ic a l In v estig atio n
in Official R e c o rd s” , p. 28).
*
ner not warranted by tbe regulations. Be it so. The conso

lation is mine th at lives apparently have been saved by
such interference.
‘T h e suttees which have taken place in the Ramghur
district since the year 1823 are as follows : In 1824 ten
suttees occurred and six were prevented by the timely
interposition o f the D arogah. In 1825, no suttees were
reported as having taken place; one, however, was preven
ted. In 1826, three suttees are reported as having occurred
and one life as having been saved.
“Suttees seldom take place amongst the lower orders and

in the higher classes the prevalence of this custom is much
on the decline, it being now left to the option of the widow
to be burnt o r n ot with the body of her husband. O f the
three wives o f the late Rajah of Chutianagpur, two allow-
themselves to be burnt, the other preferred living. All the
three Palamau Ranees are alive and in the enjoyment of
pensions. The Dowagar Ranees o f Ramgbur and Khuru-
kdee also preferred life to sacrifice.
"In short, it would appear that those women only bum

with the bodies o f their husbands who from age or linger
ing disease are incompetent to the enjoyment o f life, or
those who, having experienced the extreme o f conjugal
felicity find the world a dark and dry wilderness without
the presence o f their beloved partner.
It is clear from the account of C uthbert th a t the s a ti

system might have been in vogue in Chotanagpur during the
period under review. It was, however, mcstly practised by the
people o f upper castes, and those belonging to lower ladder of
society seldom practised it. Stray cases of s a t i occurred till
the beginning o f the present century.26 But this practice was on
25. J.B .O .R .S ., Vol. V II, p art IV, 1921, an article o f S.C. Roy,
“ E thnographical Investigation in Official R ecords” , pp. 28-29.
26. A widow in th e H azaribagh district attem p ted to im m olate herself in
1903 {BMar Through’he Ages, E d. by R .R . D iw akar), O rient Longm ans,
1958, p. 683).
the decline and it practically came to an end by the dose of our

period.
PURDAH
The system of purdah was also in vogue among the Hindu

women o f higher castes. It was regarded as a symbol of wealth
and social rank and even the Rajput kdies w ere not free from it.
Women were not allowed to move or speak freely with men.
They could not sit in the presence o f men above their age and
social position, but remain standing. They weie not allowed to
look at the men in their face, but had to turn their faces away
from them.17
But the vast majority o f the Hindu women of the Division

did not observe seclusion. In the tribal areas, the majority of
the Hindus residing there were of lower castes, and their women
folk had to work with their men in the fields and jungles. The
spread of education amongst women, o f higher classes and their
contact with Western culture, the growth of modern means of
communication, and the freedo mmovement of India, all combin
ed to end or to curb the force of purdah system in the Division.
ECO N O M IC STATUS
Besides these practices, another limitation suffered by the

Hindu women was that the daughter had no share in the pater
nal property. As a daughter or sister, she had only the right of
maintenance and the right to be married. As a widow, she enjoy
ed only the right of maintenance and had no share in her deceas
ed husband’s property. Thus, economically her position was
quite unsatisfactory and she had to depend on her male relatives
so far her livelihood was concerned.
Some im provem ent in their lot were affected by the Hindu

Inheritance Act o f 1928. But, although shares were allotted to
them under this Act, the extent of share granted were nothing
27. P. T hom as ; Hindu Religion. Customs and M anners, pub. by D N.

T araporevala Sons & C o. (P vt. L td.), 3rd ed.. Bom bay, 1926, p. 70.
138 Society in Tribat India
more than limited or w hat was technically termed as Hindu

W omen's Estate. Thus, they were made only limited owners and
after their death, their property passed not to their own heirs
but to the heirs of the last male holder.28
PRO STITUTIO N
It may also be noted that the institution of prostitution

was practically not in existence in Chotanagpur. We have practi
cally no information about professi onal prostitutes residing in
the Division during the period of our study.
With the spread o f education among the females, there
was definitely a change in their lot. Every attem pt was m ade to
im part education to them, and it proved quite useful for their
welfare and uplift in the society in due course.
The picture, thus, drawn shows that though the lot o f the
Hindu women in Chotanagpur was not as good as that o f men,
yet they were better off in many ways than their sisters in other
parts o f the country.
M U S L IM W O M E N
In the case o f the Muslim women, the position was some

what different. Undoubtedly in comparison to their Hindu sisters
they had a better status in society. In their case, marriage (nikah)
■was a civil contract and not a sacrament. They generally practis
ed adult marriage and theoretically they were at liberty in the
selection o f their husbands. They were generally married after
they attained puberty, In the case o f a boy or a girl, who had
not attained puberty or who were still minors the guardians con
tracted them in marriage.
Polygamy was permitted and a Muslim might have as many

as four wives at the same tim e, but not more. But it was not
lawful for a Muslim women to have more than one husband at
the same time. There was no restriction on a Sunni girl m arry
ing a Shia boy or vice-versa. But inter-religious marriage was
not permitted for Muslim women.
28, A .G . Roy : Commentary on Hindu Law (P ast and Present), Pshujo
Brothers, P atn a, l?sO, p. 3 1 .
S o cia l S ta tu s o f W om en 139
F u r th e r , in th e case o f th e ir m a rria g e th e b rid c -p ric e 01 th e

d o w er w as se ttle d by th e h u s b a n d . T h e a m o u n t o f th e dow er
w as o fte n v ery hig h a n d th e w ife h a d a v alid c la im o v e r it. O n e
o f the re a so n s o f th e hig h a m o u n t o f th e d o w e r w as to pi ev en t
th e h u sb a n d fro m d iv o rc in g his w ife, in w h ich case h e w o u ld
h av e to p a y th e a m o u n t s tip u la te d .
A s s ta te d a b o v e , p o ly g a m y w as p e rm itte d in th e M uslim
society, b u t it c a n .io t b e sa id th a t it w .n co m m o n in th e D iv i
sio n .20 C o n c u b in a g e sy stem w as p re v a le n t a m o n g th e m , b u t o nly
th e ric h e r se c tio n s o f th e so c iety co u ld a ffo rd th is s o rt o f lu x u ry .
w id o w h o o d
U n lik e th e ir H in d u sisters. M u slim w id o w s e n jo y e d a b e tte r

sta tu s in so c iety . S he w as n o t s u p p o s e d to le a d a life o f a b s tin
ence a n d w as a t lib e rty to e n jo y life. T h e re w a s n o re stric tio n
o n h e r re -m a rria g e .
E co n o m ica lly to o h e r p o sitio n w as s o u n d . It w as, o f c o u rse ,

tru e th a t th e w id o w 's c la im f o r d o w e r d id n o t e n title h e r to a
ch a rg e on a n y sp e c ifc p ro p e r ty o f h e r d e c ea sed h u s b a n d . B u t,
w h en sh e w as in p o sse ssio n o f th e p ro p e r ty o f h e r d eceased
h u sb a n d , h a v in g “ law fu lly a n d w ith o u t fo rc e o r t 'a u d ” o b ta in e d
such possession “ in lieu o f h e r d o w e r' ( th a t w a s o n th e g ro u n d
o f h e r claim fo r h e r d o w e r, to sa tisfy n e r claim o u t o f th e re n ts
and p ro fits a n d w ith a lia b ility to a c c o u n t fo r th e b a la n c e ), she
w as e n title d as a g a in s t th e o th e r h e irs o f h e r h u s b a n d a n d as
a g a in st th e c re d ito rs o f h e r h u s b a n d to re ta in th T p ossession
u n til h e r d o w e r w as s a tis f ie d /0 N o t o n ly th is , th e M u slim w o
m en h a d eq u a l rig h t in th e p a te r n a l D .o p e rty . T h is m a u e th e m
econom ically q u ite so u n d in so c iety . In th e field o f relig io n to o
th ey en jo y ed a h o n o u ra b le p o sitio n .
29. Sir D.F. M u lla ; Principles o f Mohammedan L a w , 13th ed.,T hc E a s 'c r r t

Law House, Calcutta (Ltd), 1950 ; pp 230-242 & 249. Also see B ih a r
Through the Ages, Ed. by R.R. Diwakar, O rient Longmans. 1958,
p. 686.
30. Sir D.F. Mulla; Principles o f Mohammedan Law, 13th ed , The Eastern
Law House, C alcutta, Ltd., 1950, Chap. XV, p. 255.
D IV O RCE
Divorce among the Muslims was permitted in following

ways: 1. By the husband at his will, without the intervention of
a court ; 2. By mutual consent o f husband and wife ; 3. By a
judicial decree on the suit of the husband or wife.
The wife could n ot divorce her husband without his cons

ent, except under a contract whether made before or after the
marriage, but she might, in some cases obtain a divorce by
judicial decree.
When the divorce was initiated by the husband, it was

called talak ; when it was effected by mutual consent, it was called
khula or mubara a t'.31
The important grounds for divorce were adultery, cruelty,

conversion to another religion, insanity, diseases, etc.
PURDAH
The practice of purdah was strictly followed by the Muslim

women. The word purdah is of Persian origin, which literally
means ‘curtain’. In addition to the original sense, it had also
acquired a secondary meaning—“ the seclusion of women” , which
might differ in degree according to the social status o f a family.
The practice r f purdah , in fact, a gift o f Islam, was in

vogue also among the Muslim women of Chotanagpur. The ladies
of higher sections in society could not dream o f moving about
or talking freely. They always kept themselves in seclusion.
Even the Muslim women of the lower strata of the society tried
to maintain seclusion, but their poverty forced them to come
out o f their houses and to work for their livelihood.
Due to the strict use of purdah, they remained backward

in the field of education for a long time. Purdah became a pot
ent factor responsible for iheir feeling o f inferiority and mental
deficiency. But, in spite o f these limitations, they compared
favourably with their Hindu sisters.
31. Ibid., Chap. XVI, p. 264.
TH E TRIBAL WOMEN
In the tribal society, women were not drudges or beasts

o f burden, but exercised a firm hand in family matters. The
tribal women, to a great extent, enjoyed a considerable measure
of equality with their menfolk. The women, far from being a
slaves had an effective say in the management o f the house and
she could assert her authority when her husband tried to inter
fere in her jurisdiction. She was as free as her man.
As most of the tribal people were very poor and they

depended mostly on agriculture, hunting and collection of edible
fruits, roots and leaves in the neighbouring forests, it was really
difficult for them to manage everything without the help o f their
fair sex. In fact, they were in the need of the help o f their
womenfolk at every step o f their life. Women went along wills
men to the jungle, to collect flowers, fruits, roots and leaves.
They actively helped them in agricultural activities.
Naturally they enjoyed much independence, unlike their

non-tribal sisters, who were mostly dependent on their menfolk.
They were the real mistresses of their household affairs. It i3
true that they did not usually enjoy any political influence and
were not allowed to sit in the village councils or panchayats.
Nor was their voice heard in taking decisions affecting public life.
And, they were debarred from taking direct part in many socio
religious ceremonies. Still they were quite influential within the
four walls o f their homes. Almost all the tribals had softness for
their womenfolk, and they were treated with affection any
sympathy by men, Thus, both in theory and practice, the tribal
women enjoyed a better position than the non-tribal women,
both Hindu and Muslim.
PUBERTY
Unlike in Hindu society, the birth o f a daughter was never

regarded as a curse in a tribal family. In most o f the tribes, when
a girl attained puberty, the parents began to think about her
142 S j c i t y in T rib le In d ia
m a rria g e . M e n s tru a tio n w as su p p o se d to b e th e sign o f p u b e rty

a n d in m a n y trib e s s o m e s o r t o f r ite s w e re p ra c tise d .* :
32. N. Prasr.d ; Loud and People o f Tribal Ri!;art pjb. by B .T .R .l., D60,
p. 110.
Amors; tire KUnrias, during menses, woman remained unclean
for seven days. During this p -riod, she did not touch anyboJy’s
belongings, nor cooked food for others. On the seventh day, she look
bath for cleansing herself. If the girl v.as married, there was belief
among the Kharias that if co-habitation took place within seven
days of the first mcrses, either the husband or the wife would die.
Among the Savars, at the onset of the first m enstruation, the
girl was put in a dark room for seven days, and prevented from
looking man o r the sun. She was served food in th at room by the
women of the house. On the com pletion of seven days, the girl was
taken to a nearby tan k for bath at night-time. G enerally, five women
accompanied her. Widows were not allowed to accompany. After
the bath, the girl was dressed in new clothes received from her father-
in-law's house if she was m arried. On the next day, horn (with pure
ghee) was performed by the priest. The giri sat before the sacred-fire
with her head and face covered. A fter the completion of the puja, the
face was uncovered.
Thereafter the girls was sent to her husband’s house along with
her father-in-law and others. The day she arrived in her husband's
house, she was taken to a pond along with her husband for a bath at
night time. The husband would have a betel nut in the inouth. He
would cut a piece with his teeth and give to his wife for chewing.
After the bath, they put on new dresses an d return home from
whence they started living as husband and wife (N . Prasad; Land
and People o f Tribal Bihar, B.T.R I., 19i0, p. 235.
Among the Birhors, the m enstrual condition o f a woman was
believed to be attain ed with danger to herself as well as to her settle
m ent. This was true both o f the first menses o f a girl as also o f her
subsequent m enstrual ids. D uring this stage, a woman was taboo
to the whole com m unity. She was not allowed to touch her husband
o r any other person for on e week. She was not allowed to cook food
o r draw w ater or to touch food and drink o f others. On the occasion
o f the first m enstruation sacrifice was offered to Home Spirit (Ora-
Bonga/co), The woman got rid of their taboo on the eighth day after
cleansing herself by taking bath an d c h a n .irg her clothes. (S.C.
Roy’s The Birhors, pub. in 1925, pp. 248-251).
Among the Hos, women during their menstrual period would
not take p art in any productive enterprise. N on would she work i n 1
the field o r prepare d ii (rice-beer), D N, M ajumdar ; Affairs o f a Tribe,
P- 69).
Sexual intercourse before marriage was more or less tacitly

recognised by almost all tbe tribes o f Chotanagpur. And if a
girl became pregnant, she was to be married at once to the
father of the child. But intercourse with the girl o f the same
sept was supposed to be a crime o f a very high order and the
culprit was punished with the severe penalty o f ex-communica
tion.
Among those tribes where we find the existence of youth

dormitories such as the Oraons, the Mundas, the Kharias. the
Birhors and the Asurs, some sort of courtship was practised by
young boys and girls, culminating in marriage. But as the tribes
were endogamous by nature, sexual congress with an outsider
was considered a great offence, leading to the severe punishment
of ex-communication.
The women among the Asur3? and the Ghasi3* tribes were
notorious for their lax sexual morality. In spite o f the freedom
allowed in the field of sex, the chastity of a girl was considered
to be a great virtue by almost all the tribes o f Chotanagpur.
Amongst most of the tribes, who were more or less

Hinduised such as the Cheros, the Kharwais, the Rautias, the
Bhumijes, the Bhars, the Birjias, the Kurmis, etc., sexual license
before marriage was not openly recognised, as was the case
among the other aborigines of the Division.
MARRIAGE
The existence o f a woman in the tribal society depended,

on marriage. Marriage was the main aim o f her life. It was
desired by them because they believed that their lives were con
tinued in the lives of their children—and so long the bearing of
children continued, the ancestors were perpetuated. It was only
through marriage that one lived a natural life.
Originally, all tribes favoured adult marriage. But due to

their constant contact with the Hindus, they began to imitate
33. H.H. Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. 1 ,1891, p. 25.
3t. Ibid., p. 278.
the practice of child marriage. Hinduism, as the major religion

of the region, was destined to affect the life of tribal people.
Many of them like tbe Bhars, tbe Bbumijes, the Cheros, the
Kharwars, the Ghasis, the Bhuinyas, the Kurmis, the Rajwars,
tbe Rautias, etc. had become more or less Hinduised. All these
tribes preferred to get their children married at an early age.
But the major tribes like tbe Oraons, the Mundas, the
Santhals, the Hos, the Kharias, and tbe Birhors, with a few ex
ceptions, followed the practice of adult marriage. Even among
other tribes under Hindu influence, the majority of the poor
people went for adult marriage. Child marriage was practised
only by those who were well-to-do and who could afford to
marry their daughters while they were still minor.
Among the Asuts, marriage was usually an adult affair

though a tendency towards the adoption of child marriage was
traceable.5* The Bhars recognised the marriage of adults as
permissible for those who could not afford to marry their daugh
ters off early in age.5* Among the Bhumijes, marriage was
generally at adult age, though child marriage was not rare
among tbe wealthier families.57
The Dand Birjias married their girls either as children or

after they had attained the age of puberty, but the Pahariya
Birjias adhered to adult marriage.58 The tribes like the Cheros
and the Kharwars cherished to marry off their daughters in child
hood but only the rich among them could afford to do so. The
poor among them still practised adult marriage. Risley informs
us that the practice o f child marriage hod not become fully
established among them. D.H.E. Sunder records that the girls
and boys at the time of their marriage were usually ten or
twelve years of age.**
35. H.H. Risley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. t, p. 2J.
36. Ibid., p. 95.
37. Man in India, Vol. IX, article o f T.C. Roy Choudhary, "T he Bhumij
o f Mayurbhanj, p. 103.
38. H .H . Rilley ; The Tribes and.Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, p. 134.
39. Ibid., pp. 201 & 475.
Among the tribes like the Gonds, the Goraits, the M ahlii,
the Kurniis, the Rajwars, the Rautias and a few others, rich
people tried to get their daughters married while very young. But,
as roost of them were poor, adult-age marriage was largely prac
tised. Besides them, even among tribes like the Oraons, the
M undas, the Kharias, the Santhals and the Hos, rich and well-to-
do people, after Hindu fashion, cherished child marriage. But
the majority among them practised adult marriage.
Rev. P. Dehon, describing the system of marriage among
the Oraons in 1906 writes that child marriage was not in honour
among them and the tendency was rather to put off the mar
riages as long as they could.40 Writing in 1891, Risley informs
us that 17 years before, child marriage was said to have been
entirely unknown among the Oraons. But by th at time, a few o f
the wealthier people had taken to this practice, and had begun
to marry their daughters before they had attained puberty.
Among the mass o f the people, however, adult marriage was in
vogue.41
Although early marriage was not infrequent amongst the
well-to-do M undas, especially in the eastern Parganas o f the
Ranchi district, adult marriage remained in fashion amoDg them.41
Among the Santhals, girls were mostly married as adults.43
Similarly, adultage marriage was the rule amongst all sections
of the Kharias. Marriage was not thought o f before a boy was
old enough to earn his own livelihood and a girl was old
enough to fetch water from the village spring or tank and per
form other household duties.
Under the Hindu influence, a few well-to-do Kharias
married their children before they had attained puberty. But
this was an exception and not the rule. As a general rule, boys
were married at the age of 20 or 21 and girls at the age of from
15 to 18 years. The bride was, as a rule, younger than the
bridegroom.4,1
‘Religion and Cusu m
<0. M .A .S.B., V ol. I, N o. 9, Rev. P. D ch o n 's artic le
o f the Oraons," p. 161,
41. H.H. Risley: The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, p. 141.
42. S.C, Roy; The Mundas and Their Country, p . 436.
43. H.H. Risley; The Tribes and Casies of Bengal, Vol. It, p. 228.
44. S.C. Roy & R.C. Roy: The Kharias, 1937, p. 224.
Among the Hos, child marriage was non-existent, marriage

being always performed after puberty, the approximate age for
the girl being usually 15 or over and that of the boy never
below twenty. Where the boy happened to be the only child o f
the parents, the rule was violated and marriage took place at 12
or even earlier. In that case a second ceremony had to be per
formed at puberty o r before cohabitation was allowed. This was
known as Bandit Parha. But early marriage was never an indi
genous institution with the Hos and it may be ascribed to Vfunda
influence.45
Among all the sections of the Birhors, except in a few

Jaghi families, in which a girl was married as early as in her
eleventh or twelvth year, adult marriage was the rule. A boy
was generally married when be was 20 or 21 years old and a girl
when she was about 16 o r 17.46
Among the Savars, girls were generally given in marriage

during childhood as child marriage was considered more respect
able, but no social stigma was attached to a family which was
unable to give their girl in marriage owing to poverty or any
other reasons. The system o f second marriage was also practised
among them when the girl attained puberty,47
The Mahlis married their daughters both as children and

adults, but the former was deemed to be more respectable.
Risley remarks, “ there can, I think, be little doubt that in this as
in other castes on the borders of Hinduism, the tendency at the
present day is towards the entire abolition of adult marriage.” 48
Thus, after going through the above accounts, we come to

a conclusion that adult marriage was universally acknowledged
by all the tribes of Chotanagpur, though a few richer people
45. J.P A.S.B., Vol. X X II, N o. 3, 1926, article o f D .N . M ajum dar enti
tled “ M arriage a n d B etrothal am ong the H os o f K o lh an ” pp. 152-153.
Also D .N . M ajum dar; The A ffairs o f a Tribe, pp. 171-71.
<6. S.C. Roy; The Birhors, p. 143.
47. N . Prasad; The Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, p. 235.
48. Q uoted in H.H. Risley’s The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II,
189), p . 11.
Social Status of W o m e n 14?
am ong them a n d th o se w h o w ere g rea tly influenced by H in d u ism ,
also practised child m arriag e.
I f we go th ro u g h different ac co u n ts o f th e tr ite s o f C h o ta
nagpur, w e com e to a co nclusion th a t am o n g them m atch es w ere
m ade by th e p are n ts a n d th e p arties h a d very little to say in th e
m atter o f th e ir m arriage. B u t exam ples o f lo v e-m arriag es w ere
also very nu m ero u s an d th e boys an d girls them selves selected
th e ir partners. B u t even in this case, th e p are n ts o r g u ard ia n s o f
bo th th e parties to o k th e final decision.
In fact, th e villag e-d o rm ito ry , th e akhara, m a rk e ts, fairs

a n d occasional jatras, in w hich girls w ere freely allow ed to p a rti-
cqiate by th e ir p aren ts, g av e th e m am p le o p p o rtu n ities fo r th e
selection o f th e ir p artn e rs. T h u s, it has to be ad m itte d th a t
unlike n on-tribals, the ab o rig in al boys a n d girls h a d so m e say in
th e ir m arriages, th o u g h it was n o t a g en eral ru le. T h e p a re n ts
h a d a say definitely in th e selection o f m atch es fo r th e ir sons a n d
daughters.
A m ong all th e trib e s o f th e D ivision, d u rin g th e co u rse o f

m arriage settlem ent, th e ‘b rid e-p rice’ o r d o w er w as to b e p aid to
th e b iid e b y th e fa th e r o f th e b rid eg ro o m . T h e a m o u n t o f th ia
‘b ride-price’ differed am o n g d ifferen t tribes at d iffe re rt places a n d
a t different p erio d s.49
49 W.G, Archer informs that among the Oraons, most villages had certain
customary rates a s ‘bride-price’ such as seven pieces of cloth and five
rupees (W.G. Archer; The Blue Grove, pub. by George Allen & Unwin
Ltd.,London, 1940, p. 81). Col. E.T, Dalton, in his book. The Des
criptive Ethnology o f Bengal, p. 94, informs us that among the
Mundas the ‘bride-price’ varied from Rupees 4 to Rs. 20. Risley also
fixes the same amount.
S.C. Roy informs us on pages 440-441 of his work, The Mundas and
Their Country, that the ‘bride-price’ among the Mundas was settled
not by naming the demands, but by the bride’s guardian signifying
his demands by symbols. Thus, a number of c ^y-marblcs were sent
to the bride-groom’s guardian through the d'ifam (intermediary) to
signify the number of T'.tpees wanted, A number of sal leaves each
rolled up and tied round with a coloured thread signified 'he number
of saris wanted, and so forth The bride-groom's guardian took a
certain number out of those articles and returned the rest to sigmty
(hat he agreed to give as many of each item as he had kept.
Among the K harias, according to Risley, one to ten heads of

cattle must be paid as th? ‘bride-price’. Russell writes about them that
the customary ‘bride-price’ was 12 bullocks, but many families could
not afford that. The boy’s party made 12 models of bullocks, placed
each in a leaf plate an d sent them to the girl's party, S.C. Roy records
that the ‘bride-price’ was fixed at three, seven, or nine rupees, but in
no case the figure was to be an even num ber. Besides money, sari,
clothes and ornam ents for the bride w ere also presented. (N. Prasad;
Land and People o f Tribal Bihar, pub. by B .T .R .I., p. 120)
Rekha O. D han, com menting on the prevalence o f the ‘bride
price’ among the Hos writes, "T h e paym ent o f bride wealth (gonong)
is essential and the families who pay gottong Cor th eir sons, command
respect in the society. Today Andi type of cerem onial m arriages are
b ein less and less im portant, as it means heavy financial transaction
in the form otgonong which used to be 10 to 60 or 70 heads o f cattle
in olden days. Today, it is 5-6 cattle, 2-4 goats, 3 khandi (1 K handi—
20 seers o r half m aund) o f paddy, 20-60 pots o f rice beer and some
cash which may vary from Rs. 100 to Rs. 500. The m inim um am ount
-of ‘bride-price’ to be paid is 2 cattle, 2 goats, and 12 seers o f paddy, 10
to 15 pots o f beer and Rs. 5 in cash. Since the ‘bride-price’ asked
for is too high, many girls grow into old maids. Consequently, the
Hos society today recognises and rath e r encourages other types o f
marriages, e g. Rajikhushi and O pertipi..." (Bull, o f the B .T .R .I., Vol
I I I , No. 1, R ekha O. D 'la n ’s article "T h e Hos o f Seranda” , p. 67)
From D river’s account we learn that am ong Btrhars, the price of
a wife ranged fiom Rs. 3 to Rs. 5. Risley, however, rem arks that Rs. 3
was the standard ‘bride-price’ am ong the B irhors, which has also
been adm itted b* S.C. Roy (J.A.S.B., Vol. 57, part I, 1888, W.H.P.
D river's article, "N o te on Some K olarian Tribes” , p. 14; also r .H .
Risley; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, p. 138. Also S C. Roy
The Birhors, p. 153).
About Santhals, Col. E.T. D alton informs us on page 215 o f
his book The Descriptive Ethnology o f Bengal that am ong them the
■bride-price’ averaged Rs. 5. Besides clothes were presented to the
bride and her parents
Narm adeshwar Prasad in his book Land and People o f Tribal Bihar
inform s us that among the Bhumijes the ‘bride-price’ ranged from
Rs. 3 to Rs. 12; among the M ahlis it was Rs. 5; among the Lohras
Rs. 12, besides saris and clothes fo r bride antj-her parents The Bedias
called it Dhalt takka and it consisted o f Rs 5, besides saries
and sweets. The Bedias had a peculiar custom; the ‘bride-price"
items must be equal to the items spent at the Chhatti o f the bride.
Among the Chik-Baraiks, the rate o f ‘bride-price’ was high ; among
the Korwas usually Rs. 3 and one sari form ed the bride-price;
The r u e of ‘bride-pricc* among the Korwas was 24 pois o f ricc-bcer
and Rs. 2 in c a s h ; among the Parahiyas, it. varied from Rs. 2 to
Social Status of W o m e n 149
A m o n g a ll th e trib e s o f C h o ta n a g p u r , p o ly g a m y w as p e r
m itted . T h e re w as n o lim ita tio n on th e n u m b e r o f w ives. B u t
th e trib a l p e o p le w ere fo r th e m o st p a r t p a o r a n d th e ir m e a g re
s ta n d a rd o f living p ro v e d a n a ffe c tu a l b a r to excessive in iu lg e n c e
in th e lu x u ry o f p o ly g a m y . O n ly su ch p e o p le , w h o w e re
w ell-to -d o in the so c ie ty a n d w h o c o u ld a ffo rd to m a in ta in m o r e
th a n o n e w ife, w ere iu a p o sitio n to p ra c tise th is lu x u ry . I t
w as o n ly in th e case w h en a m a n h a d n o c h ild re n by h is first
w ife, th a t a c o m m o n e r u su a lly m a rr ie d a g a in , if h e c o u id atT ord
to d o so, fo r h a v in g c h ild re n , a n d it fre q u e n tly h a p p e n e d th a t
th e seco n d w ife w as a y o u n g w id o w , w h o m h e m a rrie d by th e
'sa g a i’ fo rm , p a y in g a n o m in a l b rid e -p ric e a n d in c u rrin g f a r less
e x p e n d itu re th a u w o u ld b e n ec essary in th e e v e n t o f h e r m a rr y in g
virgin.
In fa c t, p o ly g a m y w a s n o t v ery f re q u e n t a m o n g th e m ,
th o u g h p e rm itte d by Jaw a n d c u s to m , a n d th e tr ib e s like th e
C h e ro s, th e K h a r w a r s , th e S a n th a ls a n d a few o th e rs n e v e r
fa v o u re d p o ly g a m y .60
Rs. 5 and a piece of cloih for the bride ; the G oraits gave a sari, a
he-goat and Rs. 3 to 5 as ‘bride-price.’
Sim ilarly, airong the Asurs. the Birjias, ih e Sorans, the Baihudis,
the Kisans, the O teros, the K harw ars and other tribes of Chotanag
pur the 'brid e-p rice' v as to te paid to t i e parent or guardian
o f the would-be bride by ihe parent or guardian of the bridge-
groom and it was only after the payment of this 'bride-price*
that marriage was to be perform ed (N . Prasad; Land and People o f
Tribal Bihar, pub. by B .T .R .I., pp. 112, 145, 153, 170, 175, 191,
195, 203 & 208).
50. In h i' hook ‘Annals o f Rural Bengal', p. 203, VV.W. H unter inform s
us that the Santhals rem ained faithful to one wife. Second marriages
were not unknown, but they seldom took place, except for the
purpose of obtaining a heir, and a Santlial always honoured his wife,
Risley writes that polygamy was not favoured by the Santhals. A
man might take a second wife if his first wife was barren. O r if bis
elder brother died, he might m arry the widow. But, in either case
the consent of his original wife must be o btained for the arrange
ment, Instances no doubt occurred in which this was evaded, but
they were looked upon with disfavour (H .H . Ris ey’s The T-ibes
arid Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, p. 229).
About the Hos, D .N . M ajum dar writes on page 126 o f his book
The Affairs o f a Tribe th a t formerly when a man m arried and begot
D I F F E R E N T F O R M S O F M A R R IA G E
I t w ilt n o t b e o u t o f p la c e to d e s c rib e h e re th e d iffe ren t

f o r m s o f m a rr ia g e s p re v a le n t a m o n g s o m e o f th e m a jo r trib e s
o f C h o ta n a g p u r , w h ich th r o w su fficie n t lig h t o n th e p o sitio n o f
tr ib a l w o m e n .
T h e K h a r ia s o f C h o ta n a g p u r u s u a lly fo llo w e d th e A sali

or re a l o r r e g u la r f o rm o f m a rr ia g e in w h ic h se v e ra l elem en ts
no ch ild ren w ithin two or three year?, he had th e customary right

to marry his wife’s sister w ith o u t paying Furthergonong, but ihis right
gradually disappeared, A substantial reduction in gonong was, how
ever, m ade for m arrying a wife's sister. The relation between sisters,
sharing the common house and husband, seldom grew difficult.
The Hos often m arried girls who were m uch elder than them
selves, and the difference in age betw een husband and wife might
be considerable. As the wife in such cases aged earlier than the
husband, the latter th en selected to m arry his wife’s sister, which
was not bitterly resented by the first wife.
S.C. Roy on page 170 o f his book Oraon Religion and Customs
co m m 'n tin g on O raon m arriage w rites, “ O rdinarily an Oraon can
take only one m aiden as his wife. It is only an Oraon having no issue
by his first wife, who may be allowed to take over a maidan as his
second wife in the regular benja form.
On page 27t o f The Kharias, S.C. Roy & R .C . Roy inform us that
am ong all sections o f the K harias of Chotanagpur, monogamy was the
rule. The marrying of a second wife during th e life*time of the
first, though perm itted, was rare an d was looked down upon. If
the second wife was a maiden, the same ceremonies, as in a
regular marriage, were followed. The sagai form of marriage was
adopted when the girl was a widow, B K . C hatterjee opines about
the K harias : “ A man may have more th an one wife, b ut generally
circum stances do not p erm it them to have m ore than one".
(J.P.A.S.B.,) V o l. XXVII, No. 2, article entitled, “ The Social and
Religious Institu tio n s o f the K h aria s", p. 226).
Polygamy am ong the Bhumijes was sometim es indulged in by the
wealthier families; the barrenness of the first wife being the main
reason {Man in India, Vol. IX , T,C. Roy Chowdhary’s article entitled,
“ The B’lum ij o f M ayurbhanj” , p. 106).
Thus, it is apparent from these records that monogamy, though
not a rule, was practised largely by the tribals and people soldom
indulged in the luxury o f polygamy, a n d th a t too also under certain
circumstances. The same system prevailed am ong the other tribes
alio .
Social Status of W o m e n 151
h a d b e e n b o r ro w e d fro m th e H in d u s w ith su c h m o d ific a tio n s a s

su ite d th e lo w e r c u ltu re o f th e K h a r ia s . In th is fo rm o f m a rria g e
th e w ishes o f th e p a r e n ts d o m in a te d .
T h e re w e re a lso o th e r fo rm s o f m a rria g e p ra c tis e d b y th e

K h a ria s. S .C . R o y a n d R .C . R o y re c o rd th re e fo rm s o f K h aria *
m a rria g e a p a r t fro m A sli-Biha, w h ich w ere g ra d u a lly fallin g in to
disuse. T h e y w ere ‘U dra-U dri C h o ik i' o r m a rria g e by e lo p e m e n t:
Sundrom Tappn o r Sundront L a k h i o r m a rr ia g e b y c a p tu r e a n d
Dltuku C tiolki o r m a rria g e b y ir .s tr u s io n S1
51. S.C. Roy & R.C. Roy give Jviails of these forms of marriage as fol
lows : “ In the Udra-Udri form of m arriage, when a young man and a
young woman fall in lo . e vith each other, and apprehend any diffi
culty to their union, ihe boy gets hold o f the girl at a market or a
dancing meet generally by preconsenl. A show o f res'stence
is made by the girl, and the boy'r friends are at the hand to help him,
in case there should be any resislence from the g irl's people. They
elope, and live in hiding as husband and wife for a few days. The
relatives generally make a search for them . When they are found
and brought home, if the parents of the boy are fairly well
off, a 'bride-price’ of five or six bullocks or th eir price estim ated
according to the customary convention has to be paid. Vermilion is
then formally applied to each by the other, and a feast is given to
fellow tribesmen according to the means of the boy’s family. The
K haria call this form of marriage by the name of Kotdung Yaro.
“ A rother form of marriage is by force, or rath er unauthorised
application of vermilion by a young man on the forehead o f the girl
of his choice. The girl is generally a consenting farty . This form of
ta k irg a wife is ordinarily resorted to, when the guardians o f the boy
or of the girl, o r both, and even in rare instances, ihe girl herself,
are not agreeable to the union. The application of vermilion is re
garded as tantam ount to marriage, and if for any reason the boy
cannot take another wife except by a union in the bandai or sagai
form prescribed for the marriage o f a widow. On such forceable app
lication of vermilion, the boy is generally severely beaten. A panch
or council of \illage-elders is convened on a date notified beforehand,
and the panch generally authorises the father or guardian of the girl
to bring from the boy's 1ouse five or six heads of cattle by way of
hride-price.The boy’s people are also required to give a feast or rather
two feasts (generally on (wo successive days) to the girl’s people and
to the Ponchos and others. The D helki-K hatias call this form o f
union Sundrom Lahki and the D udh-K harias Sundrom Tappa.
“ In Dhuku Choiki or Dhuku Diarkt form o f marriage which may
A m o n g th e H o s, th e re w ere m any fo rm s o f m arriag es in

vogue. T h e follow ing am o n g th em w ere significant : Andi,
Diku-Andi, Apartipi-Andi, Anader, Rajikhushi a n d Herom-
Chetam-Andi. In th e first fo rm , th e ce rem o n ial sid e w as e x tre
m ely im p o rta n t a n d in th e rest fo rm s o f m arria g e it was alm o st
absen t. It is im p o rta n t to n o te h ere th a t g rad u a lly th e cerem o
nial m a rria g e th a t is Andi an d Diku-Andi types becam e less a n d
less im p o rta n t, as th e y m e an t h eav y fin an cial tran sa ctio n s in th e
fo rm o f gonong. O n th e o th e r h a n d , Apartipi a n d Rajikhushi
fo rm s w ere encou rag ed an d a h o san ctio n ed by society. T h e
Anader Andi resem bled th e Dhuku-Choiki-Andi fo rm o f th e
K h a ria -m a rria g c .
S om etim es, th e H o s m a rrie d th e ir w ife’s sister, w idow s o r

divorcees a n d k e p t th e m e ith e r w ith th eir first wives o r in an o th e r
h u t. Such m arriag es w ere called *Herom-Chetam-Andi.®2.
T h e B irhors o f C h o ta n a g p u r follow ed th e follow ing fo rm s

o f m arriage: Nem-Napam Bap la, Udra Vdri B .pla, Boia-Bapla-
Sipundur Bapla, Sangha Bapla, Hirum Bapta, Kring-Jawee
Bapla, Golhat Bapla, Beng-Karhi-Bapla a n d Sadan-Bapla .BS
be called ‘Intrusion Marriage’, it is the woman and not the man, who
takes the initiative. And it may be resorted to by a widow as well as
by a maiden. In fact, more often, it is a widow rather than a maiden,
who has recourse to this method o f securing a husband” , (S.C. Roy
& R.C. Roy; The Kharias, 1937, pp. 269-271).
52. J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXII, No. 3, 1926, article by D.N. Majumdar enti
tled, “ Marriage and Betrothal Among the Hos of K olhan”, pp. 155
165, also D.N. Majumdar; The Affairs o f a Tribe, pp. 130-140; see also
Bull of the B.T.R.I., Vol. Ill, No. 1, 1961, Rekha O. Dhan's article
“The Hos of Saranda” , pp. 66-70; also N. Prasad; Land and People o f
Tribal Bihar. 19 SO, p. 107.
53 S.C. Roy gives Ihe following account of different kinds of marriage
prevalent among the Birhors :
“ When a young mar. and a maiden are discovered to have been
carrying an intrigue, if they have proceeded too far to be dissuaded,
the elders of the tanda formally make over the girl to the keeping
of her lover, and, when the latter or her parents are able to collect
the necessary expenses, the customary ‘bride-price’ is paid to the
, bride’s parents; relatives and fello.w-ronrfa-people are invited;
vermilion is applied as in a regular marriage, and the useful marriage
feast is provided. This is known as the Nam-mpam-Eapla, This is
m ore prev alen t am ong th e U lM us th a n am ong the Jaghis.
“ T he Udra-Udri Bapla is a purely elopm ent m arriage. A young
m an and a girl Form an attac h m e n t fo r each o th e r, a n d ap p re
h en d in g opposition to th eir u n io n , secretly leave th e village together
an d rem ain in hiding as h usband a n d wife for som e tim e. Sub
sequently, w hen they are fo u n d o u t, they are brought hom e, th e
custom ary 'b rid c -p ric e' is paid, th e Sindur is applied, a n d a feast is
provided to relatives an d the r a v / j p : o p h to v a lid a te the m a rria g e ’’.
" I n Boto Bapla o r ‘in tru sio n m a rriag e’, a m aid en or widow
en ters (forcibly, if necessary) th e house o f a m in she leaves, carrying
on h e r h ead eith er a basket o f th e corolla o f the mohua flower or
a b u n d le o f fire-wood a n d ‘ lays in the house for a day o r two in
spite o f all rem o n stra n ce or even persecution. She is th en recog
n ised as a Bolo-wife o r a Dhukni. . . . G e n e ra lly , how ever, th e lover’s
people do not object to this sort o f in tru sio n , b u t trea t the girl
kindly. Even if she be a sp in ster, th e g irl’s p aren ts have r o right
to the usual ‘brid e-p rice,’ alth o u g h , in practice, th e ‘b rid e-p rice’ is
generally paid to conciliate th em , an d som etim es even a sum o f one
rupee and fout a n n ts is p aid in excess o f the o r d in a r y ’b rid e-p rice’
o f n ine ru p ees. T his m oney is spent by th e b rid e's people in a feast
to th e ir friends an d relativ es. T h e b rid e ’s peo p le a re also in v ited to
a feast at th e bridegroo m ’s house w here verm ilion is applied to the
b rid e ’s fo re h ea d ’’.
The S tp m d u r Bapla is th e co n v erse o f the Bolo Bapla. In th is form
o f m arriage a young m an who wishes to m arry a p articu lar girl but
is not allow ed to do so, lies in w ait for th e err! w ith a little verm i
lio n d ilu 'e d in oil, an d when he m eets her alo n e applies it on her
forehead. T h is is som etim es d o n e at a m ark et place or at a fair ;
an d in such a case, th e young m an takes care to have with him a
few friends to help him in resisting by force any o p p o sitio n from the
g irl's people, who may h ap p en to be rep rese n t.”
“ T he application o f th e v erm ilio n to th e fo reh ead o f th e girl
is co n sid ered to be ta n ta m o u n t to m arriage ; a n d even if th e girl's
people refuse to m ake her over to the m an , b u t give her in m arriage
to an o th er, such a la tte r m irria g e w ill be co n sidered as a Sangha
(second) m arriage an d will not be atte n d e d by all th e cerem onies
required to be observed in th e regular m arriage o f a spinster. G e n e
rally , how ever, th e p are n ts co n sen t to the Sipundur husband taking
away the girl after having paid th e usual ‘b rid e-p rice’ an d a fine of
one rupee an d four a n n a s to the elders o f the g irl’s tartda. The usual
w edding feast is provided to com plete an d v alid ate the m arriag e.”
“ W hen a m an having a wife living, m arries an o th er w om an, the
form o f u n io n is known as H iruin Bapla, I f th e second wife is a
spinster, the bridgegroom h as to pay on e o r two rupees in addition
to the usual ‘bride-price’ o f n in e rupees. If this second wife is a
widow, th e form o f union is know n as Sangha Bapla, T he sam e nam e
Among the Santhals the following were important forms

o f marriage : K iring Bahu, G handi Jawae, K iring Jaw ae, I tut,
N irbolok and T u n ki D ipil B apla .S1
is also applied to the m arriage of a widower to a widow or to a

divorced woman. In such marriages the am ount of the ‘bride-price’
is only two rupees and eight annas besides a sari-cloth.
“ In the Kiring-Jawae-Bapla (bought son-in-law m arriage) the
expenses required for the marriage are advanced by the father-
in-law and repaid in convenient instalm ents by the son-in-law.
Although the bride in taken to the bridegroom 's tanda after
the marriage, both bride and the bridegroom retu rn after a fort
night or a m onth to the bride’s father's tanda and both rem ain in
there until the bride-price is repaid” .
“ The Golhat Bapia or Gua Bapla (marriage by exchange o f betel
nuts) is an exchange marriage for which no cash payment has to be
made, one family exchanging a son or nephew and a daughter o r niece
respectively for a bride and a bridegroom from the other family.
W ith the exception of the payment of ‘bride-price', the same cere
monies are observed as in the case of a regular m arriage.”
“In the Banga-Karhi Bapla, the bride, owing to her paren t’s poverty,
is taken to the bridegroom’s house to be m arried” . (S.C Roy’s The
Birhors, 1925, pp. 144-150).
54. O f the different forms o f marriage among the Santhlas, the Kiring
Bahu form was the most common. This was a traditional form of
marriage in which marriage was settled through negotiations and the
’bride-price’ was duly paid.
When a man had no son to succeed him after his death, he along
with others went to the village of the bridegroom and brought him
to his house. The bridegroom was paid some money as compensa
tion for his stay at the house o f his bride. This was known as Gandt
Jawae or ‘marriage by service'. Kiring Jawae happened when a girl
had a secret relation with some man and she became pregnant. In
(his case, a sum was paid to the man willing to accept the girl as his
wife.
In Itut form o f marriage, no interm ediaries were required. This
usually happened due to love intrigue and whenever the boy got an
opportunity, he applied vermilion on the forehead o f the girl and
made her his wife. But this was not supposed to be settled unless a
fine was levied by the parents of the girl through the *Afanjhi'.
Sometimes a girl intruded into the house o f a boy and stayed there.
I f she was not allowed to stay there as a wife, the m atter was referred
to the 'Jog-Manjhi' who settled the m atter an d regularised the m ar
riage. This was known as N ir-Bobk.
The Tunki-dipll Bapla type of marriage usually happened among
Social S ta tu s o f W omen 155
A m ong o th e r trib es also like th e M u n d a s, the A surs,
th e K orw as, th e C h ero s, th e K h a rw a rs, th e B hum ijes, th e M ahlis,
the Birjias, th e B hars, th e R a u tia s, th e C h ik B araiks, th e G o ra its,
etc. different fo rm s o f m arria g e w ere m o re o r less th e sam e.
A m ong th e M u n d a s, the Dhuko era (entering in to th e

house-hold by a b rid e o f her ow n re c o rd ) was also p rev alen t,
th o u g h n o t reg a rd e d h o n o u ra b le by th e m .55 T h e A surs h a d a
n u m b er o f o th e r fo rm s o f m arriag e a p a rt fro m t h e reg u lar fo rm ,
viz., m a rriag e by service, m a rria g e by elo p m en t, m arriag e by
force, Ghar-jamai an d m arriag e by ex change o f sisters.56 Sim i
larly, am ong th e K orw as, a p a rt fro m th e regular fo rm s o f
m arriage, run-aw ay m a rria g e was also in vogue.57
W ID O W H O O D
T h e widows am o n g th e trib a ls w ere n o t helpless as those in

th e H in d u society. A w idow in th e trib a l society was n o t su b
jected to any presecutio n . She n ever gave up h e r feeling o f
independence and confidence. She h ard ly lam en ted o ver h e r
w idow hood. T his p o sitio n w as possible because o f h er in b o rn
virtues, viz , self-dependence, a sp irit o f confidence to ca rry o n
her livelihood, a n d abo v e all, h er rig h t to re-m arry an d to lead
ag ain a no rm al m a rrie d life.
W ith th e exception o f th e B hars58 a n d th e Bhum ijes69 w ho

a fte r im itating th e H in d u s h a d eith er com pletely given up th e
the poor. The girl was brought from her house to the house of the
intending husband where the S in d u r was applied to the girl’s fore
head which finalised the marriage (H.H. R isley: T h e T ribes a n d
C osies o f B engal, Vol. II, pp. 229-231. Also see N. Prasad ; L a n d a n d
P eople o f T rib a l B ih a r, 1960, pp. 75-76.)
55. H.H. Risley ; The T rib es a n d C a ste s o f B engal, Vol. II, p. 102.
56. N. Prasad ; The L a n d a n d P eo p le o f T rib a l B ihar, I960, p. 218.
57. M a n in India, Vol. X, Article o D.N. Majumdar entitled, “ Social
Organisation among Korwas” , p. 113.
58. H.H. Risley ; T he T rib e s a n d C a sles o f B engal, Vol. I, pp. 95-96.
59. On page 123 of The T rib es a n d C asles o f B en g a l, Vol. II, Risley says,
‘Traces of the growth of a sentiment adverse to the practice of widow
marriage may perhaps be discovered in the fact that the children of
widows by their second husband experience some difficulty in getting
married and tend rather to form a class by themselves.
practice o f widow re-marriage, o r were proceeding towards it, and

the wealthy section o f the Cheros*0 and the Kharwars, who re
garded widow re-marriage with disfivour, almost all the tribes o f
Chotanagpur had given this right to their widows.
It was, however, always thought desirable that a widow

should not leave her deceased husband's house and should
marry the younger brother o f her husband. In case her husband
had no unmarried younger brother, she should marry his nearest
male kin. A widow was, however, asked to make her choice.
If she refused the brother and nearest kin, then she either took
a man of her choice as her husband in her deceased husband’s
village or returned to her natal home and there selected a man
to re-roarry.
In the event o f her marrying an outsider, she forfeited all

her claims to a share in her late husband’s property and to the
custody of any children she had with him. Besides, examples
were also not in wanting when an old widow preferred to remain
in her husband’s home with her children and did not marry
again.
Tbe marriage o f a widow was performed through the

Sagai or Sanga form. She was generally married to a widower
or a divorcee. But her marriage with a bachelor was also some
times possible. In the Sanga or Sangai form, the rituals o f
marriage were simple and less elaborate than the regular forms
of marriage. The question o f furnishing ‘bride-price’ did not
arise. The Bridegroom, along with other fellows, went to bride’s
house and applied vermilion on her Forehead and marriage was
thus completed in a very simple way.
DIVORCE
Conjugal separation through divorce was also prevalent

among all the tribes o f the Division. There were numerous
grounds on which the decree o f divorce could be issued by the
Council of relatives or the Caste-Council—adultery, cruel treat
ment, laziness, impotency, barrenness, inability to agree, and
60, H .H . Risley, the Tribes and Caste of Bengal, Vol. ), 1891, p. 202.
d efy in g c a s te ta b o o s . D iv o rc e w as a lso s o u g h t w h en a w ife w as

a landy o r ru n a w a y , w itc h , in sa n e, th ie f, etc. In m o st cases,
w o m en h a d clso th e rig h t to ask fo r a d iv o rce . T h e d iv o rc e e
w as a t lib e rty to m a rry a g a in th r o u g h Sagai o r Sanga f o rm .61
61. About the prevalence o f the system of divorce in the Sar.thal society,
Risley rem arks: ‘ Divorce is allo w ;! at the wish of either husband
or wife. If neither p irty is in fault, the one who wants to divorce
is expected to bear the expenses. Tne husband Tor example, in such
a case, would not be entitled to claim a refund o f the ‘bride-price'
originally paid and would also have to nay a tine and give the women
certain customary dues. If, on the other hand, her father has to make
good the ‘bride-price’ in addition to a fine for her laxity of behaviour.
The divorce is affected in the presence o f the assembled villagers by
the husband tearing asunder three sal leaves as token of separation
and upsetting a brass pot full of w ater.” (H.H. Risley ; The Tribes and
Castes o f Bengal, Vol. 11, p. 231. Also see W.W. H unter ; Annals of
R ural Bengal, p. 208).
About the M undas, Risley rem arks (on page 103 o f The Tribes and
Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II) thus “ Divorce is allowed at the instance
of either party, and divorced women are perm itted to marry again.
In case of adultery the seducer is required to pay to the husband the
full am ount o f the ‘bride-price’.
S.C. Roy writes, "W hen a M unda wife refuses to live with her
husband, o r the latter refuses to keep o r support her, a panchayat
is convene), three o f the members being generally selected by the
party wishing to snap at the marriage tie, an d two by the party who
wishes the marriage to continue. The Bala Pancha or the President
o f t h : Council hands over a W -leaf to the party, who is unwilling
to continue the marriage tie, and latter tears the leaf in twain in
indication o f the dissolution o f the marriage. This ceremony is
known as the sakam-chari. In Pargana Tam ar , a piece of turmeric
(.sasang) is also similarly broken into two, and this ceremony is known
as sasang-had. If the wife is the unwilling party, ihe ‘bride-price’,
or gonong-taka, and tore-taka have to be returned” . S.C. Roy ;
The Mundas and Their Country, pp. 455-456).
mong the O raons, “ Divorce is readily effected” , says Risley, “ at
the will of either husband o r wife. The consent o f the panchayat is
not required, nor is the intention to separate attested by any parti
cular form, A husband turns away his wife or a wife runs off from
her husband, and the fact in either case is accepted as constituting
a valid divorce. If a woman has children, her husband may be
compelled to contribute to their m aintenance if he divorces the
mother on any other ground than adultery. Similarly, when a wife
deserts her husband, not o n account of ill-treatm ent, but merely
because she takes a fancy to another m an, her parents may be called
upon to repay the ‘bride-price’ which they received at her marriage.
Divorced wives may marry again on the same term s and by the same
form as widows” . (H.H . Risley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal,
Vol. II, p. 143 ; also S.C. Roy ; Oraon Religion and Customs, p. 171.)
Among the K harias, divorce was granted by the yilligc-punchayat,
which was presided over by the viiiage-head. The charges were dis
covered. If divorce was granted, the husband, took out the bangle
from the wrist o f the wife an d broke it into two parts, symbolising
the separation. In case the wife sought for divorce, she had to return,
the ‘bride-price’, but when it was reverse, the ‘bride-price’ was not
returned (J.P.A .S.B., Vol. XXVII, No, 2, B.K. C hatterjee’s article
entitled, ‘‘The Social and Religious Institutions of the K harias” ,
p. 226. Also Bull, o f B .T .R .I., Vol. I ll, N o. 1, article of H ari-
m ohan entitled, “ Socio-economic O rganisation an d Religion among
th e H ill K harias of D halbhum ” , p. 203. Also S.C. Roy & R.G. Roy;
The Kharias, p. 278),
Among the Hos, divorce was freely perm itted, but cases of divorce
were rare. The reason was the high rate o f gonong o r ‘bride-price’
which precluded a H o from breaking off the pact from his side.
The Bhumijes o f Manbhum allowed divorce only when a woman,
had been guilty o f adultery. The separation was ordered by a Council
o f Relatives, after scrutinising the charges fram ed. If a woman was
declared guilty, her husband solemnly drew from her wrist the iron
ring, which was the visible sign of wedlock. W ater was then poured
on a ja/-leaf, and the husband tore the wet leaf in two to symbolise
separation This ceremony was called 'pat-pani chira\ A woman
had no right to divorce her husband, and if neglected o r ill-treated,
her only remedy was to run away with another man The divorced
wife might marry again by the sanga form. (H .H . Risley ; The
Tribes and the Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, 1891, p. 123).
Among the G oraits, a divorce or, Chhora-Chhori was granted by
the Caste-Council, if the wife proved to be unchaste or if she fre
quently ran away to her father’s house without the permission o f her
husband. Proceedings might also he initiated by the wife on the
grouna that her husbam was too old for her or was an habitual drun
kard. Divorced woman had a right to marry again (H .H . Risley ;
The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, p. 29S).
Among the Mahiis, divorce was perm itted on the ground o f adul
tery or inability to agree. When a husband divorced his wife, he gave
her a rupee and took away the iron armlets (lohar-kharu) which was
given to her at the tim e o f wedding, symbolising the separation.
(H.H , Risley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. II, p. 41).
Social Status o f Women 15*
E C O N O M IC STA TU S
A m ong all the tribes of C hotanagpur inheritance was from

the father to sou. A w oman could not inherit. A girl was
entitled to her m aintenance till she got m arried. A widow was
also not entitled to inherit her husband’s property. But, she
was entitled to her m aintenance only as long as she lived in her
husband’s family.
PR EG N A N CY
The pregnant w oman am ong most o f the tribes o f C h o ta

nagpur observed some restrictions with respect to food and drink,
and had to observe many taboos. They engaged some elderly
w om an who acted as midwife at th e time o f child birth. A
Chhut was clam ped on the house, the parturient m other, the
child and the father. T he villagers did not take anything o f the
house o f the p arturien t m other. N either ceremony o r festival
could take place in the house nor the people of the house could
take p art in them unless a purificatory ceremony was observed
ranging from often three to nine days.
PR O ST IT U T IO N
The evil o f prostitution was n o t to be found am ong the

tribes o f C hotanagpur. But the women o f the A sur82 and the
G hasi63 tribes were notorious for their lax m orality and they
w ere sometimes found carrying on their livelihood by sacrificing
their chastity and honour. Some of them also acted as dancing
girls o r Khetri o r Nachni an d were reduced to the position
of concubineage o r kept by the w ealthy non-tribals or even
tribals.01
62. H.H. Risley ; The Tribes and Castes o f Bengal, Vol. I, p. 25.
63. Ibid., p . 278.
people of Palamau were a moral race", remarks L.R. Forbes.
64. “ T h e
“ Such a thing as brothel is not to be found in the whole Parganah,
and there are very few families who earn their livelihood by open
prostitution” . (L.R. Forbes ; Ryotwari Settlement in Palamau., p. 51)..
CONCLUSION
The status o f women among the aboriginal tribes of Chota

nagpur all the more rose with the gradual development of
education among them. It did not only make them far-sighted
but also injected the feelings o f confidence and self-respect. The
educated tribal women no longer felt that they were helpless crea
tures in this world Besides education, their conversion to Christi
anity had definitely raised their status in the society. The con
verted Christian women were treated on equal footing with men
in every sphere of life. Oo the whole, the position o f women
in the tribal society was much better than that o f the non-tribal
society.
CHAPTER V
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION
GENERAL CONDITION O F EDUCATION
Commenting on the state o f education in the district of

M anbhura during the years 1854-1855, H. Ricketts informs us
that the demand for education in the district was confined mostly
to the middle class people, who held it in great esteem. The
zamindars and the rich people thought it below, and the poor
above their standard. The people were generally averse to contri
bute to the furtherance of education, thinking themselves entitled
to receive from the Government everything necessary for it.1
This state of affairs was prevalent in all the districts o f the

Division. Some rich people like the Raja o f Ramgarh were un
mindful towards it in the beginning.1 W.W. H unter informs us
1. Selections fr o m the Records o f the Bengal Government, H. Ricketts,

p. 29.
2. Ibid., p. 5 i.
that in Hazaribagh during 1872, the schools were few and in a

poor state and the people did n ot care to have them more in
number or in better condition. In towns, the Banias cared only
for arithmetic.
In the district, villages were scattered, and it was rarely that

two villages would send boys to one school. Again, the houses o f
the zamindars were in smaller villages, and if the zamindar started
a little school to oblige the authorities, only five or six boys
attended it. In the larger villages, no one liked to take the lead
in this field. Moreover, the parents did not see the advantages of
education since the services of the boys were required for field
work. Again, the village patkshalas received only boys o f the
Brahmin and the K ayasthas castes, who, for obvious reasons,
wished in an illiterate country to keep all knowledge in their own
hands,3 This state of affair was practically common in all other
districts o f Ihe Division.
As regards Singhbhum, H unter opines th at owing to the

secluded position o f the district, and its distance from all main
lines o f communication, the progress of education in the district
had been very slow. English education had taken no hold upon
the “natives" o f the district. The entire interest, therefore, of
educational work in Singhbhum centred in the vernacular
schools, and even these were seriously hindered by the peculiar
conditions o f the country.
The district o f Singhbhum was a central point, where the

three Aryan languages, Bengali, Oriya, and Hindi were spoken
together, meeting at the same time with the well-developed non-
Aryan dialect o f the Hos, Thus, the problem o f language to be
taught was present right from the very beginning. This was a
great hindrance to the development of education in the
district.4
On the whole, we can say that except in the districts of

Ranchi and Manbhum, where the missionaries were active, the
3. W.W. H u n te r ; A .S.T.A .B ., V ol. X V I, pp. 187-190.

4 . W .W . H u n te r ; A .S.T.A .B ., Vol. X V II, p . 127.
Primary and Secondary Education 163
condition of general education in the Division was rather unsa

tisfactory.
1 Prior to 1872 the condition of education in the Division

was hardly satisfactory. But there were signs of its future deve
lopment. As early as in 1866 the advantages of education were
appreciated by the inhabitants o f M anbhum. It had not only a
considerable number o f schools in existence but every year new
schools were being opened. Important existing institutions in the
district were Purulia English School, Purulia Vernacular School,
Pandr a School, the Anglo-Vernacular School at Jharia, founded
by the Zamindar o f Jharia and aided by the Government and an
aided Vernacular School at Sharadih. Besides them, two Anglo-
Vernacular Schools bad been started with private donations, one
at Chanah and the other at Bhelaidiha.5 The Purulia English
School was established in May 1853. It was managed by a com
mittee o f three members.8 The school was completely destroyed
during the rebellion of 1857. But later on, it was, again, establish
ed and it functioned efficiently.7
About the district of Ranchi, Col. Dalton says that th e

most important schools in the district were the C hotanagpur
School at Ranchi, and 12 Vernacular Schools under the manage
ment of the missionaries, imparting education in the different
parts of the district.8
In Hazaribagh, a District Government School was opened

in 1866. Besides, there were a number of vernacular and indi
genous schools.9
5. L etter from L t. Col. E .T . D alto n , Com m issioner, C hotanagpur

D ivision to J. G eoghegan, olfg. Ju n io r Secretary to the G overnm ent
of Bengal, Mo. 1723. d ated th e 23rd Aug., 1866 (Educational P ro
ceedings o f Bengal—JS67), pp. 17-18.
6. Selections fr o m the Records o f Bengal Government, H. R icketts, p. 29,
7. L etter from Col. E .T. D alton, Com m issioner, C hotanagpur D ivision,
to J. G eoghegan, oflg. Junior Secretary to th e G overnm ent o f
Bengal. N o. 1723, dated th e 23rd A ug., 1866 (Bengal Educational
Proceedings-1867), p. 17.
8. Ibid., p. 18.
9. Ib id , p. 19.
16 4 Society in Tribal India
As regards Singhbhum , Col. D alton inform s us tb a t there

w as one A nglo-V ernacular School at Chaibasa. T here were also
m any indigenous Schools in the district. P rio r to 1866, K.ol
lads were given subsistance allow ance to read in th e schools,
b u t from th a t year it was com pletely w ithdraw n. T he w ithdraw al
o f allowance, however, in no way ham pered the grow th o f
general education in th e d istrict.10
Thus, on the whole, this Division was m uch behind the

re st o f Bengal in the field o f education. But signs o f progress
were visible. By 1869-1870, there were altogether 3,502 schools
in the Division, besides indigenous Schools whose num ber was
rapidly increasing.11 By th e year 1872, th e conditions' im proved
all the m ore.
It is, however, disappointing to note th a t even at this stage

the district o f H azaribagh could m ake little progress an d in 1872
i t had only eight G overnm ent and aided schools.12 while the
n um ber o f G overnm ent an d aided schools in th e L ohardaga
district (in which included the present districts o f R anchi and
Pataraau) rose to 178, Besides, there were also 57 un-aided an d
private schools in the district.13 T he district o f S inghbhum had
only one G overnm ent School (Zila School at C haibasa), one
aided Middl* A nglo-V ernacular School at G h a ts h ila , four
G overnm ent M iddle-V ernacular Schools, 43 indigenous Schools
10. Ibid., p. 19. '

11. letter from Col. E.T. Dalton, Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division
to the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, dated Chutianagpur
27th Aug., 1870 (P rogress o f E ducation D epartm ent, Bengal, 1870
pp. 5-10,
12. W.W. Hunter ; A.S.T.A.B., Vol. XVI, p. 187. Also refer to letter
from Col. E.T. Dalton, Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division to
C. Bernard, offg. Secretary to the Government of Bengal, General
Deptt,, No. 2285, dated Chutianagpur. the 12th August, 1872, con
taining R eport on Education o f the Chotanagputr Division, pp. 2-3
13. W.W. Hunter ; A S.T.A.B., Vol. XVI, p. 478. Also refer to letter
from Col. E.T. Dalton. Commissioner Chotanagpur Division to
C. Bernard, offg. Secretary to the Government- of Bengal, Gtne-
ral Department, No 2285, dated Chutianagpur. the 12th Aueust,
1872, containing R eport on ^duration o f th e Chotanngnur r i f j , ’on,
p. 34.
P rim ary and Secondary Education 165
and 3 M ission S chools.11 In M a n b h u m , th e n u m b e r o f G o v e rn
m ent a n d aid ed schools sw elled to 183. Besides, th e re w ere also
72 p riv ate S chools.16
T hus, th o u g h by the y ear 1872 th e re w ere so m e re m a rk a b le

developm ents in th e field o f ed u c atio n , th e n u m b e r o f schools
th ro u g h o u t th e D ivision w as h ard ly im pressive. B ut afte r th e
year 1872, th e re was a sud d en rise in th e ir n u m b e r, T his w as
m ainly caused by th e estab lish m en t o f new Pathshalas o r in d i
genous schools u n d er Sir G eo rg e C am p b ell's ed u c atio n al schem e.
L ater on, we have a h isto ry o f co n tin u o u s d ev elo p m en t o f e d u c a
tio n in th e D ivision.
P R IM A R Y E D U C A T IO N
T he In d ia n E d u ca tio n C om m ission o f 1882 defined p rim a ry

education as th e instru ctio n o f th e m asses th ro u g h th e v e rn a
cular in such subjects as will b est fit th e m fo r th e ir p o sitio n
in life.” 16 It was fo u n d in 1854 th a t co n sid eratio n o f m easures
to this end h ad been very m u ch neglected a n d a co n sid erab le
expenditure o n p rim a ry e d u c atio n w as th e n co n tem p lated .
T b e E du catio n C o m m issio n reco m m en d ed in 1883 th a t th e

elem entary education o f th e m asses, is p ro v isio n , extension a n d
im provem ent, should fo rm p a r t o f th e en tire ed u catio n al system
to w hich th e streu n o u s efforts o f th e state sh o u ld be directed in a
still larg er m easure th a n b efo re. T he G o v ern m en t o f In d ia fully
accepted th e p ro p o sitio n th a t th e active extension o f p rim a ry
14. W.W. H unter; A.S.T.A.B., Vol. XVII, pp. 127-130. Also refer to
letter from Col. E.T, Dalton, Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division,
to offg. Secretary to the Government of Bengal, General Depart
ment. No. 2285, dated Chutianagpur, the 12th August 1872, con
taining R e p o rt on E d u ca tio n o f th e C hotanagpur D ivision, p. 34.
15. W.W. Hunter ; A.S.T.A.B., Vol. XVlt, pp. 361-365. Also refer to
letter from Col. E.T. Dalton, Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division
to C. Bernard, offg. Secretary to the Government of Bengal, Gene
ral Department, No, 2285, dated, Chutianagpur, the 12th August,
1872, containing R e p o rt on E ducation o f the C h otanagpur D ivisio n ,
pp. 5-6.
16. P ro g re ss o f E d u ca tio n in B en g a l (1902-03 to 1906-07), Third Quint)
review, p. 50 ; also refer to In d ia n E d u ca tio n P o lic y , p. 14.
education was one o f the most im portant duties o f the State.

They undertook this responsibility n ot merely on general grounds,
b u t because, as Lord Lawrence observed in 1866, “ among all the
sources o f difficulty in our administration and o f possible danger
to the stability o f our Government, there are few so serious as
th e ignorance o f the p eople...17
Lord Curzon’s Resolution on Educational Policy dated the

M arch 11, 1904, marked the beginning o f a new era-in the history
o f prim ary education. Large grants from Government funds
came to be sanctioned for the development o f prim ary educa
tion in different parts o f the country.1®
A measure was under consideration by the Government of

India in 1906 for the abolition of fees in those public vernacular
schools which had seven standards or less above the infant class,
and were under the management o f the Government, the Muni
cipalities or the Local Boards, o r in receipt o f Grant-in-aid. This,
however, did n o t materialise.1®
In 1910, Gopal K rishna Gokhale introduced a resolution in

the Imperial Legislative Council asking that a committee should
be appointed to examine the question, whether free and compul
sory education might be introduced, and if so, how. After an
interesting debate, he withdrew the resolution. But next year,
he again, introduced a Bill seeking to make education compul
sory.®0 Though the majority opinion o f the country was jo
favour o f such measures as incorporated in G okhale’s Bill, a
strong minority, which included a m ajority of the executive
officers, opposed it, and preferred that a large grant should be
given for the improvement o f existing schools aad the establish
ment of additional schools in ill-provided areas.*1
The then Commissioner o f Chotanagpur, in reply to this
17. Indian Educational P olicy, p p . 14-18.

18. S. Numillah & J.P. Naik ; History of Education In Indio, p. 416.
19. Progress o f Education in Bengal (1907-08 to 1911-12), F o u rth Quioq.
rev., pp. 58.
20. My Master Gokhale, T.N. Jagdisan (edj), pp. 177-181.
21. Progress of Education in Bengal (1907-09 to 1911-12), Fourth Quioq.
rev., pp. S8-59.
Primary and Secondary Education J67
Bill, wrote to the Secretary to the Government o r Bengal that the

country on the whole was not mature for compulsory education,
and the people were too poor to give any extra levy for compul
sory education.52 These factors brought about the rejection of
Gokhale’s Bill by the Imperial Legislative Council.
Here, it is interesting to note that free and compulsory

primary education was being already imparted in certain parts o f
the Chotanagpur Division. The then Divisional Inspector of
Chotanagpur informs us that in Singhbhum, especially in the
K olhan Circle, the boys paid no fees to the teachers, nor did they
make payments in kind, yet the M anki had to see that every
boy o f the village went to the nearest school.
There was also a very interesting system o f free and compul

sory primary education in the East Indian Railway Company’s
Schools in Giridih. These schools were described by J.A. Cun
ningham in his report for 1909-1910, thus,
“ Within the area o f its own collieries and connected railway

works, the East Indian Railways have established not only
compulsory and free, but actually subsidised primary
education for the children o f their labourers and coolies.
All boys that pass through the lower into the upper pri
mary standard, received stipends of four or eight annas a
week for attending schools within a radius o f six miles
round Giridili.--” **
A Conference o f Directors o f Public Instruction was held

in Allahabad under the Chairmanship o f Sir H arcourt Butler
in February, 1911 to foster the development of Primary Educa-
tion.11 Their recommendations, with some modifications, were
21. L ette r from the C om m issioner, C hotanagpur D ivision, to the Secre

tary to th e G overnm ent of B engal, G eneral D epartm ent, dated
R anchi, th e 30th Ju n e , 1911 (Judiciary Department, coil. N o. VII,
File No.3 o f 1911-12, in the R ecord R oom o f th e C om m issioner,
C hotanagpur D ivision).
21. Progress o f Education in Bengal <1907-03 to 1911-12), F o u rth Q uinq.
R e v ,, p. 59.
24. Ibid.. pp. 59-60.
incorporated in the Resolution o f the Government of Tndia o f

February 21, 1913. Accordingly, it was decided th at there should
be a large expansion o f Lower Primary (LP) Schools. Simultan
eously, Upper Primary (U.P.) Schools should be established at
suitable centres, and L.P. Schools should, wherever necessary, be
developed into U.P. Schools. Liberal subsidies should be given
to indigenous schools, such as Pathshaias, Maktabs, and the like.
At the same time it advocated for teachers o f better quality

and also suggested th at their wages should not be less than Rs.
12 per month, their service conditions should be improved, and
their load of work should be reduced. Schools were be housed
in sanitary and commodious, but inexpensive buildings/*
A Committee was appointed by the Government in M arch,

1914 to examine the question of education in the Province of
Bihar and Orissa. It recommended that the function of Local
Bodies should be confined to the Vernacular Schools, the staff of
Sub-Inspectors should be increased, Management Committees
should be formed for the Primary Schools, new Primary Schools
should be opened, there should be provisions for both accommo
dations o f schools and teachers, to encourage the education of
the depressed classes, better pay for G u ru s and teachers, increase
in the num ber o f scholarships, and so on JS
In the year 1917, the Government of Bihar and Orissa

issued instructions that each District Board should prepare a
programme for the expansion o f Primary Education in the area
under its charge, the object being to bring the percentage of
children at schools to children of school-going age upto 50 in all
the districts, where it was between 25 to 40 per cent, and to raise
the figure to 75 o r 80 per cent in other cases. At the same time,
it was pointed out th at io Chotanagpur new schools were required,
because boys had to cover great distances to attend existing
schools.27
25. H.A. Stark; Vernacular Education in Bengal, pp. 164-166.

26. First Q uinq. Rev. Prof. Education in Bihar St Orissa (1912-17),
p. 72.
27. First Quinq. Rev. Prog. Education in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17),
pp. 74-75.
In Ranchi, a comprehensive scheme for the reorganisation

o f primary education had been prepared under the Municipality.28
But there were various limitations from which the Primary Schools
suffered in the Division. There was much delay in the payment
'of teachers’ bills. The teachers were paid their salaries some
times three or even six months after it was due.20 But matters were
proceeding on the right path.
The then Deputy Inspector of Scnools, Ranchi, mentions

in his report that during the quinquennium years of 1912-1917,
there had been improvement in the status and general conditions
of the Primary Schools. They were better housed, better furni
shed and better served by a class o f trained gurus. Gradually,
people were also realising the importance and benefits of primary
education. This change of attitude had its natural effects upon
the primary education- Its very tone improved.20
But during the next five years there was a set-back in the
progress of primary education in the Division due to certain
reasons. In the first place, it was at the end of year 1920 that
the non-cooperation movement began to make itself felt.
A general rise in prices took place which affected all classes

o f the community. It badly hit the low-paid teachers and mad
it difficult for the parents to pay the fees of their wards. Many
students could not afford to go to their schools as they had to
work in the fields for their livelihood. Some other causes, such
as the spread of influenza epidemic in 1918-1919, outbreak of
cholera, etc. had also their reverse effects.31 But efforts for its
progress were also continued.
A ten-year programme was launched in 1916 to implement

the measures resolved in the Allahabad Conference of 1911,
and the Resolution o f the Government of India of the February
21, 1913. Endeavours were also made to encourage the formation
28. Ibid., p. 82.

29 Ibid.
30. Ibid., pp. 82-83.
31. Second Q u in q . Rev. Prog. E du. in B ihar and Orissa (1917-22),
pp. 66-67.
o f Managing Committees for the Prim ary schools.92
In 1919, the most ambitious Primary Education A ct was

passed, empowering the Municipalities and the Unions to make
Primary Education compulsory for boys in their areas between
the ages o f six to ten, and to levy an educational cess. A ccord
ingly, the Municipality o f Ranchi, the first in the whole Province
o f Bihar and Orissa, under the Chairmanship of S.K. Sahay,
“ the father of free and compulsory education in this Province,”
introduced this Act in the areas under its jurisdiction.3*
In May, 1917, the Provincial Government promised grants

to the Municipalities to enable them to reorganise Primary
Education within their areas. In accordance with these orders,
schemes were sanctioned for the Municipalities o f Ranchi,
Purulia, Daltonganj, and C hakradharpur in th e Division.34
During the quinquennium years of 1922-1927, free educa

tion was given in the Municipal areas of Daltonganj, in three
unions in M anbhum, and in four thanas of Ranchi. As stated
earlier, compulsory and free education was in force in the areas
o f Ranchi Municipality since 1921. The then D irector o f Public
Instruction says that in Ranchi compulsion was effective and
that this was possible due to the close co-operation o f the
Municipality, the inspecting staff, and the then D eputy Commis
sioner o f Ranchi. A scheme for compulsory and free education
in Dbanbad Municipality was also under consideration.36 From
Daltonganj, however, it was reported that no good purpose had
been served by the abolition of fees. Apparently, pupils who
paid no fee, and were under no compulsion to attend the schools,
were very irregular in their attendance.**
32. Ibid., pp. 69-76.

33. B. Sahai ; H istory o f E ducation in B ihar, under B ritish R ule, p. 225.
34. Second Q uinquennial Review on th e Progress o f Education in B ihar
& Orissa (1917-22). p , 77.
35. Third Quin, Review, on the Progress o f Education in Bihar St Orissa
(1922-1927), pp. 73-75.
36. Fourth Quin. Review on the Progress o f Education in Bihar & Orissa
(1927-1932), p. 60.
la 1925, the G overnm ent o f Bihar and O rissa called a con

ference o f th e local authorities to consider th e program m es of
the expansion o f Drimary education, which recom m ended the
opening o f new schools, facilities for the pupils o f the depressed
classes and for the teachers. It was o f the opinion th a t the
time was not ripe for universal education and, hence, the G overn
ment did not agree to any further extension o f free education
except where Boards were prepared to meet the cost from their
own resources.®7
The H artog C om m ittee, constituted to review the “ State o f

E ducation in In d ia” , in its report o f 1929 resented existing state
o f affairs so far the prim ary education was concerned and recom
mended that the prim ary education should be m ade a leading
charge upon the provincial revenue."5 But due to the prevailing
world economic depression, its recom m endations could n o t be
implemented and, thus, prim ary education could m ake little
progress even a t the end o f the period under review.
IN D IG E N O U S S C H O O L S
Before going into o th er details o f prim ary education, it is

desirable to m ention here som ething about the indigenous
system o f education prevailing in the Division o f C hotanagpur.
Prior to the rapid establishm ent o f the present system o f
prim ary schools in all parts o f C hotanagpur, there were privvte
institutions o r indigenous schools, which had n ot accepted the
standards o f instruction, prescribed by the Education D ep art
m ent o r the U niversity, and which did n ot subm it to any public
test.
These schools adhered to the indigenous modes o f teach

ing, handed dow n by tradition from generation to generation.
These institutions were divided into three classes—advanced
schools, which taught a classical language such as Sanskrit, o r
Arabic, elem entary institutions which taught either vernacular or
37. S. Nurrulah & J.P, Naik ; History o f Education in India, p. 530.

38. Indian Statutory Commission, Interim Report o f the Indian Statutory
■ Commission, p. 14.
the Koran; and other schools which included institutions having

no definite place assigned to them. The elementary institutions
gave instruction of a rudimentary character in vernacular and
conformed to none or the D epartm ental standards. It was from
such institutions that the majority o f the existing primary
schools had developed.39
Recognised Sanskrit institutions were o f two kinds viz.

the Sanskrit Vidyalayas or Toh, which prepared candidates for
the first or Prathama, second or Madhyama and Acharya or
title examinations; and Primary Sanskrit Schools or Pathshalas
which taught Sanskrit in addition to reading and writing in the
vernacular and arithmetic upto the Lower Primary or Upper
Primary standards.
Similarly, Islamic institutions were also of two kinds:

Madrasas, which prepared candidates for the examination held
by the Madraia Examination Board and Primary Urdu schools
or Makhtabs in which religious instruction in the Islamic
system was given in addition to secular instruction upto the
primary standard in U rdu.40
The control o f the Sanskrit institutions in the Province was

exercised through the Sanskrit Association which conducted the
examinations. Similarly, the Islamic institutions were controlled
by the Madrasa Examination Board. These controlling agencies
were elaborately developed by the end of the period under
review.11
The need for rural schools in Bengal and, thereby, in

Chotanagpur, attracted the attention of the Horae authorities
and in their educational despatch of 1854, the Hon'ble Court
o f Directors wrote, “ Very little has hithero' been done in
Bengal for the education of tne mass of the people... The
atention of the Government o f Bengal should be seriously direc
39. Review o f Education in Bangai, Second Q uin. R eport 1897-98 —ISQ1-

02), p. 60.
40. Fifth Qumo. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & O rissa (1832-1937). p. 92.
41. I b id , p. 92.
ted to the consideration of some plan for the encouragement of
indigenous schools and for the education of the lower classes.
In Bengal the m atter was first taken up by Lord Hardinge,

and again it was revised by Sir John G rant's Government and
a scheme was formed in 18(50 for aiding existing village schools
with money grants and for bringing such schools under regular
inspection and supervision. The plan worked well, but the
Government was unable to give much monetary help.12
A nother system, known as the Circle Schools was also

tried, whereby four Paihshalas were formed into one Circle over
which was placed a trained teacher, whose business was to visit
and teach in each Pathshaia in turn, and to direct the teaching
of the masters o f indigenous schools. But this also proved a
failure.13
Later on, the Indian Education Commission o f 1882 also

advocated for the development o f these indigenous, institutions,
and also recommended some measures, but not much was done in
this field.11 It is clear from a letter o f the then Commissioner o f
Chotanagpur that in 1912 the condition of indigenous schools
in the Division was n o t satisfactory. The proper training of
Pandits and Maulvis and an increase in their emoluments were
the most urgent requirements. F urther grants for rewards,
scholarships, and stipends to the students were also required.15
Nothing remarkable was done for the improvement of indi

genous institutions. The schools were accommodated mostly in
thatched houses, built by the teachers themselves, on land
donated by local persons o f repute and wealth. At some places,
there were no school buildings at all and the classes were held
in the outer parts or gardens o f others' houses.11 Thus, though
42. R.A .B . (1872-73), pp. 156-57,

43. Ibid., (1871-72). p. 218.
44. Report o f Indian Education Commission. 1 882, pp. 76-78.
45. L etter from the C om .nissioner, C hotanagpur D ivision to the D irec
tor o f Public Instruction, G overnm ent o f Bihar & O rissa, N o . 3006 J,
dated M arch 31, 1913,
46. Bihar Through the Ages, Ed, by R .R . D iw akar, p. 716.
from time to time, efforts were made by the Government and

Local Bodies forthe development o f indigenous institutions in the
Division, their condition remained unsatisfactory throughout
the period under review.
The number of Sanskrit Tots in the Division remained

very negligible throughout the period. The most important
Tols were at M urardih and M adhutati in M anbhum; at Paiganj
in Hazaribagh; and at A rarua in the Palamau district. They
received grants from private sources, from Local Boards and
from the Government. They taught Sanskrit literature and
gramm ar, rhetoric, medicine and logic and prepared their
students for the Prathama and the Madhyama examinations.
Pathshalas were mostly primary schools. They were

numerous in the Division, but their number was always fluctua
ting. They taught Sanskrit in addition to the vernacular, arithme
tic, reading and writing. In fact, they gave instructions o f an
almost fixed and constant type, which had been imparted for
generations. It was not a liberal but a special and technical
education, indeed it was not education at all in the proper sense
o f the word, but instruction in some of the most necessary
a rt of life. With the development o f modern system o f primary
education, their importance gradually decreased, and their
number was also reduced.
Like Tots, Madrasas were advanced centres of Islamic

learning. But there was hardly any Madrasa in the Division worth
the name. At Purulia, there was a Makhtab called Madrasa, but
it hardly deserved the name. The number of Koran Schools and
Makhtabs was quite considerable. These institutions were often
held in mosques or in the houses of some wealthy Muslim
villagers who could afford to keep a Maulvi and allow their
neighbours' children to receive instruction with their own
children.17
Koran schools scarcely deserved the name o f schools, as

they were essentially religious institutions attached to mosques
47. R .A .B ., 1871-72, p. 216.

o r places o f religious worship, where Muslim boys and girls

gathered and were taught to recite the Koran**
Makhtabs differed from ordinary Koran schools in this

respect only that in addition to learning Koran by roter, the
pupils read a little bit of Arabic or Persian prose and poetry.
But this system of instruction was gradually dying away, and
that o f primary education was gradually taking its place.
PRIMARY SCHOOLS
With the gradual elimination and natural death o f the

indigenous institutions, the institutions o f modern primary
schools came into prominence. The number of primary schools
and tbeir pupils was always fluctuating in the Division. The
number of primary schools rose from 1,874 in 1890 to 47,16 in
1925-36—the highest in our period. Similarly, the number of
students under primary instruction rose from 47,587 in 1890 to
2,35,802 in 1935-36.
In the beginning, the majority o f primary schools had no

building worthy of the name, and the teachers held classes in a
village temple, m the verandah o f some wealthy persons, who
had in their house enough space to spare for classes or even in
cow-shcds, though from time to time, efforts were n u d e for
remarkable . changes in this field even towards the end of the
first decade o f the present century.
The Upper Primary Schools were somewhat better off

than the Lower Primary Schools in this respect, but even they
were not com fortably or conveniently housed.49 Some progress
was made in this field in the later years, but the problem
remained acute even during the closing years of our period.
CURRICULUM AND SYLLABUS
The courses o f instruction in the primary schools con-
4 t . A .R .P .L C .D ., 1898, p. 51; also Rev. o f Edu. in Bengal, second

Q u in q , Rep., p . 60.
49. Prog, of Edu. in Bengal, Fourth Quinq. Rev.(1907-1912), p. 64.
sisted mainly of reading and writing (in the vernacular) and

arithmetic. Physical instruction also found a place in the
curriculum.*®
The syllabus of primary schools was revised from time to

tim e in order to make it more useful to the students. In accordance
with the Government Resolution o f the January 1, 1901, efforts
were made to revolutionised teaching in primary schools by the
introduction of a system under which the children were to be
trained and not taught—trained to do and learn things sim ultan
eously.
Under this system school work was a developed p art of

1he pupils’ everyday life. A revised syllabus for the infant sections
and for Standards I and II was published in 1907.*1 A n impor
tant change was made in it in 1910. The revised scheme had
Teduced the duration of the infant section from three to two
years.*2
During the year 1933-34, the Government sanction was

obtained for the introduction o f a new syllabus. This was
actually introduced in 1935. The introduction of the new
syllabus brought a change of a great importance in primary
education in as much as it involved the extension o f the Lower
Primary and Upper Prim ary courses from three and five years to
four and six years repectively.This was in line with the recommen
dations o f theH artog Committee.*2
M EDIUM O F INSTRUCTION
It has been advocated from time to time that the vernacular

should be made the medium of instruction in the primary
schools. Even the Indian Education Commission of 1882 was of
50. Indian Educational Policy, 1904, p. 19.

51. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, T h ird Q u in q . R ev. (1902-03 to 1906-07), pp.
62-65.
52. C overnm ent R esolution on Public In stru ctio n in Bengal, G eneral
D ep lt., E ducation, C a lc u tta, 27th D ecem ber, 1910, R esolution
N o . 5040.
53. F ifth Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar i t Orissa (1932-1937), pp.
70-71.
the same opinion. But there were certain difficulties. In

Chotanagpur, for example, Hindi was the main language
through which pupils were instructed at the primary stage. But
the aboriginal pupils o f the Division were not much familiar
with this language. So, must have experienced great difficul
ties.
Similarly the Bengalis and the Muslims were also ia con

siderable number and where they were in minority, their children
were instructed through Hindi. In such circumstances a great
controversy arose.64
To avoid these difficulties, the Local Bodies were advised

to utilize, if available, bilingual teachers by sending them to
schools, which had both Hindu and Muslim pupils. Besides, the
teachers were instructed, when teaching the Hindu and the
Muslim boys together, to use as their medium o f instruction a
vernacular equally intelligible to both.58
GRANTS-IN-A ID
The finances o f the Primary Schools were met by two

sources; i. From Public sources—from Provincial revenues and
District Board Funds, expenditure from the funds of Municipali
ties and Native States; ii. Private sources—from fees, fines, etc.
The Grant-in-aid to Primary schools was distributed through two
channels—the Department and the District Board.88
The Educational Despatch o f 1854 marks an im portant

landmark in the field o f education by introducing the system of
Granl-in-aid on a real footing.57 The Educational Despatch o f
1859 reaffirmed the importance o f this system for the develop
ment of education in India. The Indian Education Commission of
54. Progress o f Education in Bengal, T h ird Q uinq. R ev. (1902-03—

1906-07), pp. 47-48.
55. F ifth Q uinq. Rev. on the Progress o f Education in Bengal (1932-37),
p. 73.
56. F o u rth Q uinq. Rev, on the.Prog, o f Edu, in Bengal (1907-37), p. 52.
57. Selections fr o m Educational Records, pt. II, J,A . R ichey, p p. 278
318.
1882 laid much stress on this point. Under this scheme, schools
were given grants in different ways.
It should, however, be noted in this connection that the

system did not worked smoothly during the period and the
method o f granting aids to schools remained always
controversial. Non-recurring grants were also usually made to
enable the authorities to start new schools or to bring improve
ments in the existing schools. But these grants were never fixed
and their amount always fluctuated.
POST OFFICE SCHOOLS
Primary Schools also included Post Office Schools, Railway

Elementary Schools, Miners’ Elementary Schools, Night Schools,
Continuation Schools, Blind Schools, Leper Schools, and
Reformatory Schools. In out-of-the-way places, the Post Office
helped to keep the locality supplied with a teacher, which
might otherwise go without one. The rate of remuneration given
by the postal authorities varied from Rs. 7 to Rs. 14 per
month.ca
The number of Post Office Schools in the Division was

considerable in the beginning, but gradually they became
unpopular and their number diminished.
These schools hardly worked satisfactorily as the Teacber-

Post Master gave greater priority to his postal duties than his
teaching duties. The Teacher-Post Master was heavily burdened
with his postal duties, and at their cost he could hardly afford
to engage classes. Besides these, the question of appointment,
dismissal, transfer, leave, suspension, etc. of the Teacher-Post
Master always caused differences of opinion and clashes between
postal and educational officers.59 On the whole, the system o f Post
Office Schools did not work properly and satisfactorily in the
Division. Hence there was a gradual decline in their number and
importance. .
38. F ifth Quinq. Rev. on the Prog. Edit, in Bihar & Orissa (L932-37),
p. 92.
S9. G.R.P.I.B, (1894-95), pp. 66-77.
RAILWAY AND M IN ERS' ELEMENTARY SCH O O LS
There were a number o f Railway Elemenlary Schools fo r

the children of labourers employed in the coal mines around
Giridih. The number of schools and their pupils, however,
varied from time to time. These schools were managed by a
Committee and their expenditure was met by the Government,
local sources and the East Indian Railway Company. There
was an inspecting Pandit for the supervision of these schools, who
was jointly paid by the East Indian Railway Company and from
the School Primary Fund.
Besides the Railway Elementary schools, there were two

Miners’ Elementary Schools in M anbhum belonging 10 the
Equitable Coal Company at Sarbari. The teachers were paid
by the Company as well as from the District Educational Fund.0®
N IG H T SCHOOLS
The object o f the Night Schools’ w a: to impart elemen

tary instruction to children and others who were unable to
attend schools during day-time because they had to work.61
The schools were intended for day-labourers, and accordingly
thrived most in towns and other industrial centres.61 The
majority of them were public institutions,'8 and were not more
than Lower Primary Schools, conducted by the gurus o f ordinary
Lower Primary Schools in the same building in which the day-
ichools were held. The curriculum taught in these schools
was almost invariably that prescribed for the Lower Primary
Standard.04
From the beginning, the number of Night Schools in the

Division was quite considerable. With expanding industriali
sation and exploitation of mines, their num ber also rose to 231
60. A .R .P.C .C .D . (1901-02), p. 70 ; also see Rev. o f Edu. in Bengal,

S :co n d Q uinq. R eport (1897-98 —1901-02) p. 59.
61; Prog. o f Edu. in Bengal (1902-3 — 1906-07), Th j d Q uinq. R ev. p. 60.
62. G .R .P .t.B . (1894-95) p. 65.
63. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, Second Q uinq-R ev. (1897-98— 1901-02).
p. 35.
64. Prog, of Edu, in Bengal, Third Q u ir q . Rev, (1902-03—1906-07), p. 60.
r". .< v-
in 1906-07.*® The districts, in which these schools flourished best
were Ranchi, M anbhum and H azaribagb.99
But, later on, there was a gradual decline in their number,

and by 1937, there remained only 47 such schools in the Division.
N o fees were charged in these schools. But th eir general
reputation had been very poor, and it was not surprising that
fo r want o f popular support they died out.97
There was another type o f Night School which in its

objects resembled more the evening classes conducted in connec
tion with the Public Elementary schools in England. These
schools were generally known as Continuation Schools, and
their object was partly to give instruction to persons, whose
school education had been slight, an opportunity o f continuing
their general studies, and partly to im part instruction in com
mercial and technical subjects.09
BLIND SC H O O L AT RANCHI
A school for the blind was started at Ranchi in 1895 by

th e Society fr>r the Propagation of the Gospel Mission (S.P.G.
Mission).0" This School was recognised in tbe second decade
o f our century. A g u r u was sent to the Blind School at Calcutta
for training, and efforts were made to attract children rather
than adults to the school.70 The num ber o f students was always
fluctuating, but gradually it increased. The question of further
improvement of the school, and also o f opening a school for
deaf-m utes was considered, but no step was taken in this direc
tion.71
65. Ibid., f o u rth Q uinq. Rev. (1906-07— 1912-13), p. 66.

66. O .R .P I .B . (1894-95), p. 65.
67. Fiflli Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edit, in Bihar &. Orissa (1932-37),
p. 9 ! . .
68. T hird Q uinq, Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in B engal(1902-03— 1906-07),
p. 6 !.
69. S C.R oy ; The M undas and Their Country, p. 264.
70- F irst Q u in q . Ret, on the P r ig, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17),
p. 123.
71. Ibid.
During the th ird decade o f the present century, the school
was housed in a spacious new building, and efforts were made
for further improvement of residential accommodation.’2
The blind school taught reading by means o f the Braille

system, cane-work, newar-w ea'ing and mating.’3 It imparted
instruction of the primary school course to children, both male
and female apart from giving instruction in cane-work, weaving
and knitting to adults. 74
The S.P.G. Mission had its own arrangements for the

medical care of the pupils, but there was no arrangement for
the inspection of the school by experts in the training o f the
blind.75
The expenses incurred by the school were met by the

Mission to which the government and the Municipality also
contributed to a considerable extent. But the financial condi
tion of the school was never satisfactory.
LEPER-SCH O OL AT PURULIA
This school was started in connection with the Leper

Asylum at Purulia. It was under the management o f the
German Evangelical Lutheran Mission, and enjoyed a govern
ment grant-in-aid and a M unicipality grant.76 The number o f
pupils gradually increased in the school, and b y ]9 3 2 theie
were as many as 231 pupils on the rolls.77
72. T hird Q uinq. Jtev. on the Prog, o f Edu, in Bihar A Orissa (1922-1927),
p. 118.
73. A .R.P.E.C D. (1900-01), p , 74 ; also see Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal,
T hird Q uioq Rev. (1902-03-1906-07), p. 165.
74. F ifth Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37),
p. 140.
75. Second Q uinq, Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar A Orissa (1917-22),
p, 126.
76. F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal (1907-08— 1911-12),
p . 158.
77. F orth Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar A Orissa (1927-32).
p. 97.
REFORM ATORY SCH O O L AT HAZARIBAGH
A Reformatory School at Hazaribagh was started for the

juvenile convicts o f the State. There was another such school
a t Alipore (Calcutta). The adm inistration and control o f the
school had been under the Jail D epartment. But from the
January I, 1900. it was transferred from the Jail Department to
th e Education Departm ent.78 The Alipore and Hazaribagh
Reform atory Schools were combined into one institution at
H azaribagh in 1908.7* By the end of the period, this school
was a combined institution for Bihar, Orissa, Bengal and Assam,
and was under the charge of a Superintendent working under
the control and direction o f a Com mittee of Visitors.
The number o f students in the school was always fluctuat

ing. The students came from Bengal and Assam and later on
when Bihar and Orissa was separated from Bengal in 1912, the
students were drawn from Bengal and Assam and from the
Provinces of Bihar and Orissa. After the abolition o f the
Alipore School in 1908, the number o f students in Hazaribagh
Reform atory School grew rapidly. Till 1927, the growing
num ber of students caused great problem to the management
o f the School.81 But later on, there was a gradual fall in the
number o f students in the school.
The policy of the government was to make the institution

a school and not a Jail. This policy was always in vogue and
was extended. But complaints were received of police inter
ference with ex-pupils, in spite of the rules framed to guard
against this by the Inspector-General of Police.
Speaking o f the ex-pupils, the then Superintendent says,

“ Their feelings are thus naturally injured when on their arrival
78. A letter from offg. Secy to the G ovt, o f Bengal to th e Com m issioner,
C hotanagpur D ivision, C ircu lar N o, 7, C a lc u tta, th e 31st M arch,
1100.
79. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, Fourth Q u in q . Rev. (1907-08-1911-12), p. 158,
80. F ifth Q u in q . Rev, on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-1937),
p. 14.1,
81. Second Q uinq. Rev. on tin Prog, of Eia. In Bihar & Orissa ( 1917
1922), p, 127.
at their villages, they are m arched off to th e thana by th e village

Chawkidars, and are told by the thana officers not to leave their
homes w ithout permission. In such cases, they are m ade
objects of suspicion to the villagers.” 81
But, steps were taken to im prove this state o f affair. By

1922, the old semi-police guards had gone; the cubicles in the
dorm itory had disappeared; and the pressing o f oil an d grinding
o f w heat were then done by machines instead o f by pupils.83
Every effort was m ade by the S uperintendent to prevent the
boys from feeling th a t they were living u nder jail conditions.81
Efforts were also m ade fo r suitable em ploym ent for the

discharged boys. T he d uty o f finding em ploym ent for them
and watching their progress was assigned to the Inspectors o f
Schools, w ho in the towns were assisted by the D eputy Ins
pectors and Sub-Inspectors o f Schools.85
The convicts w ere tau g h t th e elem entary course o f studies

o f Lower Prim ary Schools. They were also taught various kinds
o f artisan professions, such as, blacksm ithy and carpentry, tailor
ing and weaving and also gardening.86 F u rth er additions were
m ade later on and m ason-w ork, farm ing and dairy-keeping,
composing, printing, book-binding, painting an d polishing, cane
and bam boo-w ork, shoe-m aking, cooking, washing and music
were aided into their curriculum .87 By 1917, tin-w ork and
pottery were also introduced. But few trades, such as printing,
masonry, and dom estic science were discontinued.88
82. P rog, o f Edu, in Bengal, F o u rth Q u in q . R ev. (1907-3—1911-12),

p. 158.
83. S econd Q u in q . Rev. on th e Prog, o f Edu. in B ih a r & O rissa (1917
1922), p. 128.
84. T h ird Q u in q , R ev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in B ih a r & O rissa (1922-1927),
p. 119.
85- G e n e ra l D e p a rtm e n t, E d u catio n C irc u la r N o . 10, C a lc u tta , d a te d ,
th e 19th J a n u a ry , 1901,
86. A .R .P .I.C .D . (1900-1901), p. 74.
87. P rogress o f Education in T fen jo /.F o u rth Q u i nq. R ev. (1907-08—1911-12),
p. 158 ; also R .P l.B . (1910-191), p. 66.
8 8 . F irst Q u in q . R ev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in B ihar an d O rissa (1912-17),
p . 116.
During the quinquennium years o f 1922-1927, there were

further additions o f trades like fitting and turning and motor
repairing. The standard o f literary instruction was raised- to
U pper Primary standard.89 The wide range o f trades taught
in the school was curtailed by the abolition o f cane-work in
1934. Carpentry was by far the most popular trade.90
The boys were taught in four different vernaculars, viz.

Hindi, Bengali, Oriya and U rdu.81 The English class was
continued for Indian boys learning composing and type-writing.
The drawing classes for free-hand models, and mechanical draw
ing were maintained. The night classes under the-‘Lancaster
System’ were also sanctioned permanently,92 •
.The artisan class attached to the school provided a three-

year course in such trades as carpentry, tailoring, blacksmithy,
moulding, fitting, m otor repairing and electrical work for the
outsider boys, who had passed at least the Lower Primary Exa
mination and were at least 12 years old. The accommodation
was for 50 pupils at a time but it had never exceeded 32. To
check the fall in its numerical strength, it was proposed to
replace the then three-year Certificate Course by a five-year
'Industrial Diploma Course’. But no decision was taken dur
ing the period.93
The students were also imparted moral and religious

instruction.94 They were given instruction in physical and,
sectional drill, gymnastics and first-aid to the injured.98 Annual
89. T hird Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1922-1927),
p. 119.
90. F ifth Q u in q . Rev. on the prog, o f Edit, in Bihar St Orissa (1932-57).
p. 142.
91. Ibid., also th e letter from A , P edler, D .P .I. to th e Secy, to th e Govt,
of Bengal, G eneral D ept, C alcutta, the 19tli July, 1900 (Procs. o f
ike Ed. Dept. Bengal, 1900, p, 143.)
92. R .P .l.B . (1910-1911), p. 66. -
93. F ifth Q uinq. (ter. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar &. Orissa (1932-1957),
P. 144.
94. F o u rth Q uing Rev. on I hr Prog o f Edu. fn Bihar St Orissa {1927
1932), p. 99.
95. R .P .l.B . (1910-1911), p. 66-
sports were also arranged.®’ Regular examinations were con

ducted. Tbe boys achieved considerable perfection in their work.
Proper attention was paid to the school building for better

accommodation. New workshops were also erected from time
to time. Besides, quarters were constructed for the members
of the staff.
The authorities tried to equip the school with proper staff.

The stall was reorganised from time to time as the circumstances
demanded. The school was managed by a proper Code of
Regulations, which was revised when required. There was also
proper arrangement for the inspection o f the school, periodi
cally.
M ISSIO N SCH O O LS
In tbe development o f education in Chotanagpur, the role

of missionaries can hardly be exaggerated. In spite o f all con
troversies, one has to admit that different missions in Chotanag
pur such as the G.E.L. Mission, the Free Church Mission, the
S.P.G. Mission, the Dublin University Mission, the Roman
Catholic Mission and the Chotanagpur Mission took keen
interest in spreading knowledge and education among the
people. All these missions had considerable number o f schools
(mainly Primary Schools) under their supervision and manage
ment. They sometimes called teachers from far-off places,
prepared several text-books in different subjects, and imparted
practical training such as construction of roads, gardening,
general household affairs, book-binding, sewing, etc.*'
M IDDLE SCH OO LS
There were two categories of Middle schools—Midd

English Schools and Middle Vernacular Schools. There was no
96. T h ird Q uinq, Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in B ihar and Orissa (1922
1927), p . 119.
97. Education Report o f the Chotanagpur Division from C ol. E .T . D alto n ,
C om m r., C hotanagpur D ivn. to C . B ernard, offg. Sety, to the G ovt,
o f Bengal, G eneral D ep t, N o ., 228S, dated C hotanagpur, the 12th
A ugust, 1872, p.6.
essential difference between English and Vernacular Middle

Schools. In both, the subjects were taught in Vernacular, and
English was taught as an optional subject. All Middle Schools had
an arrangement for teaching English, though some of the pupils
might not read English. Most o f the Middle Vernacular Schools,
however, had no such arrangement and the teaching of English
was optional in them. Drill was systematically taught in most
of the Middle Schools.58
The Middle English Schools were certainly more popular

than the Middle Vernacular Schools, During 1894, their number
in the Division was 3 6 ." But gradually it increased to 43 in
1917.lt0 Steps were often taken to provide these institutions
with proper buildings.
Prior to 1918, tbese institutions were managed by either

benevolent individuals or societies or by the Local Bodies.
An important change took place during that year and Middle
English Schools were transferred to the control of the Govern
ment from that of the Local Bodies. At the time of their
transfer, all the schools previously managed or aided by the
Local Bodies were converted into schools aided by the Govern
ment, for their direct management by the Goverm ent,101
But, during the year 1924-1925, the Government decided

to permit the Local Bodies to take over the control of all
Middle English Schools within their jurisdiction10' As a result,
by the end of the period under review, all the District Boards in
Chotanagpur, except the Ranchi District Board, had taken
control o f Middle English Schools. Among the Municipalities
only Daltonganj and Hazaribagh Municipalities had assumed
such control. The Jam shedpur Notified A rea Committee
98. A R .P .l.C .D . (1901-2), p. 27.

99. G R P . LB. (1894-95). p. 45.
100. First Q uinq. R ev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar and O rissa (1912-17),
p. 68.
101. Second Q uinq. Rev, on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1917
22). p. 57.
102. T h ird Qai iq , R;v. o i tin Prog, o f Edu. in B ihar & Orissa (1917-22),
p. 56.
Primary and Secondary Educa'bn 187
received grants from the Government for Middle English
Schools although they did not assume control o f all such Middle
Schools in their areas.'03
The finance of Middle English Schools were met with a

regular grant-in-aid system. These institutions weie also given
non-recurriDg grants when over there was a necessity.
The Middle Vernacular Schools were chiefly managed by

the local people, who despite the occasional quarrels among
themselves, kept the schools going.101 But the general condition of
these institutions was n o t satisfactory. Middle Vernacular Schools
were being gradually converted into Middle English Schools.
The Government sanctioned the new Vernacular Educational
Scheme in 1900-1901 and steps were taken to improve the
existing condition.103 But nothing remarkable happened in this
field. The number o f such schools in the Division kept fluctuating.
During 1894-95 their number was only 14, 106 but >t rose to 30
in the year 1909-10.107
H IG H SCHOOLS
Chotanagpur Division was quite backward in the field of

education, particularly in Higher Education, for a long time to
come. Commenting on the state o f affairs during 1874-1875,
the then D.P.I. remarks that higher education was very back
ward in the Division. Hardly ever had any one o f the Division
passed tbe First Arts Examination or taken a university degree.10"
103. T hird Q uinq. Rev on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1922-27),
p. 56. F ifth Q eio q . Rev. Frog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37),
p. 68.
104. R .A .B . <1871-72), p. 221.
ICS. A .R .P .I.C .D . (1900-1901), p. 16.
106. G .R .P .I.B (1894-96), p. 47.
107. L etter from th e C om m r., C hotanagpur D iv n . to the Secy, to the
G ovt, of B engal, General D ept, dated R anchi, the 30th Ju n e , 1911
(Judiciary D eptt), C oll. N o. V II, F ile N o. 3 o f 1911-1912 (C hotanag
pur C om m issioner’s Record R oom , R anchi).
108. R.A.B. (1874-73), p. 456. '
The number o r unaided High School) in the Division

was negligible at the beginning o f the period under review.
Daring 1894-95, there were eight high schools in the Division
of which two were aided, one was unaided, and the rest
five were Zila Schools at the headquarters of each district.109
Next year a High English School was established at Hazarj-
bagh by the Dublin University Mission, which became an aided
institution.110 In the year 1900-1901, the number of high
schools further increased by the addition o f two more aided
institutions.111 Tn 1912-13, a high school was opened at
D hanbad11* which received formal recognition during the
year 1916-17.113 A new high school at K atras in the Manbhum
district was recognised in 1917-18.11*
During the quinquennium years o f 1917*22, the number of

high schools in Chotanagpur rose from 13 to 15.115 Towards the
close of the period under review, five new schools were started
in the Division. These schools were established at Chakradharpur,
K hunti, Lohardaga, Hussain abad and Daltonganj.118
ZILA SCHOOLS
The Division had five Zila Schools at the headquarters of

each district. In 1877, the Zila Schools were placed under three
classes and were called first, second and third class Zila Schools
according to the numerical strength o f the pupils reading in
them.117 In the beginning Daltonganj and Chaibasa Zila Schools
fell under the third category, but in 1898, the Daltonganj Zila
School was raised to second class Zila School.118 Among the
five Zila Schools in the Division, Ranchi and Purulia Zila
109. G.R.I.B. (1894-95), p. 41,

110. Ibid (1895-96), p. 43.
111. A.R.F.I.C.D . (1900-1901). p. 28.
112. A R .P.E.B . & O. (1912-1913), p.7.
113. B. * .O. A.R. (1916-1917), p. 105.
114. Ibid. (1917-1918), p. 101.
115. Second Q uinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. In Bihar & Orissa (1917-19212.
p. 59.
116. FiT! h Quinq Rev. on Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 60.
117. B, Sahay ; History o f Edu. In Bihar Under British Rule, p. 163.
111. G.R.F.I.B. (1917-98), p. 44.
Schools were the largest and Chaibasa Zila School was the
smallest.
CURRICULUM
In the beginning, the vernacular and one of the older

oriental languages were taught at all the higher schools of
education and the third language was usually Sanskrit.11’ Except
in M anbhum, which was mainly Bengali speaking, in all High
Schools, Hindi was taught as the vernacular.120
During the quinquennium years of 1917-1922, a change

was brought about in the curriculum for secondary schools. A
wide series o f optional subjects was introduced. History and
geography were made compulsory subjects o f study.131
There was very little appreciation o f the advantage of

physical instruction in these schools. Tn most of the schools, the
boys played cricket, football and other native games. There was
no gymnastic teacher in any school. In Ranchi Zila School only
drill was taught by a retired constable.122 A t Hazaribagb,
Daltonganj and Chaibasa Zila Schools class-tcachers taught
drill in accordance with the D epartmental orders on the subject.
At Purulia, a drill-master was appointed at contributions raised
from amongst the students.123
In fact, in Government Schools physical instruction o f

some kind or the other was compulsory for all the students
except those who were exempted by medical certificate-133
Boys Scout organisations were started in most o f the High

Schools, viz. at St. Paul’s High School, Ranchi Zila School
and PalamaU Zila School in the second decade of the present
119. R.A .B . (1871-72). p. 222.

120. Ibid. (1874-75), p. 456.
121. Second Q uinq, Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1917
1922), pp. 59-60.
J22. A.R.P.I.C.D. (1898), p. 17.
123. Ibid (1900-1901), p. 39.
124. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, Second Quinq, Rev, (1897-1902), p. 64.
century. They functioned successfully.116

Since the beginning o f the twentieth century, the archi
tects of modern education had realised the importance of voca
tional courses in the curriculum of secondary education. As
early as in the first decade of the present century, provisions
were made for vocational courses.
The problem of providing vocational education at the

secondary stage became even more im portant and complicated
during the ending years of our period, due to certain reasons.
The expansion of secondary education led to the enrolment o f
many pupils who were not quite at home with the exclusive
literary education that was offered in the average secondary
schools, and who would have been able to attain better sclf-
expression through the pursuit of some vocational skill.
Moreover, the opening of a large number of Secondary

schools in the rural areas created a problem which did not exist
before—the adoption o f the secondary schools to rural needs of
environment; and finally the large increase in the number of
Girls’ Secondary Schools created the problem o f devising special
courses suited to their requirements.
In Bihar, a few manual training classes were opened, and

the Patna University included manual training and domestic
science in the list o f optional subjects at the M atriculation
examination. But the general tendency to offer any literary
subject persisted as before among the students.116
M ED IU M O F INSTRUCTION
English was used as the medium of instruction in the High
Schools. Even the Education Commission of 1882-33 suggested
nothing regarding the use of the m other tongue as the
medium.
During the year 1921, however, vernacular was

introduced as the medium o f instruction. It had been decided
12J, Second Quinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1917
1922), p. 139.
126. S. Nurullah & J.P. Naik.; History of Education iu India, p. 518.
tbat with effect from 1922, translation to and from the oriental
classics at the M atriculation stage shall be from and to the
Vernacular instead o f from and to English as in the past. It was
under the consideration of the Government that M atriculation
examination, except in the subject of English, should be con
ducted through the medium o f the vernacular.
The Patna University, recognised five vernacular languages,

namely, Hindi, Urdu, Parbatic, Bengali and Oriya and four
oriental classics, namely, Sanskrit, Pali, Arabic and Persian.1"7
During the quinquennium years o f 1922-27, an im portant
change was brought in the medium o f instruction in the four
highest classes of high schools. The Bihar Education Committee
of 1923 recommended that the vernacular should be the medium
of instruction in these classes. This led to a modification in the
University Regulations to the effect that at the M atriculation,
in subjects other than English and Mathematics, the medium
of examination after the year 1928 might be vernacular offered
by the candidates for composition. This change in the Regula
tions had been sanctioned by the Government.118
In 1925, the Government decided that in those Government

High Schools where there were two sections in the upper classes,
the experiment of using the Indian languages as the medium of
instruction should be tried in one section o f each standard,
Eng’ish continuing to be the medium o f instruction for the
other. Privately managed High Schools were also encouraged
to adopt the modern Indian languages and media o f instruction
in the upper secondary classes.
But “ theory conflicts with practice". And, for several

reasons, the use of English as a medium of instruction was not
completely abandoned.1*9
J27. Second Quinq. Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in B ihar Sc O rissa (1917-22),
p. 58.
128. Third Quinq, Her on the Prog, o f Eda. in Bihar & Orissa. (1922-2 )„
pp. 5J-54. Also S. Nurrulah d J.P. Naik ; H istory o f Edu. in India,
pp. 511-12.
129 S. N urrulah & J. P. N aik ; H istory o f Education in India, pp. 512-14.
SCH OO L LEAVING CERTIFICATE EXAMINATION
The most important project affecting secondary education

was the establishment of a School Final Examination during
the first decade o f the present century.110 It was being tried to
avoid the domination o f M atriculation Examination. The
establishment of the School Final Examination was not con
sidered a satisfactory solution o f the problem.111 In August,
1913, a Departmental Committee was convened to discuss the
question of the School Leaving Certificate.
The following year another Committee was appointed by

the Government for the same purpose. The Committee reco
mmended (hat a School Leaving Certificate Examination should
be instituted and it should be placed under the control of an
Administrative Board. This Board was to be assisted by a
Board of Studies o f six or eight members.
The examination was to comprise compulsory subjects

like English, Mathematics, Vernacular, History and Geography.
A wide range o f optional subjects were to be allowed, but no
candidate was to be examined in more than one such subjects
at the same time as in his compulsory subjects, though after
obtaining a certificate, a candidate who had again attended
the school for a year, might be examined in two other optional
subjects.
Schools were to appty for separate recognition for each

optional subject which they wished to teach. In awarding the
certificate, the candidate.' school record for the previous three
years was to be given full weight, and this record was prepared
so as to show for each subject the percentage o f marks gained
by the candidate at ali School Examinations, the average marks
o f the class in those examinations and the Headmaster's
estimate of the pupils’ ability and industry. To enable these
marks to be checked, all exercise books were to be preserved
130. prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, Fourth Quinq. Rev. (1906-07 to 1911-12),

P.40.
131. Jbid., p. 41. .
for three years.15*

This scheme was introduced in the second decade o f the
present century. The examination at the end o f the course
was to be divided into three parts, namely—a scrutiny o f the
record of progress in the school, a public examination, and in
the case o f those students who failed in one subject only at the
public examination, an examination was conducted by the
Inspector with such assistance as he might require in order to
obtain a final decision. Tbe first examination under this scheme
was held in the year 1921.133
This scheme could not make considerable progress till

1922. The first and foremost reason of this slow progress was
the financial stringencies due to which it had been possible in a
very few cases to provide for the teaching o f subjects other
than those already included in the M atriculation course.
Naturally, pupils preferred to appear in the M atriculation
Examination.154 Moreover, this system proved to be an expensive
luxury.
Due to these factors the University decided to hold this

examination along with the M atriculation Examination using
common papers as far as possible, and the number o f candidates
fell in subsequence.1“
SCH OO L BUILDINGS AND ACCOMM ODATION
Proper care was taken about housing and accommodation

in the High Schools. By the year 1916, the new building of
Ranchi Zila School was constructed and considerable progress
was made with the Zila School building at Chaibasa during the
year 1915-16,ls6 During the quinquennium years o f 1912-17,
132. First Q u in q . Rev, prog. Edu, in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), pp. 67-68;
a lto refer to resolution No. 1790 E, dated the 12th July, 1914 of the
Govt, of Bihar & Crissa (1917-22), pp. 56-57.
133. Secerned Q uinq Rev. prog. Edu. in Bihar d Orissa (1917-22)* pp.
56-57.
134. Ibid., p. 57.
135. T hird Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar d Orissa ( 1922-27), pp. 51-52.
136. B. & O . A ,R , (1915-1916), p. 61.
new building of St. Pauls’s High School, St. John’s High School,
and Jharia Raj High School were constructed. Besides these,
extensions were made in the buildings of Palamau Zila School,
Chaibasa Zila School and Giridih High School.
Playgrounds were constructed in Hazaribagh Zila School,

Ranchi Zila School, Palamau Zila School, St. John’s High
School, and St. Colurabas' Collegiate School.137
By the year 1922, most of the Government Schools were

well-housed, notable exceptions being those at Daltonganj for
which the building scheme was pending for a long time for
want o f funds. Similarly, much improvements were brought
in the furniture in the Government High Schools and most of
them were well-equipped with strong and convenient desks.13’
During the quinquennium years of 1927-1932, many high

schools were provided with new buildings, e.g. the Manbhum
Victoria Institute at Purulia, High Schools at Katras and
Chakradharpur.133 By the year 1935, completely new buildings
were constructed for the five new High Schools at Chakradhar-
pur, Khunti, Lohardage, Hussainabgd and Daltonganj. With
the exception of Giriwar High School at Daltonganj, all other
schools received buildings grants from the Government.110
TRAINING SCHOOLS
The importance o f training for the teachers of Primary
and Secondary classes is enormous. In Chotanagpur, the state
o f affairs was never satisfactory. As early as in 1902, A.Pedler,
the then D .P L , Bengal, commenting on the efficiency of the
gurus remarks, “ To the ordinary educated Englishman or
European it is almost impossible to convey a proper idea of the
low qualifications o f many of such gurus. To call them school
masters or school teachers is really to give too high a notion of
their capacities, and many o f the gurus are themselves only able
137. First Quinq Rev. on the Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17),
p. 66.
J 38. Second Quinq. Rev. Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1917-12), p. 63.
139. Fourth Quinq. Rev. Prog, o f Edu. In Bihar tt Orissa (1927-32), p. 46.
140. Fifth Quinq. Rev. Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar A O rijja (1932-373, p. 60.
to read and write and do little arithmetic, and they are without
much real grasp even o f these subjects. Naturally they are only
able to im part tbe rudiments of the Three R's. to (heir
pupils.” 111
Thus, the importance of training o f teachers for the pri

mary education was felt by all. The Educational Despatches
of 1854 and 1859, the Indian Education Commission o f ]882-83
and other Government and private resolutions advocated with
one voice for the training of teachers. Like the Primary Schools,
the importance o f training of teachers was equally enormous.
This was, however, a controversial matter even in England. The
Education Commission, however, was in favour of the training
o f teachers o f Secondary Schools.142 The Indian Educational
Policy o f 1904 records “ If the teaching in Secondary Schools
is to be raised to a higher level’ if the pupils are to be cured o f
their tendency to rely upon learning notes and text-books by
heart, if, in a word, European knowledge is to be diffused by the
methods proper to it, then it is most necessary that the teachers
should themselves be trained in the art of teaching.” 143
In Chotanagpur, since the early years o f our period, pro

vision was made for the training of teachers for primary and
middle vernacular schools. The training schools fell under
three categories. The first class N oim al or Training Schools
were to train teachers for middle vernacular as well as fo r
primary schools, tbe second and third class Norm al Training
Schools were to train teachers for prim ary schools only. Be
sides then), there were numerous guru Training Schools.1' 4
There was only one First G rade Training School in the

Division, i.e. the Ranchi Training School which was essentially
a very old institution. The minimum qualification for admis
sion in the school had been the ‘Prim ary Exam ination’ which
141. An extract from a letter or A. Pedler, D .P.I., Bengal to the Secy,

to the Govt, o f Bengal, General Dept No. 1595, dated Calcutta, the
February IS, 1902.
142. S. N urullah & J. P. N a ik-; History n f Educat'on in India, pp. 3)4-15.
143- Indian Educational Policy, 1S04, p. 41.
144. R.A.B. (1872-1873), p. 159.
was held at the end o f the course prescribed for the VI

standard.115
In January 1920, however, the ordinary admissions to the

Patna Training School was restricted to Matriculates. This
experiment proved successful and was introduced in other
schools in July, 1923.lle The course of studies included Hindi
literature and Grammar, Urdu, History, Geography, Arithmetic
and Algebra, Geometry and Mensuration, Elementary Science,
Drawing, Manual Work and Drill. All these subjects except
M anual Work were obligatory.117
' In the year 1914-1915, U rdu was made a compulsory

subject in Ranchi Training School, except for the aboriginal
students.118 In 1918, was opened a Bengali section o f Ranchi
Training School.1*9 A Commercial Class was attached to this
institution in July, 1931 with only one student, but there was
a gradual rise in num ber. The then Headmaster asked for an
additional teacher and also recommended that the class should
b e placed on a permanent footing in view o f its rapidly growing
popularity and usefulness.15*
In July, 1901, a Government order reduced the course o f

studies at the first grade vernacular training school from three
years to two. The first year’s course culminated in the Verna
cular Mastership Examination o f the Second G rade, and success
ful candidates at this examination were rewarded with Second
G rade Certificates. The second year’s course led upto the
Vernacular M astership examination o f the first grade, on the'
result of which First G rade Certificates were aw arded.151
145 , Progress o f Education In Bengal, T hird Q uinq. R ev. ( 1902-03— 1906

07), p. 70.
146. Second Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1917-22), pp.
99-100.
148 . prog o f Edu. in Bengal, T h ird Q uinq. Rev. (1902-03-1906-07), p. 71.
148. First Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1912-17), p. 54.
149. Second Q u in q . Rev. Prog, o f Edu. in Bihar & Q rlssa( 1917-22), p. 1(0.
150. F ifth Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1932-37), (B.&O.)
p. 109. ,
151. Progress o f Education in Bengal, Third Quinq. Rev, (1902-03-1906-07),
p. 71.
The institution had n o t a building o f its own for its

accom m odation causing great inconvenience an d hardship.
D uring the quinquennium years o f 1912-J917, the school along
with its hostel was, however, removed from rented buildings to
those formerly occupied by the Ranchi Zita School,1SJ L ater
on, the school was provided with its own hostel and a large
hall.161*
A part from the First G rad e T raining Schools at R an ch i,

there were T hird G rade T raining Schools a t H azaribagh,
Purulia, Chaibasa, D altonganj, L ohardaga, and K okpara. T he
Training Schools at L ohardaga and K o k p ara (Singhbhum ) were
abolished respectively in 18951*4 and 1897.166 T he T hird G rad e
Training School at L ohardaga was transferred to Palam au in
1895.166 This institution w as raised to Second G rade T raining
School in later years b ut was again reverted to T hird G rade
Training School. U ltim ately it was reduced to the status o f
a Guru Training School in 1913.IS'
The G erm an Mission h a d also started a T raining School

a t Ranchi, where the trainees receised instruction in Singing,
H istory, G eography, A rithm etic, H indi, Classics, English, G reek,
introduction into the Scriptures, Ecclesiatical H istory, Theology,
and Science.1*8 T his, institution was duly aided by the Educa
tion D epartm ent.
Though there was a large class o f indigenous school

masters or gurus, yet th eir m ode o f teaching was primitive and
clumsy. B ut, to im prove prim ary education it was necessary to
give some training to the gurus. Accordingly, m any Guru
Training Schools were opened in the D ivision. T he num ber o f
152. First Q u in q . Rev. P rog. E du. In B ihar & O rissa (1912-32), p. 229,
153. F o rth Q u in q . R ev. P rog. Edu. in B ihar & O rissa (1927-32), p. 2 - 8.
154. G e n e ra l R eport on Public Instruct ion, B engal ( 1894-95). p . 70.
155. Ibid., (1897-98), p. 75.
156. Ibid., (Is 94-95), p. 70.
157. A .R .P .E .B . & O . (1912-13), p. 12.
158 L e tte r from R ev. C arl H a s b e rlin , G .E .L . M ission to C ol E .T .
D alto n , C om m issioner o f C h o ta n a g p u r D iv isio n , d a te d R a n c h i.
July 26, 1872 (fro m B engal E ducational Proceedings, 1872, pp. 106
107).
such institutions and their pupils always fluctuated. Steps were

taken from time to time to improve the condition o f these
institutions. Various committees were appoinled which in their
tu rn recommended for better facilities for the trainees, better
housing and accommodation, appointment o f adequate staff,
increased stipends for the purus, etc. But there was hardly any
improvement in the existing state o f affairs even during the
closing year o f our period.159
It is im portant to note here th at one Guru Training
School at Jorapuknr in Singhbhum, one at Bundu and one at
G um la in Ranchi District were reserved respectively for the
Hos, the M undas and the O roan teacher candidates,169
Missionaries in Chotanagpur did not lag behind in this
field also. In 1912-13, three Guru Training Schools were
opened by them in the district of Ranchi, particularly to train
teachers for the aboriginal schools in the Division.1*1 Each
school received from the Government a monthly grant, and a
monthly allotment from provincial revenues.161 The S.P.G.
Mission G uru Training School had a syllabus o f its own, while
th a t managed by the Roman Catholic Mission followed the
G uru Training School course.183 A fourth G uru Training
School was opened in 1930-1931, but two of them were closed
down.164
E D U C A T IO N O F S P E C IA L C LA SSE S
The number of Europeans in Chotanagpur was quite

considerable. Separate primary and middle schools for them
were established at different places. Im portant among them
were the B.N.R. School at C hakradharpur, E.l R. School at
G om oh, and the S.P.G. Mission School at Ranchi. The S.P.G.
Mission School, however, had a very short life. All these
schools were aided by the Governm ent.166 Besides them,
159. T h ir d Q u in q . /te r. Prog. Edu. in Bihar Sl O rissa ( 1922-27), p. 94.

160. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. (1901-08—1911-12),
p. 74.
161. AR.P.E.B. & 0 , (1912-13), p. 13.
162. F i f t h Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu, in Bihar <t O ritja (1912-17), p. 87.
163. Sicond Q uinq. Rev, Prog. Edu. in Bihar it Orissa (1917-27), p. 103.
16t. F jurtli Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar and Orissa [ 1927-32), p. 78.
165. A .R.P.E., B. 4c O. (1912-1913), p. 19.
St. Stephen's Girls School, at Hazaribagh, 3.N.R. School nt

K hurda Road, and E.I.R. School at D hanbad were also impart
ing education to European students of the Division.180
B IS H O P W E STC O TT S C H O O L
The need for an European Boarding School at Ranchi was

always put forward by the Europeans The S.P.G. Mission had
taken up the work, and was to establish Iwo schools, one for
boys and the other for girls, each of wbirh to accommodate 120
pupils. The non-recurring cost was estimated at Rs. 3.5 lakhs
and the Government had promised to pay half the expenditure
actually incurred on this head, subject to limit o f Rs. 1.75 lakhs.
The then D,P,I, hoped that those schools, which were to be
called after Bishop Westcott, would be o f great help to the large
European community working in the mines and railways in
Chotanagpur.107
The School for girls at Namkum was opened in February,

1923, and had made steady progress. The corresponding
school for boys was started a few years later. These schools
occupied a very attractive site just on the outskirts o f Ranchi.10"
During the quinquennium years o f 1927-32, the building

of the Bishop Westcott Boys’ School at Namkum was complet
ed.16® The building were further extended during the year
1932 and onwards.170
Much attention was paid on the education of the aoori-

ginal tribes and backward communities. They were given many
facilities such as free-studentships, free hostel accommodation
and special scholarship awards. In Chotanagpur Missionaries
166. First Quinq. /ter. Prog. Education in Bihar & Orissa (1912-1927),
p. 260; also Second Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edit, in Bihar & Orissa ( i 917-
1922), p. 114.
167. Second Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu.in Bihar & Orissa (1917-J922), pp, ! 12
113.
168. Third Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1922-1927), p. 103.
169. Fourlh Quinq. Rev. Prog Edu. in Bihar & Orissa { 1927-32), p. 83.
170. Fifth Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 122.
were very particular about the education o f aboriginal boys and

girls. The Governm ent sanctioned special grants for their
education. Arrangements were made to translate text-books
into Ho, M undari and O raon languages. Reservation was
m ade for the training o f aboriginal teachers. Besides, arrange
ments were also m ade for a special staff for the inspection of
schools o f the tribals. As a result o f all these efforts much
progress was made in this field.
Like the aboriginals and backward communities, proper

steps were also taken for the education of Muslims. Makhtabs
and Madrasas were duly aided by the Government. It was decided
that in all Zila Schools, U rd u and Arabic or Person should be
taught upto the standard o f the Entrance Exam ination.171 Various
Commissions and Com m ittees were appointed to advise the
Government. On the subject o f Muslim education and it took
steps to implement their recommendations. Arrangement was
made for the appointm ent of special staff for the inspection of
Muslim Schools.
A t the beginning of the year 1912, the special staff for the
inspection o f Muslim Schools in Orissa and C hotanagpur consist
ed o f two sub-inspectors171 who in 1913 were given the status of
D eputy Inspectors.1’3
During the quinquennium years o f 1917-22, one Training

School for the Muslim teachers was opened at Daltonganj which
was intended to serve the whole Division.174 Thus, by all these
measures, a new impetus was given to the Muslim education in
the Division.
There was no school in the Division specially intended for

the education o f native chiefs, and their sons and wards had to
take instruction in common schools. But special efforts were
171. Syed M ihm ood ; A History o f English Education in India, p. 159,

172. A .R .P .E ., B. St, O . (1912-13), p . 19.
173. L etter from H, L em , C hief Secretary to th e G overnm ent o f Bihar
and O rissa to the D .P .I., B ihar a n d O rissa, N o , 861-T, d a te d . Camp
th e M arch 30,1913.
174. Second Q uinq. Bar, Prog, Edu, in Bihar and Orissa (1917-22), p. 117.
made at Ranchi and Hazaribagh by the Commissioner and

Deputy Commissioners to draw the sons o f Rajas and Zaniin-
dars to Zila Schools. At Ranchi, the conditions were specially
favourable.175
It was under contemplation to build a College for the

Chiefs at Ranchi, which should secure for the sons of Rajas,
Zamindars and other men of rank:, a homelife suitable to their
position by means of private hostels and should at the same
time give them benefits of common life of a well-managed
college. W ith this atm subscriptions were raised, and the founda
tion stone o f the college was laid by Sir Andrew Frazer, the
Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, but the scheme was subsequently
abandoned on grounds o f public policy.178
A hostel in connection with the Ranchi Zila School for

the sons and relatives of Zamindars of Chotanagpur was, how
ever, completed during 1915-16. The cost amounted to Rs.
51,795 and was met from public subscriptions, collected in 1907.
The hostel was named Zam indar Hostel and had accommoda
tion for 30 boarders.177
S C H O L A R S H IP S A ND FR EE -STLID EN TSH JPS
Government scholarships were in former years given to-

boys, who did well at the University Examinations, and at minor
examinations held by the Education Department in each district.
No scholarships were set aside for boys at primary schools
(pathshalas), and it rarely happend that pathshala boys could
gain a scholarship.178
There were arrangements for minor scholarships, interme

diate vernacular scholarships, the lower Anglo-vernacular scho
larships, for which students had to compete in examinations,
which had fixed stan d ard . These scholarships were awarded to
173. Prog. Edu.in Bengal,Fourth Q u in q . R ev. (1907-12), p. 154.

176. ibid.
177. F irst Q uiuq. Rev. Prog. Edu. In Bihar and O rissa (1912-17), p. 1IB.
178. R.A.B. (1872-73)). p. 160.
202 Society in Tribal India ‘
the highest candidates in the list, but the District Committees

were allowed to give preference to boys from backward parts o f
the districts. Besides, there were Lower Primary scholarships.
Primary Scholarships, Middle Vernacular and Middle Engiish
Scholarships, Junior College Scholarships, Senior College
Scholarships.
All these scholarships were open to competition and a

few of them were allotted by the Commission or Deputy Com
missioners at their discretion. The rules o f those scholarships
were revised when required. Moreover, there were provisions
for special scholarships for the aboriginal students of the
Division.
In 1907, the Government of Bengal had sanctioned two

such scholarships of the value o f Rs. 20 a month each, tenable
for two years.178 The D alton Memorial Fund was established as
early as in 1886 where object was to give the award every second
year o f a scholarship o f Rs. 5 a month, tenable for two years to
the aboriginal students and a permanent resident of the Division,
who should most successfully pass the Entrance Examination of
the Calcutta University.
In addition to scholarships, free-studentships were also

allowed under certain conditions in the Government and aided
Secondary Schools. Unaided Schools used to adm it pupils free
at their discretion. In some High and Middle Schools in
Chotanagpur, aboriginal students were given concessions in the
payment of fees. They were allowed half-rates o f fee.180
INSPECTIO N AGENCY
The Director o f Public Instruction was the Chief Execu

tive Officer of the D epartment. Below him was the Inspector of
Schools, who with the Assistant Inspectors o f Schools, supervis
ed both Secondary and Primary Schools o f his Division. The
179. L etter from W .S, M ilne, U n d er S ecretary to The G overnm ent o f

Bengal, to the D .P .I., Bengal N o . 2823, C a lc u tta D ecem ber 23,1507.
180. Prog. Edu. InBengal,T h ir d Q uinq R ev (1902-03—1906-07), pp. 40-41.
Deputy Inspector o f Schools was the chief executive officer of

the Department in a district. Below him there were sub-inspec
tors in-charge of a certain area o f a district o r of sub-division,
and the Guru instructors or the Inspecting Pandits were in-charge
of a lhana or p art o f a thana.
In Chotanagpur, however, since 1879, the Assistant Inspec

tor o f Schools was in the Charge o f the Division, and he work
ed under the general supervision of the Inspector ot Schools,
Presidency Circle upto September 30, 189”. On October 1, 1897,
S.C. Mill was appointed the Inspector of Schools, Chotanagpur
and Bhagalpur Divisions with his headquarters at Purulia. This
arrangement continued upto July 1, 1901, when the two Divi
sions were separated and placed unde- two different Inspectors
of Schools. E.RT. Tiery was appointed as the Inspector of
Schools, Chotanagpur Division.181
The headquarters of the Inspector o f Schools, Chotanagpur

Division was transferred from Purulia to Ranchi in 1912. In
1920, one School Medical officer was appointed for each Divi
sion to inspect the her.lth of the students.181
The duty o f the Inspector o f Schools was to inspect High

Schools and Srst grade Training Schools. Assistant Inspectors
took under their special care Middle and Training Schools o f
second and third grades. They were also allowed to devote a part
of their time to the inspection of High Schools. The Deputy
Inspector was primarily responsible for Middle and Primary
Schools. He was not ordinarily allowed to visit High Schools
wilhoui the sanction of the Inspector. The Sub-Inspector was
required to inspect Primary and indigenous Schools , and
might also inspect Middle Schools when authorised by the higher
authority The duty o f Inspecting Pandit or Guru Instructor was
confined to Primary and indigenous schools only.163
181. A.R.P.E.C.D. (1901-1902), p. 18. Also a le tte r from A. Pedler, D.P.I.,

Bengal to the Secretary to the Government of Bengal, General
Dept. No. 611-T, dated Darjeeling, 30th May, 1901,
182. B. Sahay ; Education in Bihar Under British Rule, p 65
183. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, Second Quinq. Rev, (1897-98 —1901-02),
pp. 12-13.
The special inspecting officer for Muslim education in the

Division was a Deputy Inspector who was responsible to the
Inspector for the State o f Muslim education in Chotanagpur,
Inspecting Maulvis were also appointed for this purpose. The
European Schools had been entrusted to the Inspector of Schools
of the Division,184 In 1919, One Assistant Superintendent was
appointed to look into the Sanskrit education in Chotanagpur,
There was separate provision for the inspection of aboriginal
schools, and the inspection o f Technical schools was handed over
to the D epartm ent of Industries.18*
In all the districts o f the Division, Secondary and Primary

Schools were also frequently inspected by the Commissioner,
Deputy Commissioners and Sub-divisional Officers. They took
considerable interest in the inspection o f schools.
DISCI r LIT E
The problem o f student discipline was not a burning topic

as it is today. Students reading in High Schools and Middle
Schools were particularly very disciplined. In Primary Schools,
however, the state o f discipline was below the desired level. In
High Schools, caning was inflicted in extreme cases o f indisci
pline, and only by the Headmaster, fh e usual forms of punish
ment were detention after school hours, imposition o f fines and
the like. In Primary Schools, the state of discipline was low.
The majority of gurus being themielves ill-educated, set very
little value upon good manners and politeness. In Primary
Schools, caning was f.eely used. M oral training was imparted to
boys to make them obedient and disciplined.189
The problem of general discipline was n o t a m atter ot

difficulty in norm al times. The position was, however, apt to
change during times o f political excitement. During 1930-31,
there were plenty of instances o f students taking part in prooes-
184. First Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in B ihar & Orissa (1912-1917), p. 38.
185. Second Q uinq. /'."v. Prog Edu. in Bihar &. Orissa (1917-22), pp. 18
19.
186. Annual Report on the Public ins'ruction in Chotanagpur Division
(1901-1902) , p. 75.
sions, hoisting o f dags, attending political meetings, boycotting

foreign goods, etc. Instances were also not in wanting when
teachers also took p art in these movements, and in some cases
they were dismissed from their services.
The state of affairs, however, improved after 1931-32 and

the atmosphere remained normal during the close o f the period
under review.
CHAPTER VI
FEMALE EDUCATION, TECHNICAL EDUCA
TION AND UNIVERSITY EDUCATION
FEMALE EDUCATION
India has a brilliant tradition of cultured womanhood from

tbe days of remote antiquity. The education of girls plays an
important part in it. The importance o f education of girls at
the present moment cannot be over-rated. It affects virtually the
range and efficiency of all education. The education o f the
girls is the education o f ihe m other, and through her o f her
children.
The middle and higher classes of Indian population have

long suffered from the dualism o f an educated manhood, and
an ignorant womanhood, a dualism that lowers the whole level
of the home and domestic life, and has its reaction on personal
and national character. The dominating influence of woman in
the Indian household and in the training o f her children especi
ally are quite apparent.
Famale Education, Technical Edu. and University Edu. 207
The innate intelligence o f the Indian woman, her feeling

of domestic responsibility, her experience of household manage
ment make her shrewd, penetrating and wise within her own
sphere. The social position of the Indian woman needs o be
strengthened, for in every country as power passes more and more
from the hands of the few into the hands of the many, more and
more is the steadying influence o f family life not only inside but
also outside the family circle.
In all m atters o f educational and social reforms the counsel

and the active work o f women are essential, both in administra
tion and in public affairs.
The education of women, especially in the higher stages,

will make available to the country a wealth of capacity that is
now largely wasted through the lack of opportunity. It is only
through the education of women that Indian women be available
to contribute in an increasing measure to the culture, the ideas
and the activities of the country.
The importance of girls’ education lias been insisted on in

various resolutions of the Government of India and o f the local
Governments and in the recommendations of many committees
and commissions appointed from time to tim e.1
In the early years of the period, the education o f girls in

India io general and that o f Chotanagpur in particular, had sunk
to a very low level. The factors responsible were manifold. The
most important among them were the difficulties'imposed by the
prevalent social customs like the parda sy item and early marriage
o f girls, the scarcity o f trained female teachers, the Hindu and
Muslim concepts of the duties o f giris, general unwillingness on
the part of the parents to pay anything towards girls’ education
and the problem of conveyance, etc.
The purdah system and the system o f early marriage pre

sented an almost insurmountable, barrier to education beyond
the primary stage. The Hindu and Muslim concepts o f the duties
o f a woman that the education of a girl was to make her to be a
1. Indian Statutory Commission, interim Report, (I.S .C .R .), pp. 150-151.

‘ministering angel’ and not a ‘bread winner’, much less an ora

tor, author or an accomplished lady in social circle, casoed much
harm to their education.
The absence o f an adequate supply o f female teachers,

and social objection to the employment of women in remunera
tive work seem to be more potent obstacles to the advancement
of women's education. The general unwillingness on the part of
the parents to pay anything towards the education of their girls,
and the impression that education has a tendency (o make them
more proud and less observant of established customs and
domestic duties, also proved a potent obstacle in the advance
ment of girls’ education. Some minor obstacles like conveyance
for girl students, want of adequate State aid and aid from other
public funds, etc. were also im portant factors for the slow growth
o f education among the girls.®
It is, however, a m atter of great satisfaction to note that

lire education of aboriginal girls offered no such problem. Among
the aboriginal races, there was no purdah system, no prejudice
against co-education and no child marriage. Among them there
was no feeling against the married women being a teacher and
there was not much difficulty in having women as teachers in
Girls’ schools.3 In Chotanagpur, missionaries were imparting
education to girls with great enthusiasm. The aboriginal girls
greatly benefited by this move. But it was always doubtful
whether it would help to any great extent the progress o f edu
cation among the Hindu and Muslim girls, as their parents were
unwilling to send them to any Christian women teacher for their
education, lest their daughters should imbibe Christian notions
and become disregardful o f their established social customs and
practices,4
2. I.S .C .R ., pp. 152-157. Also refer to T hird Q uinq, Rev, Prog, Edu.
in Bihar St Orissa (1922-27), p. 96 ; also B. Sahay ; H istory o f
Education in B ihar under B ritish Rule, p, 266 ; see also Report o f
the Education in Chotanagpur fro m C ol. E.T. D alto n , Com missioner,
C hotanagpur D ivision to C . Bernard, offg. Secy, to th e G ovt, of
Bengal G eneral D ept, (from Educational Proceedings o f Bengal, 1872,
p. 104.
3. Vernacular Education in Bengal, H erb ert Alick S tark , p. 189.
4. A.R.P.I.C.D- (1901-1902), p. 58.
Female Education, Technical Edu, and University Edu. 209
It will, however, be unwise to see only one side o f the

coin. The Government and benevolent individuals and societies
were active to remove these evils. Various steps were taken
from time to time such as opening of separate schools for girls
by male or female teachers, the collection o f grown-up women at
central places for their education by lady teachers, the teaching
of grown-up girls and women at their own houses by lady
teachers, training schools for female teachers, model schools for
girls, and a separate curriculum of study, especially designed to
meet their requirements, were provided to educatet he girls.6
As early as in 1854, provisions were made in the Educa

tional Despatch for the encouragement of girls' education.0 The
Educational Despatch of 1859 further laid stress on it.7 The
Education Committee o f 1882 made recommendations for the
extension of female education and the Government o f India
promised to implement them.8 The Simla Conference of 1901
proposed that Government Model Primary Schools should be
established at convenient centres. The Government of Bengal
accepted this proposal.* In 1914, a Commission was instituted
to consider the whole question of female education which also
recommended the establishment o f at least one High School for
girls in each Division, award o f scholarships and proper adminis
tration and management o f girls’ school.10
In spite of all these efforts, the rate of progress of education

among the girls remained quite unsatisfactory for a long time,
one o f the important factors o f this slow progress was that the
education of girls was still a costly affair as compared to that o f
the boys.
5 . B . S a h a y ; H istory o f Education in Bihar under British Rule, p . 767,

6. Selection fro m Educational Records, P art II- J.A . Rickey, p. 32.
7. Ibid., p, 434.
8. Indian Educational Policy (Being a Resolution issued by (he G over
nor-G eneral in C ouncil on the l l l h M arch, 1904), pp. 27-28.
9 . H .A . S t a r k ; Vernacular Education in Bengal, p p . 187 -1 8 8 .
10. See Bihar Through the Ages, E d. by R .R . D iw akar, p . 726; also
B. Sahay ; H istory o f Education in Bihar Under British Rule, p. 268 ,
First Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), P. 96.
Referring to Bibar the H artog Committee observed in

1929,
"In Bihar, inspite of the special efforts which have been
made in recent years, conditions are still very unfavourable
to progress in girls’ education. The reforms have made
little impression on the social customs o f the
country such as the purdah, th at hamper female education,
nor have begun to bring about a widespread realisation of
. its advantages which is a necessary preliminary to substan
tial progress. Trained women teachers are still scarce
and though co-education under male teachers is advocated
in some quarters, the objections to such an arrangement
are strongly felt by large classes of the community. In
higher education, the province is exceptionally backward
and only a few hundred pupils, mainly Indian Christians
and H indus, are to be found above the middle stage.
There are, however, some signs of an awakening.11
Thus, we see that the progress o f education among girls

remained quite unsatisfactory throughout the period under
review. But a new awakening, helped by nationalism and
certain other factors had set in and girls’ education advanced
in the lateT years.
PRIMARY SCHOOLS
Primary Schools for girls in Chotanagpur can be classified

under the following heads : i. Model Girls’ Primary School,
ii. Girls’ Primary Schools in the District Board areas, and
iii. G irls’ Prim ary Schools in the Municipal areas.
Model G irls’ Primary Schools were established by the

Government according to the recommendations o f tbe Simla
Conference. But experience showed that ordinary Model
Schools failed to be models and were generally not better off
than aided schools, which cost very less. These institutions had
not been successful and hence their expansion was checked in
the later years.12
11. F.S.C.R., pp. 156-157.

12. A .R .P.E .B .O . (1912-1913), p. 17.
Female Education, Technical Edu. and University Edu. 211
The merits of the schools of second category appeared to

depend upon whether there was any special interest taken in
female education by the members of the District Boards or o f
subordinate inspecting staff. If the school was a mixed school
for boys and girls, the girls were often put in a com erand given
only stray moments o f the teacher's attention, though he used
to draw a special allowance for teaching them. As a rule these
girls’ schools were in extremely bad conditions.
The schools of third category were generally managed by

a committee and were maintained by subscriptions and aid from
the Department. These schools were generally fairly efficient.
They had generally some provisions for teaching needle-work
and for conveyance to bring girls from their residence.'^
Besides these schools, different missionaries in the Division

had also established numerous primary schools for grils and
those institutions were generally working very efficiently.
Among the primary schools for girls in Chotanagpur, the

following were of good standard, and the Government liberally
aided them :
Giridib Girls’ Upper Primary School, Hazaribagh Girls’

U.P. School, Roman Catholic Mission Girls’ L.P. School,
Ranchi, Kindergarten Girls* School, Ranchi under Ursuline
Convent, St. Paul’s Girls' Kindergarten School, Ranchi, S.P.G.
Mission Girls’ U P. School, Ranchi, Girls’ U.P. School, Ranchi,
under the German Mission, Girls’ U.P. School, Govindpur,
under the German Mission, Amalgamated Bengali Girls' U P.
School, Ranchi, Girls’ L.P. School, Chaibasa, under the manage
ment of the German Mission, Purulia Girls’ U.P. School,
Daltonganj Bengali G irls’ U P. SchojI, etc.11
M IDDLE SCHOOLS
The number o f Middle English Schools for girls was very
13. Prog. o f Edu. In Bengal, F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. (1907-12), p p . 144 45

14. Interpellation in the B ihar <£ Orissa Legislative C ouncil, F ile N o .
1-E 261 of 1913 regarding G rant-in-aid in Private Schools, p. 3S,
limited. There were only five such schools in the whole Division
during 1 920. The Bengali Girls’ School at Ranchi was recog
nised as a Middle English School in the same year.15 Among
them the S.P.G. Middle English Sehool at Ranchi was the
largest. It had a fine new building, which was constructed in
1 9 1 4 . F urther extensions were also made in it in 1 9 1 6 -1 7 . The
school was rapidly developing into a High English School.1*
During the quinquennium years o f 1922-1927, the number

o f Middle English Schools was raised by one with the inclusion
o f the small ‘Preparatory’ School at Jam shedpur.17 These
institutions were generally aided and they also received non
recurring grants for the construction o f building and furniture,
etc. Donations were also given by benevolent individuals and
societies.
Middle V ernacular Schools for girls, though not enough

•were larger in num ber in the Division. M ost o f them were
under the management of different Missions working in C hota
nagpur, and the rest were under private management. The
Mission Middle Vernacular G irls’ School in the Division were
usually Boarding Schools and were either managed in connection
with a training class or else got trained teachers from some
o ther mission institutions.
The G erm an Mission and the St. Paul’s Middle Vernacular

G irls’ School, Ranchi, and the Baptist Zenana Mission Middle
Vernacular G irls’ School were carried on in connection with
training classes. The only Mission M iddle Vernacular Girls’
School as day-scholars was the Bengali School,16 at Hazaribagh.
In the later years many new schools were opened in the Division.
HIGH SCHOOLS
During the period under review, the standard of higher

education among the girls o f the Division was very low. But
15. B. & O. A .R . (1919-20), p. 93.

16. F irst Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), p. 97.
17. T h i r d Q u i n q . .Rev, Prog. Edu. to Bihar & Orissa (1922-1927), p . 98.
1 8 . Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, F o u rth Q uinq, R ev. (1907-12), p. 112,
efforts were being made by the Government o f India toward*
the development of Secondary education among the girls o f
Chotanagpur.
CHOTANAGPUR GIRLS’ HIGH SCHOOL, GIRIDIH
In the beginning, this was the only High School for girls
in the whole -Division. The school at Giridih was founded by
the Bengali Community during the quinquennium years of 1907
1912. Originally, it was an unaided and undenominational
institution. It was to be aided by the Government when it was
recognised by the University. On the March 31, 1912, it had
58 pupils in classes above standard II, the infant classes and
standards I and H being amalgamated with the old Lower
Primary School for girls. During that year there were five girl
students in the 1st class preparing for the Matriculation
examination o f 1913.’9
During the year 1912-1913, it had been given a monthly

grant o f Rs. 350s1' temporarily for one year only and the
Committee was informed that the question of its renewal would
be decided largely with reference to the steps taken in the
interim to appoint a staff o f lady teachers. The Committee did
their best in this direction and they were successful in obtaining
a complete staff o f lady teachers.21 During the quinquennium
years of 1912-1917, its grant was raised to Rs. 450/per month.13
In the beginning the school bad no building of its own

and it was always held in a rented house. This was d u e . to bad
financial conditions o f tbe school. Later on, a sum of Rs. 12,400
was collected as building fund and it acquired a house of
its own in 1934-35.*3 It is worthy to note here th at this was the
only girls school in the Division which was under non-missionary
management and had a hostel of its own. '
19. Prog, o f Edu. tn Bengal, F o u rth Q u in q . Rev. (1907-12), pp. 11-12.

20. Interpellation in tb e B ihar A O rissa L atistative C ouncil regarding
g rant-in-aid to private schools. F ile No. IE/261 of 1913, p. 36.
21. A.R.P.E.B. A O , (1912-1913), p. 17.
22. F irst Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar A Orissa (1912-17), p. 57.
23. First Quinq, Rev. Prog. Edu. In Bihar A Orissa (1932-37), p. 116.
Another High School for girls in the Division was S t

Margaret’s Girls’ High School, Ranchi. During the quinquen
nium years o f 1932-37, D.M. Madan Girls’ School, Jamshedpur,
had applied for-recognition as a High School.24
SCHOLARSHIPS AND OTHER FACILITIES
To encourage women’s education every possible step had

been taken by the Government and certain benevolent individu
als and societies. The District Board in each district had made
special provisions for it. In the Ranchi District, two Lower
Primary Scholarships—the Maharaja and the Gordon Memorial
Fund Scholarships the formar for two years and the later for
one year—had been reserved especially for girls.
The question of further encouragement was engaging the

attention of the District Boards and it was fully discussed at
their meeting of the 19th August, 1901. It was resolved at the
meeting that provision should be made for special encourage
ment to successful girls and that the Government should be
asked to make an extra grant for the encouragement o f female
education.
In the Singhbhum District, two scholarships bad been

founded from the endowment made by the Zammdar of
Dhalbhum and had been especially reserved for girls. In each
o f Hazaribagh and Manbhum districts, one scholarship each
from the District Fund bad been reserved for girls.24
Dining the closing years of the period under review, some

very important facilities were provided to the girl students as a
step for the development of women’s education in the Division.
In Primary Schools, girls were exempted from payment of fees.
In Middle English Schools, a lower rate of fee was fixed for
them. A proportion of the scholarships .awarded on the results
of the different examinations was reserved for girls and so oo.1*
N ot only this, the teachers employed for teaching girls w en
24. Ibid., p. I IS.

25. A .R .P.I.C .D . (1901-1902), p. 64.
26. F ifth Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar A O rlua (1932-37), p. 120.
given special facilities, Moreover, the girls’ schools were granted

aid liberally by the Education Department in particular and the
Government in general.
CURRICULUM AND INSPECTION
The syllabus for girls’ schools differed from that of boys

mainly in the addition of the subjects of needle-work and
domestic science, drill being not compulsory for them.*’ In the
later years o f the period, the Girls’ Guide Movement was
making steady progress in various centres o f the Division of
which Ranchi was perhaps the most important.®8
The girls’ schools in the province were duly inspecled by

the Inspectress, Deputy Inspectress and Assistant Inspectress of
Schools. During 1926-27, the inspecting staff for the girls
schools was re-organised. A post o f Deputy Directress was
sanctioned. The post o f Inspectress of Schools was abolished,
and the num ber o f Assistant Inspectresses o f Schools was
raised.28 In Bihar there was a permanent Lady School Medical
Officer, who conducted medical inspection in schools throughout
the province.30
ZANANA SCHOOLS
‘Zanana’ Schools were encouraged so th at even women in

seclusion could acquire some rudiments o f knowledge. Under
this arrangement, female teachers visited from house to house
and imparted education to Hindu and Muslim women iunder
purdah). During 1913, there were two such schools in Chotanag
pur, one each at Ranchi and Daltonganj. But it cannot be said
that tbry were working successfully.
TRAINING SCHOOLS
In Chotanagpur there was no separate training schools

for girls. Training classes were, however, privately managed at
27. Prog, o f Edu. in Bengal, F o u rth Q u in q . R ev, (1907-12), p . 116.

28. F o u rth Q u io q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1927-32), p. 82.
29. T hird Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar Sl Orissa (1922-27), pp. 96-97.
30. IJS.C.R., p. 174.
216 Society iH Tribal India
Ranchi by the Roman Catholic Mission and the S.P.G. Mission.

The latter was of immense importance as it prepared pupils
for the Senior Certificate. These institutions were aided by tbe
Department.31 These two training scnools were, however, unable
to meet the requirements o f trained teachers in the Division.
The supply of trained teachers with Junior certificate was also
inadequate. To meet this, the scheme for training locally the
wives and other female relatives of village teachers was in force
in Chotanagpur.*5
PROFESSIONAL SCHOOLS
Apart from general education, the missionaries were also
active in imparting professional education to girls such as weav
ing, needle-work, lace-making, knitting, etc. For this purpose
schools were opened at various places. Important among them
were the weaving school under the Roman Catholic Mission at
Chaibasa, Purulia Weaving School and the Lace-making Schools
at Purulia, Khunti, M urhu, Rengarih, Singhani and Ranchi.
The School at Ranchi under the Roman Catholic Micsoion was
perhaps the best o f its kind in the Division.
Thus, we see that due to the efforts of the Government

and Christian Missionaries, girls' education in Chotanagpur was
making steady progress, during the period.
TECHNICAL EDUCATION
TECHNICAL AND INDUSTRIAL TRAINING SCHOOLS
The Widening of the schemes for education so as to make

it more suitable for varied forms of modem industrial life was
an important step taken by the Government, missionaries and
other benevolent societies.
From the very commencement of their work in Chotanag

pur, the Catholic Fathers perceived that unless effective means
J l, Third Quinq. Rev. Prog. Eda. In Bihar and 'flr lu a (1922-27), pp. 100
101.
12. aid., p. 101.
were devised to improve the material conditions of their con

verts, religion would have very little hold on their mind. Hence
they cooperated with the government in its efforts to develop-
rapidly industrial and technical education in the Division.
With this end in view, many industrial schools were

opened either by the Government or by local authorities or by
benevolent societies. In the beginning they did not prove very
successful. The people of this Division earned their livelihood
chiefly by agriculture. The considered it a sheer waste of time
to attend such schools. Again, the hard and fast rules of caste
system proved to be potent enough to dissuade boys from
taking to any profession other than what their caste would
approve.
Thus, very few Hindus except o f Ihe lower castes got their
children admitted into the industrial schools. But signs were
bright and this type of education turned to be popular in the
Division in the long run. The number of industrial schools
always fluctuated in the Division. During 1894-95, there were
only five such institutions in the Division, but by 1912, their
number had gone upto 25. Most of these institutions were aided.
They were placed under the inspection of the Principal of the
Bihar School o f Engineering.
GOVERNMENT INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL, RANCHI
The Government Industrial School at Ranchi maintained

by the Government was one o f the oldest and the only institu
tion of its kind in the Division.33 It was under the direct
management and control o f the Department.34 The finances o f
the institution were met from the provincial revenue, supple
mented by the profits from sale-proceed of articles manufactured
and the interest on the assets of the Chulia F air Fund.33 From
time to tim e, much improvements were brought in the institu
tion. In the year 1903, the Government had sanctioned the
expenditure o f Rs. 8,594 from the Chutia Fair Fund for the
33. A.R.P.I C.D. (1898), p.42.

34. Ibid. (1900-01), p. 73.
35. Ibid.
improvement o f the institution and Rs. 2,400 as an extra

recurrent expenditure per annum from the provincial revenue.39
The school was managed by a Superintendent under the

general supervision of the Inspector of Schools o f the Chotanag
pur Division.97 After Briant assumed charge of the institution
on the February 17, 1921, the condition of the school improved
wonderfully.*8 The name o f the school underwent a change
during the quinquennium years of 1922-27. From Government
Industrial School it was changed into the Ranchi Technical
School.*'
The school possessed a building of its own. During 1912

13, a sum c f Rs. 22,042 was sanctioned for the improvement in
the workshop o f the school.40 During the quinquennium years
of (912-17, the school building was entirely remodelled and
there was now a fine machine-shop and a convenient smithy.
Painting rooms and store rooms for wood and iron were built and
the floor o f the carpenters' shop and th ; old store rooms were
terraced.41 There had been considerable additions to the work
shops and classrooms in the later years.
The school comprised o f two main sections—Technical

and Artisan sections. The Technical Section of the school was
affiliated by the Joint Technical Examination Board up to the
Suboverseers standard.42 But the sub-overseer classes were
abolished during 1920-21.13 In the Artisan Section, alt the pupils
were required to learn a little of reading and writing- The
technical subjects taught there consisted of carpentry, blacksmi-
thy, fitting and machinery work, m otor mechanics, canework,
36 L etter from W .R . G o u rk y , oflg., U n d e r Secy, to th e G o v t, o f B eugal

to th e C om m r., C hotanagpur D iv n ., R an ch i, N o . 244 T -G , D arjee
ling, th e May 2, 903,
37. The Bihar and Orissa Education Code (1915), p. 147.'
38. S eco n d Q u in q AV)' on the Prog, of Edu. in Bihar and Orissa (1917
22), p. 95.
39. T h ird Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in B ihar & Orissa (1 9 2 2 -2 7 ), p . 90 .
4 0 .. A .R P .E B, & O . (1912-13), p. 15.
41. First Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), p. 93.
42. Bihar & Orissa Education Code, (1915), p. 147.
4 3 . B . & O . A .R . (1930-21), p . 22.
carriage-building and painting, etc.14 A boot-making class was

started in 1921-22 as an experimental measure, which proved
successful.45
The creation o f the mechanical apprentice class in 1927,

constituted a landmark in the history of the school 44 Later on,
the school combined the old artisan and mechanical apprentice
classes into a single industrial diploma course.47
The number of students in the school, though not consi

derable in the beginning grew rapidly in later years. The students
had no tuition fee to pay. On the other hand, they were given
monthly stipends. There was also provision for scholarships to
the aboriginal students. The trained boys o f the school rapidly
found employment in the State. The School had adequate and
efficient staff.
O THER INDUSTRIAL S C H O O L S
There were many other Industrial Schools in the Division.

The Catholic Mission Industrial School was opened at Ranchi
in 1894. It was intended to turn out good carpenters and
masons. But it was abolished after a few years.4'
At Ranchi a large tile Factory was opened by the Rev.

Father Hoffman in the year 1908, which trained a number of
Munda and Oraon boys and young men in the manufacture o f
roofing and flooring tiles with cement and sand. The secreis o f
the art o f polishing, colouring and anamclling tiles and making
floral designs on Ihem were also being taught in the factory.44
The Catholic Mission had started the K hunti Roman

Catholic Industrial School. The founder of this institution was
Rev. Father Vandaele, who was himself efficient in mechanical
44. The Bihar It Orissa Education Code (1915), p . 147; also A .R .P .I.C .D .
<1898), p. 42.
45. Second Q u in q . Rev. fr o g . Edu. in Bihar St. O rissa {1917-22) p. 95.
46. T hird Q uinq. Rev, Prog, E d t. in Bihar Sc Orissa 11922-27), p. 90.
47. F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. Frog. Edu. in Bihar St Orissa <1927-32), p. 72,
48. S.C. Roy; The Munda and Their Country, p. 317,
49. Ibid.
engncering. The institution consisted of four principal depart

ments : weaving and dying, carpentry, iron-work and silkworm-
rearing departments.
O f these four departments, the first deserves special

mention. The proud and conservative Mundas had a strong
prejudice against weaving, wich was done in a Munda village by
a caste called Penrais or Panrs. A Munda, who was found
weaving cloth with his own hands lost his caste.
Father Vandaele wanted to break the prejudice

and a happy idea struck him. He thought of the Japanese
improved method of handlooms, which were worked by feet
alone and be inquired o f a number o f Mundas, if they would
have any objection to weaving cloth with a machine in which
the hands would not have to be used. On the Mundas agreeing
to handle such machines, he produced a number of them and
all the looms were soon occupied. Under Father Vandaele’s
direction, a few more looms were also made in his own industrial
school.
On the sudden death of the Rev. Father Vandaele,

the school was placed under the Rev. Father De Staercke, who
had once been connected with a big factory of weaving and
spinning-looms in Europe. Again and again tbe Mundas had
made trouble about working at these looms, so that the weaving
departments of the School was mostly attended by Oraon young
men. Splendid efforts were made and no trouble was spared by
the Catholic Fathers.
Father De Staercke brought great improvements in the

weaving department and also in the carpentry end iron-work
rtmcnts. He produced another dozen Japanese looms and
six plain looms o f European pattern made , for dyeing both
cotton and silk. For the iron-work department, an up-to-date
lathe was brought from Europe. The silk-worm rearing depart
ment was added in late years and thousands o f mulberry trees
had since been grown to rear the silkworms. This industry,
though known in the adjoining districts of Singbbhum and
Manbhum, did not seem to have ever before been introduced in
the Ranchi District and this departm ent of the Khunti Catholic
Industrial School promised a bright future for the Catholic
M unda youths. The Khunti Industrial School was calculated
to effect a great improvement in the material condition of the
Catholic M undas.60
There was an Industrial school at M urhu, which was

supervised by the missionaries with the help of the District
Board. It provided training mostly in carpentry and black-
smithy.51
The Industrial School at Bundu taught carpentry and

smithy and was spoken o f as a useful institution.61 But this
School ceased to exist during 1919.63
Kotbaki Technical School in Ranchi was under the charge

of the Director of Industries. The curriculum in this institution
included black-smitby, weaving, carpentry, etc. The smithy
section of the school was discontinued temporarily from the end
of February, 1933, while weaving and carpentry continued.66
The Industrial Schools at Silli and Barendra taught only

smithy. They received grants from the Public Fund and Primary
G rant Fund.66
In the district of H azaribagb, Industrial schools were estab

lished at Beniadih, Giridih, Hurlong, Bagda, C hitrapur , Badam-
Bazar and Dighra. The Beniadih Industrial School was one o f
the most important Schools o f its kind. It was maintained by the
East Indian Railway Company in connection with the collieries
a t Giridih. It was an aided institution. The subjects taught in
the eschool were arithmetic, mensuration, geometry, mechanics,
drawing, electricity, etc.5* The course o f instruction covered a
50. S .C . R o y ; The Munda and Their Cotmiry, p p . 317-319.

51. Second Q uinq. Rev Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1917-22), p, 98.
52. A .R P .E C .D . (1898), p. 42.
53. B. &. O .A .R . (1918-19), p . 103.
54. A nnual Report o r the D ire c to r o f In d u s trie s , B ih a r & O rissa (1932
33), p. 14.
55. A .R .P .I.C .D . (1898), p . 42.
56. F irst Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. In Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), p , 95.
period o f three years and the minimum qualification required

for admission was an upper primary pass. Practically all
students, who passed out found employment in one o f the
collieries. The school was, however, closed in 1934-35.67
Tbe Railway Industrial School at G iridih was one of the
oldest institutions and was an aided institution.91
The Hurlong Industrial School taught only blacksmithy

and was maintained by the Public F u n d ." This school had a
very short life and was abolished in 1902,aD
Bagda and Chitrapur' Industrial Schools taught only

smithy, and received monthly stipends from the District Board.91
These institutions were, however, closed down in the second
decade of the present century.1- Similarly, au Industrial School
at Badambazar was also abolished in the following decade.93
During the closing years of our period, a new aided Technical
School was started at D ighra.64
In the district ofM an b h u tn , the Jhalda-Industrial School

was the oldest. It taught only blacksmithy and received a
monthly grant from the District Prim ary School Fund.*6 The
School was abolished during the quinquennium years of 1922
27."" Two Artisan Schools at Purnea Jhalda and Jhalda
Railway Station were opened in 1932-33, but the former was
closed during the closing years o f o u r period.67
In Singhbhum, the most important Industrial School was

at Ghatshila. It was one o f the oldest Industrial schools in tbe
Division. It was maintained from the Government contributions,
57. S r c o n d Q u in q . R et, Prog, Edit, in Bihar & O rissa (1917-22) p, 97.

58. A .R .P .I .C .D , (1898), p . 42.
59. A .R .P .I C .D . (1 8 9 8 ), p . 73,
60. Ibid. (1901-1902), p. 57.
61. Ibid. (1900-1901), p. 73.
62. S e c o n d Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & O rissa (1 917-22), p. 95.
63. T h ird Q uioq, Rev. Prog, Edu, in B ihar & O rissa (1922-27), p. 86.
6 4 . F if th Q j i n q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & O rissa (1932-37), p . 104,
65. A .R .P .I.C .D . (1900-1901), p . 73.
66. T h ir d Q u in q . Rev. P ro g . Edu. in B ihar St Orissa (1922-27), p . 86.
67. Fifth Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar St O rissa. (1932-37), p. 104.
and contributions from the R aja o f D halbhum Estate.98 T he

G overnm ent contribution was raised to Rs. 40 per m onth in
1912-13.'® It did not ap p ear to be in flourishing condition.
C arpentry was the only trad e taught in the school.
A nother institution in Singhbhum was the S.P.G. Mission

Industrial School a t C haibasa. This was an old institution.
D uring 1898, it was granted Rs. 10 p er m onth from the Prim ary
School r u n d ,70 which was raised to Rs, 45 per m onth in 1912
13.71 It appears th a t the working o f th e school was quite
satisfactory. It was aw arded a first class prize at the A nnual
Industrial Show in January, 1901.72 The school, however,
disappeared during th e quinquennium years o f 1922-27.73 A
new M issionary Industrial School at C haibasa was started
after the disappearance o f th e S.P.G. M ission Industrial School,
and it was given a grant. But the institution ceased to function
after a brief existence.’4
Besides these schools, there were a num ber of weaving

schools in the Division. Im p o rtan t am ong them were the
C bitrapur W eaving School, under the m anagem ent o f D ublin
U niversity Mission, H azaribagh and the Board Weaving School
a t M uham m adganj in P alam au, under the m anagem ent o f the
D istrict Board. But these tw o schools proved unsuccessful and
were closed down in th e y ear 1914-15.76 O th er weaving schools
were th e W eaving School, G ajhi, K hunti Co-operative H om e
Industrial Association W eaving School, N oatoli Weaving School
in Ranchi and M anguria W eaving School.
68 . A .R .P .I.C -D . (1900-1901), p. 73.

69. In te rp e lla tio n in th e B ih a r Sl O rissa L egislative C o u n cil reg ard in g
g ra n t-in -a id to p riv a te schools F ile N o . L-E261 o f 1913, p . 35,
7 0 . A .R .P .I .C .D . (1 8 5 8 ), p . 43.
71. In te rp e lla tio n in th e B ihar <£ O rissa L egislative C ouncil regarding
g ra n t-in -a id to P riv a te Schools, F ile N o. 1-E 261 o f 1913, p, 35.
72. L e tte r from R e v . A . L ogsdail, S. P. G . M ission S inghbhum to the
Secy, to G o v t, o f B engal, C h a ib a sa , M a rch 22, 1902.
73. T h ird Q u in q . Rev. P rog. Edu. in B ihar & O rissa (1922-27), p . 86.
74. F o u rth Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu. in B ihar & O rissa (1927-32), p. 73.
7 J. Prog. Edu. in Bengal, F o u rth Q u in q . R e v . (1907-08— 1912-13), p . 104.
Besides these Industrial and Technical Schools, there were

also Mining Schools in the Division. In the beginning, there
were two centres of mining classes in the Division at Sijua and
Jharia in the M anbhum District. Though they were financed
from the education budget, they were not controlled directly by
the Department,
In 1904, the Mining Educational Advisory Board was

constituted at Calcutta to control the mining classes o f Bengal,
Bihar and Orissa and Assam. The Board also prepared courses
of instruction for these schools.7®
During the quinquennium years o f 1912-1917, the

number of Mining classes rose from two to six in the coalfields
of the Division. In the beginning, instruction was given only
in English, but later on, the vernacular was adopted as the
medium of instruction.77 Four new Mining classes were opened
during the quinquennium years o f 1922-27.78 The Mining
classes at Kirkend and Mugma were closed in 1932-33 but the
classes at Kirkend were resumed in 1935.78
EVENING TECHNICAL SCHOOL, JAMSHEDPUR
The Evening Technical School o f Mrs. Perin Memorial

Technical School was started on the January 21, 1917 with the
object of giving technical training to the employees o f the
T1SCO and their dependents. It was an aided institution.88 The
School trained apprentices in mechanics and machine drawing.81
In the beginning there vas neither a fixed school standard nor
any examination, both students and teachers were allowed to
leave their work and attend classes.81 In 1919, this arrangement
was, however, abandoned and the school opened three days in
76. Prog, o f E du. in Bengal, Q uinq, Rev. (1907-12), p. 84; also see
A R .P E.B, & O . (1912-13), p. 15.
77. First Q uinq. Rev, Trog. E du, in B ihar & Orissa (1912-17), p. 90,
78 . T hird Q uinq. Rev, Prog. E du. in B ihar & O rissa (1922-27, p. 86.
79. F ifth Q uinq, Rev, Pro.;. E du. in B ihar A Orissa (1932-37), p. 104
80. F irst Q uinq, Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1912-17), p. 94,
81 ihid.
82. Second Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar Sc. Orissa (1917-22), p. 96.
« week, from six to eight in tbe evening. Teaching was done

according to a fixed curriculum.
The school was controlled jointly by the Government of

Bihar and Orissa and the TISCO. The courses o f instruction
extended to three years. The school was gradually became very
popular.8* During the quinquennium years or 1922-1927, a
drawing hall was constructed for which a Government grant
was made.11 The institution was remodelled during the closing
years of our period.
In 1932, a five-year course, called t h e ‘C ’ Class Appren

ticeship Course was introduced in order to train men for
Junior Mechanical posts in the Company. It was somewhat
similar to the Industrial Diploma Course of the Government.
The minimum educational qualification in this case was to pass
in the Middle School Certificate Examination (with English).
Recruitment was made generally from among the sons and
wards of the employees of the Company. The successful
apprentices were appointed permanently to posts on a salary of
one rupees and eight annas to two rupees eight annas per
day.
Under the revised scheme introduced in 1935, ‘A’ ciass

apprentices were taken from candidates possessing an honours
o r first class degree in mechanical or electrical engineering or in
metallurgy of a recognised institution and ‘B’ class apprentices
were taken from candidates possessing ordinary degree in the
same subjects. The course extended over two years and on its
successful completion, these apprentices were appointed to
supervisory posts according to their m erit,86
JAMSHEDPUR TECHNICAL SCHOOL
The Tata Iron and Steel company was trying to establish

a Central Imperial Technical School at Jamshedpur. The Govern
ment approved this in 1920-21 and the school came into existence
S3. S e c o n d Q u in q , Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar St Orissa (1917-22), p. 96.

84. F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa(1927-32), p. 72,
85. F ifth Q uinq. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 106.
in November, 1921 with 24 students on its rolls.89 The Government

o f Bihar and Orissa contributed Rs. one lakh towards the capital
cost o f the institution and a further grant of Rs.25,000 conditional
upon one-third o f the places in the Institute being reserved for
youth of this province. The minimum qualification for admission
was to pass in I. Sc. examination and physical fitness to withstand
hard work. Each student received Rs. 60 a month during his
course o f training and afterwards might be required to serve
the Coraany for a period o f five years on an nitial salary of
Rs. 200 per month.
An academic course in the metallurgy o f iron and steel

extending over three years, equal to the standard o f an English
University, was given. A t the same time, the students had an
invaluable opportunity of getting first hand knowledge o f the
practical side o f the subject because they also worked on alter
nate weeks throughout their course with the Company. The
whole scheme was on lines, somewhat different from any
hitherto tried and in some ways an advance over that in vogue
in the Metallurgical School of the University o f Sheffield. The
management of the institute and its funds as in the hands of a
Governing Body, consisting o f five members, one being the
D irector of Industries.87
Some additions and alterations were carried out in the

laboratory and the library of the institution during the quin-
quenium years o f 1922-27 and the institution flourished during
this period.38 Towards the end o f the following quinquennium
years, the TISCO revised their technical education to suchan
extent as to convert the institute from a full-time day school
to a part-tim e evening school, in addition, special reservation
of seats for the students of the province was abolished. As a
result the Government o f Bihar and Orissa withdrew their
grant, which ihay had given to the institute for over a decade.89
86. B. & O .A .R . (1 920-21), p . 22.

Prog. Edu, in Bikar & Orissa (1917-22), p . 95.
87. S e c o n d Q u in q . Rev.
in Bikar & Orissa (1922-27), p. 91.
88. T h i r d Q u in q . Rev. Prog. Edu.
89. Fourth Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in B ikar & Orissa (1927-32), p. 72.
TH E INDIAN SCHOOL OF MINES AND GEOLOGY

DHANBAD
In 1920, the G overnm ent o f India announced their instruc

tion to establish an Im perial School o f Mines and Geology, an d
decided to locate it at D h anbad. T he highest form o f instruction
in M ining and G eology Science was to be im parted there.80.
But due to financial difficulties, the School could com m ence
its session only as late as N ovem ber, 1926 w ith two students on
its rolls. The Provincial G overnm ent sanctioned two scholar
ship of Rs. 60 plus books w orth Rs. 150 to be aw arded every
year to the students o f the Province.*1
T he school was located on a site which was within easy
reach o f the coalfields o f Raniganj, G iridih and Jh aria. A dm is
sion to the School was by a com petitive exam ination to which
only those students, who had passed the Interm ediate Exam ina
tion of an Indian U niversity were adm itted. The School
provided three years' Certificate Course in Coal-m ining, M etal-
mining and G eology and four years’ course in M ining, Engineer
ing and Geology.*2
T he School was provided with an efficient staff and p ro p er

arrangem ents were m ade for hostel, messing, medical attendance,
recreation, gam es and sports, etc. The School was m anaged
by a G overning Body, presided over by the D irector o f G S T ,
and 15 other mem bers having interest in mining and education
from different p arts o f the country.*3
U N IV ERSITY ED U C A TIO N
ST. C O L U M B A S’ C O L L E G E
The C hotanagpur Division was very backw ard in th e
field o f U niversity E ducation for a long time. T here was only
90. S e c o n d Q u i n q .Rer. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1917-221, p . 94.

91. S e c o n d Q u in q . Rev Prog. EIu. in Bihar ei Orissa (1917-22), p . 94
92. S . N u r u l l a h & J, P. N a i k ; History o f Edu. in India, p . 5 0 0 ; s e e a l s o
Handbook o f Commercial Information for India, 3 r d e d . , G o v t , o f
In d ia Press, N ew D e lh i, 1937; p. 190.
93. H'.ndbook o f Commercial Information for Inlia, 3 rd e d ., G j v t , o f
I n d ia P r e s s , N e w D e lh i, 1937, p p . 19-20.
one college in the Division during the period—the St. Columbas,

College (Dublin Mission College) at Hazaribagh.
It was started by the Dublin University Mission in July,

1899 with Rev. J.A. M urray as its first principal.81 The College
was started in a rent-free building allotted to it by the Govern
ment. The Raja of Ramgarh donated Rs. 3000.
In the year 1904, the College was raised to B.A. standard.9®

It was affiliated to the Calcutta University. On the recommenda
tion of the then D .P.I., W.S. Milne, Under-Secretary to the
Government o f Bengal, sanctioned a grant o f Rs. 6000 towards
the construction or buildings with hostel accommodation for the
College in the year 1907.96 G rants were also m ade available by
Dr. Andrew Frazer.
With the help of these grants, the new College buildings

were ready for use by 1908. In the following year, the Bishop
Whitley Memorial Hall was constructed. In 1912, the new
Hostel Block, called King Em peror's Block, with accommoda
tio n for 37 more students was constructed with the help o f a
grant of Rs. 30,000 from the G overnm ent.97
The history o f College during the quinquennium years o f

1908-1912 was one o f constant endeavour to improve. From a
few unsatisfactory bungalows it had moved into a fine building
with chemical and botanical laboratories, class-rooms, common-
rooms, principal’s and tutors’ quarters, and a hostel as well as
an out-houses—capable of accommodating 88 students.
The Governing and Executive Committees of the College

had been constituted daring the period and worked satisfactorily.
But the most useful improvement in the College was the con
struction of a hostel with single-seat rooms, which made the
9 4 . C h a t 50, Mss ty p e d R e p o r t , r. 18.

9 5 . S e e P a m p h l e t is s u e d b v J . A . M u r r a y , 1904, p . 1 .
96. L e t t e r fr o m W. S, M Ilr,e, Under- S e c r e ta r y to the O ovt. o f Bengal,
t o t h e D . P . I . , B e n y a ) , N o , 1 460, C a l c u t t a M a r c h 2 5 , 1407.
97. F irst Q uinq. Rev. Po/g. Edit, in Bihar St. Orissa (1912-17). p. 56.
College mainly residential, nearly three-fourths o f the students

being resident.
In 1912, nine candidates were sent up for the B.A.

examination and out of them seven were successful. Similarly
the results o f the I.A. and l.Sc. examinations were also encour-
aging."8 Till the year 1912-13, the College was not equipped
for the teaching of science beyond the intermediate standard.
The Committee expected to receive from the Government a
grant to meet the cost of constructing a science block.60
The chief events of the quinquennium years of 1917-2-

were the opening of the new Science Block in 1917, opening o f
intermediate classes in Physics and the closing of Botany classes
due to financial difficulties. Besides, considerable expenditure
was incurred by the construction o f College Office and Princi
pal’s quarters. A large piece of land was also acquired to the
south of the College.100 In the year 1917, the College was
affiliated to the Patna University, which was established on
October 1, 1917. The newly-constructed Science Block was
inagurated by the Lieutenant-Governor o f Bengal, Sir Edward
Gait, in November, 1917.101 An important event of year 1925
was the visit of M ahatm a Gandbi to the College.100
The third decade of our century was full of political

upheavals. The polilical situation considerably affected educational
institutions. The students of this College were also affected
by the Civil Disobedience Movement. Some boys put badges o f
"Independent India", donned “Gandhi Caps" and started slogans
like “Gandhiji k i jai, etc. N ot only this, most of the Hindu boys
boycotted English games. But the situation was wisely handled
by the principal, and nothing untowards happened. There was
no recurrence o f the trouble in 1931-32. The educational and
98, Prog, of E d u . in Bengal, F o u rth Q u irq , Rev. (1S07-CS to 1911-12),.

p. 65.
99. A .R .P.E .B . & O, (1912-13), p. 6.
100. Second Q uinq. Rev, Prog. E du. in B ihar <S Orissa (1917-22), p. 43.
101. B .& O .A .R . (1917-18), p. 101.
102. Annual Report o f D u tlio U niversity M ission, 1925, p. 27.
social activities o f the College were carried on successfully.10*
The Lindsay Commission on higher education to the Indian

Christians (1930) suggested the shifting o f the College to Ranchi.
But this was vehemently opposed by the Mission.10*
The College celebrated its Founder’s D ay for the first

time in 1933. In 1934 was celebrated with much eclat the twenty,
first anniversary o f the Old Columbas’ G uild at which the then
H o n 'b le M inister o f Education was present.10*
The College was inspected on behalf o f the University in

1933.108 It had suffered considerably due to the earthquake of
Bihar in 1934* T he State Governm ent gave a grant o f Rs. 1560
to meet the cost of repairs to buildings caused by the earth
quake.10’
The College had started functioning with only 13 students.

T heir number rose to 69 on the M arch 31,1906.10S In 1912, the
num ber of students in the College was 104. The College staff
consisted of the Principal, a Vice-Principal, and ten professors.10*
The number of students further rose to 183 in the year
1917-18, but by 1922 it fell down to 165. This fall was mainly
due to the Non-Co-operative Movement and to the fact that
fewer students now come from Bengal.110 But in the next quinquen
nium years it again rose to 220, including 108 boarders.111 In
1930-31 the roll fell to 188, but recovered in 1932 to 209.11*
103. Annual Report o f D ublin U n iv ersity M ission, 1930, pp. 37-39; also
refer to F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. Prog. E du. in B ihar & Orissa (1927-32),
p. 360.
104. Annual Report of D ublin U n iv ersity M ission, 1931, pp. 36-37.
105. F ifth Q u in q . R ev, Prog. E d u . in B ih ar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 4S.
106. Ibid.
107. ibid., also refer to ‘A nnual R eport of D u b lin U niversity M ission,
1934. p . 38.
108. Prog, o f E du. in Bengal, T h ird Q uinq. R ev, (1902-03 to 1906-07), p.
26.
109. Prog, o f E du. in Bengal, F o u rth Q u in . Rev. (1907 08 to 1911-12),
p. 65. .
110. Second Q uinq. R ev. Prog. E du. in B ihar & O rissa (1917-27), p, 43.
111. T hird Q uinq. R ev. Prog. Edu. in B ihar A Orissa (1922-27), p. 42.
112. F o u rth Q uinq. Rev. P ro i. E du. in B ihar 41 O rissa (1927-32), P- 36.
But it again fell to 163 in 1933-34,111
In the beginning, the College was an unaided institution,

and functioned on the fund provided by the Mission and the
Raja o f Ramgarh. Later on, it become an aided institution, and
was given grants regularly by the Department. During the
quinquennium years of 1917-22, the College had to face some
financial difficulties mainly due to the decline in the number of
students.
But, an increase in Government grant from Rs. 1000 to

Rs. 1600 a month had enabled it to tide over difficulties. Dona
tions of Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 2,000 from the Raja of Ramgarh
and Raibahadur Sundar Mall of Giridih respectively together
with a running annual grant of Rs. 1500 from the Ramgarh
Estate had also been o f great help.114
During the second decade of the present century, with the

exception o f first and second year English classes, lectures in the
College were tutorial rather than professional. The lecturers had
the opportunity of questioning the individual students and not
ing their progress. The marks and progress of each student were
noted by the staff by the system of weekly examinations and
home exercises. General classes were taken only in English.'18
Later on, with the rise in the number of students, the nature of
work changed and general classes began to be taken in most of
the subjects. A second class Meteorological Observatory, under
the Government of India, was established in the College in the
year 1932, with the Principal as the superintendent and a member
o f staff as the observer.139
A part from academic activities, the College took keen

interest in extra-curricular activities. There were societies like
the Athletic Club, Debating Society, Common Room and the
113, Fifth Quinq. Rev. Prog, Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 45.
114, Second Q u irq . Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Orissa (1917-22), pp. 43
44.
115. First Q uinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. in Bihar & Oriitcj {1912-17), p. 56.
116. Fifth Quinq. Rev. Prog. Edu. In Bihar & Orissa (1932-37), p. 45.
C O N C L U S IO N
On the basis o f information in the foregoing pages, it may

be possible to draw certain broad conclusions.
The Hindu society during the period under study was not
much different from what it is today. Among the Hindus, the
caste system formed the basis o f the society. The members of
higher castes enjoyed much freedom and privileges. They were, at
the same time, quite rich and well off. As a consequence, they
were better dressed, more comfortably housed and richly fed.
Their womenfolk put on costly dresses and ornaments. Their
household furniture and utensils were also better, both quan
titatively and qualitatively.
On the other hand, the condition o f tbe members of lower

castes, the Shudras and untouchables was hopeless. In fact, the,'
v ere very poor and kept the wheels of their lives moving only with
great trouble and hardship. They generally lived in smatl huts
with nominal furniture and utensils. They were required to work
hard to meet both ends meet. Their womenfolk equally had to
Conclusion 235
do hard work and they were practically devoid o f all the luxuries
of life. Possession o f ornaments though cherished by them,
remained always a distant goal.
The Muslim society was more o r less the same as the

Hindu society. The caste system, though having no relevance in
their social order, was bound to aifect them, and in due course
o f time, its impact was clearly visible in their society too. Like
the Hindus, the rich among them were better off, while the fate
of the poor remained pitiable.
A remarkable feature of society of those days was the

presence o f the institution o f slavery in the form of the Kamias.
The Kamias though not recognised by society or tbe law of the
country as slaves, were in no way better than them. They had
to work in the fields of their masters in lieu o f which they were
given nominal wages. Their services were required only during
the period o f agricultural activities and in the remaining period
o f the year it was difficult for them to get food even for subsist
ence. Things were arranged in such a way that a Kamia remain
ed a Kamia forever and never got rid o f his bondage.
The Government machinery was also not very helpful in

the abolition o f this disgraceful institution. On the other hand,
they also helped the landlords by tracing out the Kamias if they
ever tried to escape from the clutches o f their master. It was only
in the closing years o f tbe period under review that this system
was abolished.
Chotanagpur was inhabited by numerous tribes with their

own social customs and manners. But many things were common
among them. Before their contact with the Hindus, they had a
keen feeling of fraternity and their society was not caste-ridden.
Later on, the Hindu caste system greatly influenced them and
they began to imitate their socio-religious customs and manners.
Many o f them, particularly the small tribes, began to call them
selves as Hindus and developed a superiority complex.
The major tribes of Chotanagpur, however, tried to main

tain their separate entity. But, in due course o f time, they were
also influenced by Hinduism. This gave rise to many socio-reli
gious movements among the major tribes o f th e region, for

examples, Sheoli Dharam and Birta Dharam among the Mundas
and Danha-Bhagat, Bishnu-Bhagat, and Tana Bhagat movements
among the Oraons.
The influence o f Christian Missionaries was all th e more

significant. Many of the tribals embraced Christianity, and,
thus, there was a sudden change in their socio-religious beliefs
and practices.
But, on the whole, the aborigines of Chotanagpur remain

ed simple and honest for a long time to come. At the beginning
of the period under review many tribes had their flourishing
youth dormitories. But, with the passage of time, the youth
dormitories lost their vitality and charm—and ultimately also
their existence.
There was nothing remarkable about their villages, houses,

household furniture, utensils, dress, ornaments and food. Every
thing was simple and prosaic in their case since they were
poor.
But, after their contact with Hinduism and Christianity,

some remarkable changes became noticeable. They, generally,
indulged themselves in merry making, dancing, singing and
drinking and were unmindful o f their future. They kept them
selves busy in playing, bunting, celebrating festivals throughout
the year, attending fairs and Jatras and tried tbeir best to enjoy
the joys o f life.
But, their contacts with the outsiders made them self

conscious. It is beyond doubt that they gained much due to
their contacts with the outsiders. The canvas of the tribal society
began to change. Their social position was elevated, their
vision was widened and many improvements were brought in
their housing, household furniture and utensils, dress, food and
drinks.
This was only one side of the coin. As a m atter of fact,

there were adverse results which cannot be brushed aside. Their
social solidarity of the tribals was broken. Many o f their age-old
Conclusion 237
institutions, customs and manners went extinct. Many social

vices found place in the tribal society. The converted aborigines
developed a sense of superiority complex and forgot their honesty
and simplicity. This was, however, more apparent in the case of
Christian converts. This social transition is still going on.
The position of women in the society was not much differ

ent in many respects from it is today. Early marriage, dowry-
system. polygamy, sati, Purdah and the like were prevalent in
H indu Society.
The Hindu widows had to lead a pitiable life. But certain

remarkable changes had begun to take place. The Sail system
had not a strong footing in the Division and instances of women
committing saii were few. The call given by the leaders o f the
Indian Renaissance like Raja Ram M ohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar and others were proving very effective in rooting out
the social evils in Hindu society.
The condition of Muslim society was also more or less the

same as it is today. The purdah was by far the most unwanted
social practice in Muslim society. But, as most of the Muslim
women residing in Chotanagpur, were economically poor and
o f lower social standing, the Purdah system hardly proved a
hindrance. Womenfolk had to labour equally along side their
menfolk.
The position of a Muslim widow was n ot as bad as her

Hindu sister As a Muslim women had a share in her paternal
property, her position was economically a bit better off than a
Hindu woman. Other social evils tike polygamy, early marriage,
etc. were, however, present in the Muslim society also and
these affected the position of women adversely.
In contrast to their Hindu and Muslim sisters, the tribal

women had definitely a better status in society. They, in fact,
enjoyed much freedom. Purdah, Sati, dowry early marriage and
other social practices of the Hindu and Muslim society had little
to do with the tribal women. A tribal widow was never helpless
and she never lamented over her fate. She had the physical
strength to do hard work in the fields and jungles and to carry
on her household affairs along with her counterpart.
With the spread of education their social position improv

ed all the more. It is worthwhile to mention here that prostitu
tion had practically no existence in the whole of Chotanagpur
Division. Thus, on the whole, we can say that the position of
women in Chotanagpur was hardly inferior to their sisters in
other parts o f the country.
Chotanagpur was very backward in the held o f education.

In the beginning the indigenous system of education prevailed
in the different parts o f the Division. But when English education
was introduced, the former began to die out, and in due course
o f time, the latter system spread rapidly. Earlier, only ihe
Brahmans and the Kayasthas were interested in education. But
due to the efforts of the Government and with the spread of
Christianity in the Division, people of lower castes and even
aborigines began to take interest in it.
Besides primary, secondary and higher education, arrange

ments were made for imparting technical and professional educa
tion also in the Division. Much emphasis was given to the spread
o f education among the girls and the aborigines. They were
provided with many facilities in the forms o f scholarships, free-
ships, etc. Arrangements were also made to im part education
to the orphans, lepers, delinquents, etc.
Thus, the State o f education in the Division gradually

improved. The different Christian Missions working in the region
were very much instrumental in this field. Though their efforts
were oftenly motivated by self-interest, the spread of Christianity
among the aborigines,—yet it has to be accepted th at they did
much to spread education in the different parts of the region.
Thus, during the period under review, the stage was well set for
the future development o f education in the Division.
We see that during the period under review, a stage was

created for the future development o f the Division in socio
economic fields.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
This thesis it based mainly on the records of the Govern

ments of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and that of the British
Government o f India. Besides, many valuable works of scholars,
both Indian and foreign, have been utilized. Various journals and
magazines, containing articles of immense importance, have also
been helpful in the preparation o f the thesis.
I RECORDS AND RESEARCH ARTICLES
A collection of Despatches from the Home Government on the

subject o f Education in India (1854-1868), Suptd. o f Govt.
Printing. Calcutta, 1870.
A Report on the Progress o f Education in Bihar and Orissa

(1912-13-1935), Bihar & Orissa Govt. Press, Patna.
Annual Report on the Progress of Education in Chotanagpur

Division (from 1885 to 1912 A.D.). Preserved in Commis
sioner’s Record R oom , Chotanagpur Division, Ranchi.
Annual Reports of Dublin University Mission (from 1930 to

1935 A.D.).
Agrawal, D.D. “ Ethnographical N otes on the Cheros” , Man in

India, Vol. IX, 1929.
.Appendices to the Final Resolution o f the Govt, o f Bengal upon

the Famine o f 1896 and 1897, Vol. Ill, Bengal Secretariat
Press, Calcutta, 1898.
Ball, K. “On the jungle products used as articles of food by the

inhabitants of the districts of Manbhum and H azaribagh”,
J.A.S.B., N o.II, Part II, 1867.
Beverley, H. Report on the Census o f Bengal, 1872, Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1872.
Bihar and Orissa Administrative Reports (1912-13 to 1935 A.D.),

Printed at the Bihar and Orissa Govt. Press.
B ihar and Orissa in 1923 (and onwards), pub. by the Suptd. Govt.
Printing, Patna.
Bihar and Orissa Education Code, 1915, Suptd. Govt. Printing,

Patna, 1915.
Bodding, P.O. “ A Note on the Wild People o f Santals",

J.P.A.S.B., Vol. 27, 1931.
“ Some remarks on the Position of Women among the Santals” ,

J.B.O.R.S., Vol. II, Part III, 1916.
Folklore of the Santa! Parganas, translated by Cecil Henry

Bompas. I.C.S., pub. by David N att, London, 1909.
Traditions and Institutions o f the Santals.
BjudriUon, J.A. Report on the Census o f Bengal (1881), Bengal

Secretariat Press, 1883.
Bridge, T.W . Final Report on the Survey and Settlement

Operations in the District o f Palamau (1913-1920), pub.
Bibliography
by Suptd. ci Govt. Press, Bihar & Orissa, Patna, 1921.
Chapters from the Report on the Indian Education Commission

—1882, printed at the Lowrence Asylum Press, Mount
Rand, Madras, 1883.
Chatierjte, B.K. "The Social and Religious institutions of the

Kharias” , J.P. A.S.B., Vol. XXVII, No.2, 1931.
Chatterjee, K.P. and Basu, N.K. "The Manda festival of

Chotanagpur, J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXX, No. I, 1934.
Collins, B. Abdy, I.C.S. Chotanagpur and Orissa, Suptd. Govt.

Printing, Patna, 1922.
Commissioner’s Office Despatch Books, 1859 onward, MSS.
Davidson’s Report on Chotanagpur, dated 29.8.1939, Governor-

General Agents Office, Principal Assistant Miscellaneous
Receipt Book from 10.10.1938 to 9.12.1939, Vol. No. 226.
Dtprees, G.C. Capt. was in-charge of Topographic Survey party

in Chotanagpur with his Headquarters at Doranda. His
manuscripts have been quite helpful.
“ A Report of the Geographical and Statistical Survey of Chota

nagpur'*, Part I, I5th July, 1868.
Depree; Report of the Geographical and Statistical Survey of

Singhbhum” Part II, 1st October, 1868.
Dhan (Mrs) Rekha O. "The Hos of Saranda, An Ethnographic

Study” , Bulletin of the B.T.R.l. Vol.Ill, No.I, 1961, pub.
by B.T.R.l. for the Govt, of Bihar, Ranchi.
Dehon, the Rew.,P.S.J. was a Roman Catholic Missionary at

Mahuadanr. His booklet, "Religion and Customs of the
Uraons”, M.A.S.B., Vol. I, 1906, is of immense value,
District Census Reports, 1891, Chotanagpur Division.
District Gazetteer, Statistics (19( 0-1901-1910-1911), pub. by

the Suptd. G ovt. Printing, Bihar & Orissa, Patna.
Divatia, N.B. Nose-ring as an Indian ornam ent” , J.P.A.S.B,,VoK

19, 1923.
Driver, W.H.P. “Notes on some K olarian Tribes”, J. A,S.B., Vol.

57, P a r ti, 1888.
Driver, W.P. “ Notes on some K olarian Tribes” , J.A.S.B., Vol.

IX, P art I, 1891.
Duff.\ Alexander, Dr. D.D. was a Scottish Missionary and a great

educationist. His H eadquarters was at Serampur. His work,
“ The Indian Rebellion—Its Causes and Results” , pub. by
James Nisbet & Co., London, 1858, throws a new light
on the so-called M utiny in C hotanagpur.
Fifth Quinquennial Review on the Progress of Education in Bihar

and Orissa, Suptd. Govt. Printing, B ihar & Orissa, Patna,
1939.
First Quinqueunial Review on the Progress of Education in Bihar

and Orissa (1912-1917), Bihar and Orissa, Govt. Press,
Patna, 1917.
Further Quinquennial Review on the Progress o f Education in

Bihar and Orissa, Suptd. Govt. Printing, Bihar & Orissa,
Patna, 1933.
Gait, J.A. Census of India 1901, Vol. VI, P a r ti, Report, The
Lower Provinces of Bengal and their Feudatories, Bengal
Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1902.
General Report on the Public Instruction in Bengal (from 1894

onward), Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta.
Gokhale,B.K.,{I.C.S.) Final Report on the Survey and Settlement

Operations in the District of M anbhum (1918-1925). Suptd.
Govt. Printing, Patna, 1928.
Governor-General Agent’s Office Principal Assistant Misce

llaneous Receipt Books—M SS, in several volumes kept in
Bibliography 243
States Archives o f Bihar, Patna.
Harimohan “ Socio-Economic Organisation and Religion among

the Hill-Kbarias of D halbhum ” , Bull, o f B.T.R.I,, Vol. Ill,
No. I.
Haidar, Babu Rakha! Das : an eminent scholar and government

official and a native of Chotanagpur. Hi; Diaries, preser
ved in the Santulal Pustakalay, U pper Bazar, Ranchi
have been found very valuable in the preparation o f this
thesis.
Indian Educational Policy (a Resolution issued by the Governor-

General in Council, on M arch I I , 1904) pub. by Govt.
Printing, India, Calcutta, 1904.
Interim Report o f the Education Committee—Patna University,

1913.
Lacey, W.G. Census of India, 1931, Vol. II, Bihar and Orissa, Part
I, Report, pub. by Supdt., Govt. Printing, Bihar & Orissa,
Patna, 1931.
Final Report on the Revisional Survey and Settlement Opera

tions o f Pargana Dhalbhum, District Singhbhum (1934
1938), Suptd., Govt. Printing, Patna.
Macpherson, T .S., (I.C.S) Final Report on the Operations for the

preparation o f a Record o f Rights in Pargana Porahat,
District Singhbhum (1905-1907), Calcutta, 1908.
“ Differences in Customs between the Hos and the Mundas in

Singhbhum D istrict", M an in India, Vol. X, 1930.
Majumdar, D.N. “ Races and Adaptability” , J.A.S.B., S.N. XXV,

1929.
--------------- “ Death and connected ceremonies among the Hos of

K olhan in Singhbhum” , J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXIII, No. I,
1927.
— “ Some o f the Characteristics o f K olarian Songs” ,

J.A.S.B., Vol. XX, No. 3, 1924.
Majumdar, D.N. “ Social organisation amongst the Korwas” ,

Man in India, Vol. X, 1930.
-------------- “Some of the Worshipping Festivals o f the Hos of

Kolhan”, J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXE1I, N o. 3, 1927.
— -------- —■'“ Some Outdoor and Sedentary games of the Hos of

Kolhan” , Man in India, Vol. V.
---------------“ Marriages and Betrothal amongt he Hos of Kolhan”

J.P.A.S.B., Vol. XXII, No. 3, 1926.
Maliey, L.S.S.O. Census of India, 1911, Vol. V, Bengal, Bihar

and Orissa’and Sikkim, Part I, Report, Bengal Secretariat
Book Depot., Calcutta, 1912.
Maliey ; Memorandum on the material condition of the people

of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa in the year 1902-03—1911
12, printed at Darjeeling, 1912.
Mukherjee, Amitabha “Infanticide in Bengal and its suppression”,

Bengal Past and Present, Vol, LXXV,
Murrey, J.A. A pamphlet on St. Columbas’ College, 1904.
Paper relating to Technical Education in India (1886-1904),

Suptd. of Govt. Printing, India, Calcutta, 1906.
Proceedings of the Governments of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and

India in the Revenue Deptt. containing Land Revenue,
Forest, Agriculture, Famine, etc.), General Deptt.
(containing Emigration, Education, ^Scarcity and Relief
Sanitation, etc.), Finance Deptt. (Agriculture, Railway,
Industry and Science, etc.), Commerce and Industry Deptt,
P.W.D. and Municipal Deptt., etc.
These proceedings of different Departments have been
very helpful in the preparation o f the thesis.
Progress of Education iu Bengal (1902-03—1906-07), Third

Bibliography 245
Quinquennial Review, Calcutta, 1907.
Progress o f Education in Bengal (1907-08— 1911-12), Fourth

Quinquennial Review, M. Prothero, Darjeeling, 1913.
Reid, John Final Reporl on the Survey and Settlement Operations

in the District of Ranchi (1902-1910).
Reports of the Indian Coalfields Committee for the years 1920,

1925 and 1937.
Report on the Condition of the Lower Classes of population in

Bengal, The Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1888.
Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commis

sion, Vol. I, 1960-61 Govt, o f India Press, Simla.
Reports on the Administration of Bengal (1872 to 1911), Bengal

Setretariat Press, Calcutta.
Report of the Indian Education Commission, Calcutta, 1SS3.
Review o f Education in Bengal, Second Quinquennial Report

(1897-98— 1901-02), Calcutta, 1902.
Richey, J.A., C.I.E. Selections from Educational Records, Part

II, Supdt., G ovt Printing, Calcutta, 1922.
Roy, S.C. : A great scholar whose works on the tribes of Chota-

nagpur are monumental. He has innumerable scholarly
articles to his credits. All of them are of iramense-
importance and have been thoroughly utilized. His impor
tant articles published in research journals arc :
--------------- “ Ethnographic Investigation in Official Records” ,

J.B .O .R S. Vol. VII, P art IV, 1921.
--------------- , “ The Effects on the Aborigines of Chotanagpur o f

their Contact with Western Civilization” , J.B.O.R S.,
Vol. XVII, Part IV, 1931.
, “ Orientation o f Grave-stones and Houses and
Chotanagpur”, J.B.O.R.S,, Vol. I, P art I.
Roy Choudhary, M.K., (Z>, Phill). “ Bauxite in Bibar, Madhya

Pradesh, Vindhya Pradesh, Madhya Bharat and Bhopal",
Vol. 85, Calcutta 1858.
Roy Chaudhary, T.C. "The Bhumij of Mayurbhanj” Man in

India, Vol. IX.
Second Quinquennial Review on tbe Progress of Education in

Bihar and Orissa (1917 to 1922), 1922.
Sherring, M.A. “The Natural History o f Hindu Castes**, The

Calcutta Review, Vol. 71, 1880.
Sift on, J.D. "Final Report on the Survey and Settlement

operations in the Districts of Hazaribagh (1908-1915), pub.
in 1922.
Slack, F.A., was the Divisional Settlement Officer of Chota

nagpur. His "Report on tbe Settlement of the Estate of
the Maharaja of Chotanagpur”, Punblished by the Bengal
Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1888, has been found quite
informative.
Sunder, D.H.E. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement in

the Palamau Government Estate (1894-95—1896-97),
Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1898.
Tallent, P.C. Census of India, 1921, Vol. VIII, Bihar and

■ Orissa, Part I, Report, Suptd., Gov. Printing, Patna, 1923.
Taylor, F.E.A. Final Repost on the Revisions! Survey and Settle

ment Operations in the District of Ranchi (1917-1935),
Patna, 1940.
Third Quinquennial Review on the Progress of Education in

Bihar & Orissa (1922-1927), Suptd., Govt. Printing, Patna
1927.
Thompson, Captain C. Hunter “ A Geographical, Statistical and

General Report on the District o f Hazaribagh (Surveyed
during session 1858-59 to 1862-1863), Military Orphan
Press, 1864.
Bibliography 247
A Geographical, Statistical and General Report on the portion

of the Lohardaga or Chutianagpur District Alipur Jail
Press, 1866.
Webster, G.K. Report on Chutianagpur to H.L. Oliphant, D.C.

of Lohardaga, dated Ranchi, April 8, 1875.
Whitley, E.H. “ Historical Sketches to Chotanagpur” , Pub. by

S.P.G. Mission, London, 1896.
I I BOOKS
Archer, W.G., The Blue Grove, pub. by Allen & Unwin Ltd.,
London, 1940.
A list o f the objects o f antiquarian interest in the Lower Provi

nces of Bengal, Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1879.
Banerjee, M.G., Ramgarh and life of Adibasis of Chotanagpur,

1940.
Bhaduri, M., Munda Astrology, Man in India Office, Ranchi.
Bhattacharya, Jogendra N ath, Hindu Caste and Society, Thacker

Spink & C o , Calcutta, 1896. .
Bodding, P- W., the Rev., Traditions and Institutions of the

Santals.
Bose, Pramath Nath, A History of H indu Civilization during

British Rule, in four vols. pub. by W. Newman & Co.,
Calcutta, 1894.
Bow en, F.J., Father Constant Lie verts, The Apostle o f Chota-
nagpur, pub. by B. Herder Book Company, St, Louis,
1936.
Bleses, C.S.J., N ote on the Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, Catholic

Press, Ranchi, 1941.
Bradley Birtk, F.B., Chotanagpur, A Little Known Province of

the Empire, 2nd ed., Smith Elder & Co., London, 1910.
Bradley Birth, F.B. The Story of a t Indian Upland, Smi,

Elder & Co., London, 1905. •
----------- , Romances of an Eastern Capital, Smith Elder & Co.

London, 1906.
Car it airs, R„ Harman's village, Santal Mission Press, Pokharia,

Manbhum, 1935.
Chakravarty, P.B., Chotanagpur Raj, Catholic Press, Ranchi.

Chatterton, Eyre, The Rev. D.D., A Story of Fifty Years’ Mission
ary Work in Chotanagpur-1910, pub. by the Society for
the Propagation of Christian Knowledge, London.
Cotton, C. W.d. Handbook of Commercial Information for India,

3rd ed., pub. by Govt, of India Press, New Delhi 1937.
Coupland, H., Bengal District Gazetteers—Manbhum, Bengal

Secretariat Book Depot., Calcutta, 1911.
Dalton, Col. E.T., The Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, 1st ed.,

the Supt. of Printing, Bengal, Calcutta, 1872.
De Meulder, E., Tribal India Speaks, Indian Institute of Social

Order, Poona I, 1952.
D im kar, R. R., Bihar Through the Ages (ed. by), Orient Long
mans, 1958. '
Dubois, Abbe J.A., Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies,

Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1897.
Datta, K.K., Survey of India’s Social Life and Economic Condi

tion in the Eighteenth Century, pub. by Firma K.L.
Mukhopadhya, Calcutta, 1961. Introduction to Bihar,
Patna, 1946,
----------- , Unrest Against British Rule in Bihar (1831-1859),

Secretariat Press, Bihar, 1957.
Bibliography 249
Dulla, K.K. The Sanlal Insurrection. University of Calcutta,

1940.
JPutta. S.N., The Chotanagpur Tenancy Act, The Student

Emporium, Patna, 1928.
Encyclopaedia o f Religion and Ethics, Vols. II. Sc IX, pub. by

Tand T Clark, 3B George Street, New York, 1958.
Firth, C.B., An Introduction to the Indian Church History, The

Christian Student Library, P.B. 501, Madras, 1961.
{raft, E.A., The Munda, 1911.

Garrat, G.T., The Legacy of India, Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1962.
Grierson, G.A., Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IV.

Grignard, A ..S.J. Han’s Oraon Folklore, Suptd. of Govt. Printing,
Patna, 1931.
Hahn, Rev. F., Kurukh Folklore Bengal Secretariat Press,

Calcutta, 1905.
------------, Kurukh-English Dictionary, Bengal Secretariat Press,

Calcutta, 1903.
------------, Kurukh Grammar, Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta,

1900.
Haines, H.H., A Forest Flora of Chotanagpur.

Haidar, S.R., A Mid Victorian Hindu, Samlong Farm, Ranchi,
1921.
Hermanns, S.U.D., Hinduism and Tribal Culture, Bombay,

1952.
Hoffmann, J.B., Mundaria Grammar, Catholic Mission Press,

Ranchi, 1903.
, Encyclopaedia Mundarica in 19 vols., Suptd. of Govt.

Printing, Bihar, Patna.
Hoffmane, J.B. Mundaria Literature and Customs, 1937.
Hulton, J.B., Bihar the Heart of India, Bombay, 1949.
Hunter, W.W., A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vols. XVI A
XVII, Turbner& Co., London, 1877.

---------------, Annals of Rural Bengal, Smith Elder A Co., London,
1868.
-------------- , Imperial Gazetteers o f India, Vols. I, IV, VI, VII,

XVIII A XX.
Hunter, G. Thompson, Annals o f Indian Administration, Part It,

Vol, XI, Serampur, 1867.
Hutton, J.H., Caste in India, Oxford University Press, London,

1963.
Lacey, W.G., Bibar and Orissa in 1926-27, Suptd. Govt, Printing

Patna, 1928.
Lister, E„ Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteer, Hazaribagh,

Suptd., Govt. Printing, Patna, 1917.
Macpherson, T.S. and Hallet, M.G., Bihar and Orissa District

Gazetteer—Ranchi, Suptd., Govt. Printing, Patna, 1917.
Mahmood, Syed, A History of English Education in India (1781

1893), pub. by the Honorary Secretary of M.A.U. College,
Aligarh, 1895.
Majumdar, D .N , The Affairs of a Tribe, Universal Publishers

Ltd., Lucknow, 1950.
-------------- , Races and Culture of India.
-------------- , A Tiibe in Transition.
Maxmuller, F., The Sacred Books of the East (ed. by), Vol.
XXV, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1886.
Bibliography 251
Manu, Manusmriti, G ita Press, G orakhpur.
Mukherjee, S.C., Bihar District Gazetteers, Santal Parganas, 2nd

ed„ Suptd, Govt. Printing, Patna, 1938.
Mulla, Sir D.F., Principals of M ahomadan Law, The Eastern Law

House L td., C alcutta, 1950.
Nottrott, A and Wagner Paul, the Rev., G ram m ar of the Kol

Language, pub. by G.E.L. Mission Press, Ranchi, 1905.
Nurrulah, S. and Naik, J.P., History of Education in India,

Macmillan & Co. L td., Bombay, 1943.
Pannikar, K.M ., Western Dominance o f Asia, George Allen &

Unwin Ltd., 1960.
Patro, S.K., The Cross over Chotanagpur (1845-1957), T he

Diocese of C hotanagpur, Ranchi, 1961.
Prasad, Narmadeshwar, Tribal Bihar in Map, pub. by B.T.R.I,

Ranchi.
------------------, Land and People o f Tribal Bibar, pub, by B.T.R.I.,

Ranchi.
Risley, Sir Herbert Hope, The People of India, 2nd ed., Thacker
Spink & Co., London, 1915.
--------------- f The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vols. I & II,

Bengal Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1891.
Roy, Ajit Gopal, Commentary on H indu Law, Pahuja Brothers,

Patna I960.
Roy Choudhary, P.C., Bihar District Gazetteers—Hazaribagh
Suptd., Secretariat Press, Patna, 1957.
----------- -— , Bihar District Gazetteers—Singhbhum, Suptd,

Secretariat Press, Patna, 1958.
---------------- Hazaribagh Old Records (1761-1878), United Press,

Patna, 1957.
--------------- , 1857 in Santhal Parganas and Chotanagpur,

Gazetteers* Revision Office, Bihar, Patna, 1957.
Roy, S.C., The Mundas and Their Country, pub. in 1912.
----------------, The Oraons of Chotanagpur, pub. in 1915.
--------------- , The Birhors, pub. in 1925.
--------------- , O raon Religion & Customs, pub. in 1928.
--------------- , The K harias, pub. in 1937 (in collaboration with

his son R.C. Roy).
Sachidanand, Cultural Changes in Tribal Bihar (M unda and

Oraon), Bookland Private Ltd., Patna, 1964.
--------------- , Tribal Village in Bihar, a study in unity and

extension.
Sahay, Bhagwati, History o f Education in Bihar U nder British

Rule, pub. in 1928.
Sastri, V.S. Srinivasa, My M aster Gokhalc, cd. by T.N.

Jagdishan, Model Publication, 50 Badrain Street, Madras,
1946.
Schuerren, T. Vander, Belgian Mission among the Aboriginal

Tribes o f Chotanagpur, Parts I, II & III, Thacker Spink &
Co., Calcutta, 1922 (Part I & II) & 1925 (Part HI).
Singh C.R.G., Rambles in Bibar, Bankipur, 1917.
Stark, H. A bek, Vernacular Education in Bengal from 1813 to

1912, the Calcutta General Publishing Com pany, Bowbazar
Street, 1916.
Thomas, P., Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, 3rd ed',

pub. by Taraporevalas Sons & Co., Private Ltd., Bombay,
1956.
Bibliography
III - RESEARCH JOURNALS
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Rengal.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Journal or the Bihar & Orissa, Reseaich Society.
Journal o f the Indian History.
Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Asiatic Review.
The M odem Review,
The Calcutta Review.
Man in India.
Bengal Past and Present.

INDEX
Agaria-Korwas, 35 Bbuiyas, 13
Agarias, 21, 41 Bhumijcs, 13, 21,25, 28, 44-5
Ahirs, 8-9 Marriages, 144
Alcoholic drinks, 58 Bhunihar Brahmins, 4, 6-7
Anara fair, 102 Binjhias, 22, 47
Archer, W.B., 111, 120 Bird catching, 109
Artisan castes, 5-6 Birhors, 21,30-2, 63
Aryans, 1 Dress, 88
Asurs, 21,33-5, 63 Festivals, 115, 117
Marriages, 144-155 Houses, 79-80
Youth dormitories, 65, 72 Impact of Christianity, 51
Babhans, 6-7 Marriages, 144, 146, 152
Badminton, 96, 97 Tanda, 64
Baha festival, 1 13 Villages, 79
Ball, V . 28 Youth dormitories, 65, 70-2
Banris, 7 Birjias, 21, 33, 34, 40, 63
Batauli festival, 113 Marriages, 144
Bathudis, 22, 48 Bishop Westcott School, 199
Baudhyana, 128 201
Bedias, 21 ,43 Blind School, Ranchi, 180-1
Begari system, 16-21 Bo-Porab K haddi festival, 113
Berra Rautia, 42 Bonded servants, 16-21
Bhogtas, 13 Bose, P.N., 98
Bhuihars, 21, 41 Bose, S.C., 125
Brahmins, 3-4 Cock fights, 97

Bride-price Co-education, 208
Muslim society, 139 Concubines
Tribal society, 147 Hindu society, 132
Bridge, T.W,, 18 Muslim society, 139
Buchanan, 16 Conference of Directors o f
Buffalo fights, 97 , Public Instruction (1911),
Butler, Harcourt, 167 167-3, 169
Campbell, George, 163 Cricket, 95-97
Caste-panchayats, 54 Cunningham, J.A., 167
Muslim society, 15 Curzon, Lord
Caste system, 2-6, 235 Resolution on Education
Sub-castes, 6-14 Policy (1904), 166 —'
Catholic Mission Industrial Cuthbert, S.T., 135, 136
School, Ranchi, 219 Dalton, E.T., 3, 8, 27, 37, 38, 41,
Chakultor fair, 102 43, 116, 117, 162, 163
Chamars, 7 Dalton Mcrorian Fund, 202
Charak Puja, 102 Dancing
Cheros, 21, 36-8 Non-tribal society, 98
Marriages, 144 Tribal society, 109-11, 236
Chikbaiaiks, 22, 48-9 Dand-Korwas, 35
Child marriage, 208 Danda-guli, 95, 97
Hindu society, 129-30 Dashehra festival, 99,113
Tribal society, 144-7, 237 Dehon, P., 73, 145
Child Marriage Restraint Act Desai festival, 117-18
(1929), 130 De Staercke, Father, 220
Children's dress Dhangars, 22
Non-tribal society, 60 Dhanuks, 21, 41
Chotanagpur Girls’ High Dhunia Muslims, 14, 15
School, Giridh, 213-14 Dih-Korwas, 35
Chotanagpur Mission, 185 Diku, 2
Christianity Divorce
Impact on tribal society, Hindu society, 134
49-52 Muslim society, 140
Chuar, 2 Tribal society, 156-8
Churihar Muslims, 14, 15 Diwali festival, 99
Chutia fair, 100-1 Domestic utensils
Cinemas, 98 Non-tribal society, 33 -6
Circle schools, 173 Tribal society, 81-2, 236
Index 257
Doms, 7-8 Family

Dowry, 131 , 237 Non-tribal society, 52
Dramas Tribal society, 63, 236
Non-tribal society, 98 Female education, 206- 16, 238
Tribal society, 105-6 Curriculum and inspection,
Dress 215
Non-tribal society, 58-60 High schools, 212 , 14
Tribal society, 88-91, 123, 236 Middle schools. 211-12
Drinks Primhry schools, 21O-II
Non-tribal society, 58 Professional, 216
Tribal society, 86-7, 236 Scholarships, etc., 214-15
Dublin University Mission, 185 Training schools, 215-16
188, 228 Female slaves, 16
D udh-K harias, 27 ' Festivals
Houses, 78- Non-tribal society, 99-100
Dusadhs, 3 Tribal society, 112-22, 123,
D utta, K .K ., 15 236
East Indian Railway Company’s Fire-walking festival, 121-2
Schools, 167, 179 Fishing, 109
Education, 161-5, 238 Food gathering, 64
Indigenous, 171-5 Food babits
Inspecting agency, 202-4 Non-tribal society, 56-7
Primary, 165-71; Free and Tribal society, 82-6, 236
compulsory, 166-7 Football, 95, 96, 97
Secondary, 167, 94 Forbes, L.R., 5
Special classes, 198-201 Frazer, Andrew, 228
University, 227-33 Free Church Mission, 185
Education Commission ( 1882), Games and sports
165, 173, 176, 177-8, 190, 195, Non-tribal society, 95-8
209 Tribal society, 103-9
Endogamy, 25, 47 G andhi, M.K., 228
English education, 162, 238 Gangabans Rajputs, 43
English games, 95-6, 97 Gareris, 9-10
Equitable Coal Company, 179 German Evangelical Lutheran
Eraki Muslims, 14, 15 Mission, 181, 185, 197
Evening Technical School, Ghasis, 13
Jamshedpur, 224-5 Goalas, 8-9
Exogamy, 25, 32, 47, 63 Goars, 8-9
Fairs, 100-2 Gokhale, Gopal Krishna, 166
Gokhale’s Bill on free and com Hoffman, Father, 219

pulsory education, 1*6-7 Holi festival, 99
Goods, 21, 42 Horo-ko, 25
Goraits, 12, 21,43 Hos, 21, 28, 29-30, 32, 63
Government Industrial School, Dances, 130
Ranchi, 217-19 Festivals, 116
Grant, John, 173 Houses, 77-8
Hair-styles, 61, 92 Marriages, 144, 152
Haidar, Babu Rakhal, 43, 59 Villages, 72, 77 ; Confedera
Hanria (rice-beer), 58 tions, 64
Hardinge, Lord, 173 Household furniture
Hariari festival, 118 Non-tribal society, 55
Hartog Committee ([929), 171, Tribal society, 81, 236
210 Houses
Hedadudu, 95,96 Non-tribal society, 54-5
High schools, 187-9 Tribal society, 72-81, 236
Buildings and accommoda Hunter, W.W., 16, 17, 20, 100,
tion, 193-4 161, 162
Curriculum, 189-90 Hunting
For female, 212-14 Non-tribal society, 97
Medium of instruction, Tribal society, 64, 107-9
190-1 Hurlong Industrial School, 222
School leaving certificate Id-ul-Fitr festival, 100
examination, 192-3 Id-ui-Zoha festival, 100
Hindu Inheritance Act (1928), In-dooT games
137 Non-tribal society, 97
Hindu Marriage Disabilities Ind Parab fair, Pithonia, 101-2
Removal Act (1926), 131 Indian School of Mines and
Hindu society, 2-14, 234-5, 237 Geology, 227
Hindu women, 125-38, 234-5, 237 Indigenous schools, 171-5, 238
Divorce, 134 Industrial training, 216-27, 238
Economic status, 137-8 Inter-caste marriages, 131
Marriages, 127-32 Inter-tribal marriages, 25, 38
Prostitution, 138 Inter-village disputes, 65
Purdah system, 137 Islamic institutions, 172, 174-5
Widowhood, 132-3 Jait-Asurs, 33
Hinduism Jamshedpur Technical School,
Impact on tribal society, 49 225-6
52 Jani-Sikar,' 108-9
Index 259
Jatras, 119-21, 236 Koiris, 11-12

Jhalda Industrial School, 222 K ol , 2
Jhoras, 21, 43-4 Korwas, 21, 35-6, 63
Jhum cultivation, 24, 28, 33 Impact o f Christianity, 51
Jilia festival, 115 Marriages, 155
Jim idar Brahmins, 4 Kshatriyas, 3 , 4-5
Jolaha Muslims, 14, 15 Kumhars, 13
Jugglery, 97-8 Kunjra Muslims, 14
Kabaddi, 95, 96, 97 Kurmis, 11
Kahars, 10 Kurukh, 22
Kalal Muslims, 14, 15 Larka-Kols, 29
Kamias, 16- 21 , 235 Lawrence, Lord, 166
Kanaujia Brahmins, 4 Lindsay Commission (1930),
Kanseras, 14 230
Karam festival, 114-15 Liper School, Purulia, 181
K arm alis, 22, 46 Lohars, 12
Kasab Muslims, 14 Love-marriages, 147
Kayasthas, 10-H M aghaiya Brahmins, 4
Kedleta festival, 118 Maghe festival, 115-I 6
Khadi festival, 113 Magic, 97-8, 108
Khangars, 25 Magicians, 24
Kharias, 21 , 26 -8 , 63 M aha Brahmins, 4
Dances, no Mahlis, 13-14, 21, 45-6
Dress, 88 Marriages, 146
Drinks, 87 M alitab Bahadur, Maharaj
Festivals, 113 Dhiraj of Burdwan, 232
Houses, 78-9 Majumdar, D .N ., 103, 116
Marriages, 144, 145, 150-1 Male slaves, 16
Villages, 72, 78; Confedera Malis, 14
tions, 64 Mandas, 121-2
Youth dormitories, 65, 68 Mantcgazza, Prof., 8
Kbarwars, 21 , 38-9 M anu, 126, 129
Marriages, 144 Marriages
Social status, 39 Hindu society, 127-32; Form s,
Khatris, 3, 4-5 131
Kherihani festival, 118 Muslim society, 138
Khunti Roman Catholic Indus Tribal society, 143-9; Forms,
trial School, 219-21 150-5.
Kisans, 21, 40 M ars, 21, 42
Middle schools, 185-7 Non-alcoholic beverages, 58

F o r female, 211-12 Oraons, 21, 22-5, 63
Mill, S.C., 203 Dances, 110
Milne, W.S., 228 Dress, 88
M iners’ schools, 179 Festivals, 113, 115
Mining Educational Advisory H air style, 92
Board, 224 Houses, 73-5, 77, 79 .
Mission schools, 185 Hunting games, 107-8
M ohurram festival, 100 Impact of Hinduism, 49-50
Mom in Muslims, 14 Jatra, 110-21
M unda-Lharias, 27 Marriages, 144, 145
M undaris, 22 Social status, 24-5
M undas. 21 , 25-6, 29, 32, 44, 63 Villages confederations, 64
Dances, 110 Y outh dormitories, 65-8
Festivals, 113,117 Oreas, 13-14
H air style, 92 Ornaments
Houses, 76-7 Non-tribal society, 61-3, 235
Impact of Hinduism, 49-50 Tribal society, 92-3, 236
M arriages, 144, 145, 155 Ors, 13-14
Ornaments, 92-3 Out-door games
Villages, 76; Confederations, Non-tribal society, 95-7
64 Paharia-Korwas, 35
Youth dormitories, 65, 68-9 Pan eating, 53
M urray, J.A ., 228 Parhaiyas 21, 39
Music Patna University, 191, 229
Non-tribal society, 98 Pedler, A., 194
Tribal society, 109-10, 236 Phagu festival, 113
Musical instruments, 110-11 Pigeon flying, 97
Muslim society, 14-15, 235, 237 Polygamy
Muslim women, 138-40, 237 Hindu society, 131-2
Divorce, 140 Muslim society, 138, 139
M arriages, 138 Tribal society, 149, 237
Purdah, 140 Post Office Schools, 178
W idowhood, 139 Pregnancy
Muslims Tribal women, 159
Festivals, 100 Pre-marriage sex, 143
N agesars, 21, 40 Priests
Native Marriage Act (1872), 130 Cheros, 37-8
Night schools, 179-80 Oraons, 23-4
Index 261
Savars, 48 R oy, R am M olm n, 237

Prim ary education, 165-71 R oy, S.C., 14, 65, 68, 69, 70, 75,
Prim ary Education A ct (i9 ll), 88, H I, 116, 119, 120, 151
170, 238 S .P .G . M ission, 180, 181, 185,
Prim ary schools, 175 199, 216
S.P.G . M ission Industrial
Curriculum and syllabus,
School, 223
175-6
F o r female, 210 - n S ab-j-B arat festival, 110
G rants-in-aid, 177-8 Sachidanand, 68
M edium o f instruction, St. C olum bas’ College, 227-32
Sakaldwipi Brahm ins, 4
176-7
Sanskrit institutions, 172, 173-4
P rostitution
Santhals, 21 , 32-3
H indu society, 138
Houses, 80
T ribal society, 159
M arriages, 144, 145, 154
Puberty
Village confederations, 64
T ribal women, 141-3
Sanwaks, 17
P urdah system, 207, 208
Sarhul festival, 113-14,123
H indu society, 137, 237
Sarw aria Brahm ins, 4
Muslim society, 140
Sati system, 134-7,237
Railway Industrial School,
Savars, 22, 47-8
G irdih, 222
M arriages, 146
Railway Schools, 179
Sayyid M uslims, 15
R ajputs, 3, 4-5
Scholarships, 201-2
Raj wars, 21 , 44
R akhi P urnim a festival, 99 School leaving certificate exa
R am fights, 97 m ination, 192-3
R am garh, R aja of, 161, 23] Secondary education, 187-9,
238
Ranki Muslims, 14
R athyatra festival, 99-102 Sexual laxity, 143, 159
R autias, 21, 42-^, Shudras, 3, 6-7, 234
R eform atory /S c h o o l, H azari Sifton, J.D ., 17, 20
bagh, isi-5 Simla Conference (1911), 209
Ricket, H ., 161 Slavery, 15-16, 19, 235
Risley, H. H ., 6, U .24, 44, 46, Social divisions, 1-52
128, 129, 132, 144, 145 Socio-religious movements,
R om an Catholic M ission, 185, 235-6
216 Sohorai festival, 115
Rom an hunting, 107 Soika-Asurs, 33-4
Roy, R .C ., 69, 151 Sonars, 14
Student discipline, 204-5 Christianity, 49-52, 122-4,

Sub-castes, 6-14 235-6
Sud, 1-2 Tribal women, 141-59, 237-8
Sunder, D .H .E., 37, 39, 144 Divorce, 156-8
Sunni Muslims, 14 Economic status, 159
Tarnbolis, 14 M arriages, 143-9; Forms,
Tanda, 64 150-5 .
T ata Iron and Steel Co., 225, Pregnancy, 159
226 Prostitution, 159
Tattooing, 93-4 Puberty, 141-3
Teachers' training, 194-8 Widowhood, 1S5-6
Female teachers, 215-16
Turis, 13-14
Technical education, 216-27, 238 University education, 227-33
Telis, 14 Untouchables, 6, 234
Tennis, 96, 97 Vaisyas, 3, 5
Thatheras, 14
Vandaele, Father, 219-20
Thom as, P., 62
Varna system, 3
Tiery, E.R.T., 203 Vasanta Panchami festival, 99
Tobacco use, 58, 87 Vidyasagar, Ishwar Chandra,
Toiletry 237 ■
Non-tribal society, 60-1
Village pathshalas, 162
Tribal society, 91-2, 123
Villages
Totemistic clans, 63
N on-tribal society, 52-3
Asurs, 34
Tribal society, 63-5, 72-3,
Birhors, 31-2 123, 236; Confederations, 64
Cheros, 37 Weaving schools, 223
Hos, 2 Westcott, Bishop, 199
Kharias, 28
Widowhood
Mahlis, 45-6
Hindu society, 132-4, 237
M undas, 25-6
Muslim society, 139, 237
Oraons, 23 Tribal society, 155-6
Training schools, 194-8 Wilson, Prof., 16
Female teachers, 215-16 Women’s dress
Tribal officials, 64 Non-tribal society, 59-60
Oraons, 23-4 Tribal society, 89-90
Santbals, 33 Women’s hunt, 108-9
Tribal society, 21-48, 235-6 W omen's social status
Im pact of Hinduism and Hindu women, 125-38
Index 263
M u slim women, 138-40 W restling, 9 5 , 9 6, 97

T rib al women, 141-60, 237 Y o u th d orm itories, 65-72, t43,
W o m e n ’s toiletry 147
N o n -trib a l society, 60-1 Zanana schools, 215
T rib a l society, 91-2 Zila schools, isa-9

Society in Tribal India (PDFDrive)

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Society in Tribal India (PDFDrive)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Society in T rib a l India

The plateau o f Chotanagpur comprising the five districts

The later half of the nineteenth century was a significant

An attem pt has been made in the following pages to

The scope o f social history is very extensive and fluctuat­

This work is mainly based on the records and reports, both

In fact, the chapter dealing with education is more or

Chotanagpur, during the period under review, remained

information about society, social customs and manners o f the

A few words may also be said here about the general

The second and third chapters deal with housing, food,

The fourth chapter gives an account of the social status

The fifth and sixth chapters attem pt to describe the

Further, an attempt has been made in these chapters to present

I am highly indebted to my revered teacher Dr. P.N.

My thanks are also due to the authorities of the various

I f this book offered to students in particular and casual

and sjHlabus; Medium o f instruction; Grants-in-aid; Post

CO NCLU SIO N 234

Tne plateau of Chotanagpur in Bihar, protected from

Sudh or Sudhan, which included all castes— Brahmins, Rajputs,

Chotanagpur, though predominantly occupied by different

It is an enormously complex and protean social phenomen­

Generally speaking, a caste is a group having a common

It is important to note here th at one should n ot confuse

But, today, each Varna is a conglomeration of castes.

Chotanagpur, during the period under review, represented

The Brahmins are the highest of the three twice-born

The Brahmins in the different parts o f the Division were

4. Bihar Through The Ages, Ed. by R .R . D iw ik a r, O rien t Longm ans,

Next to the Brahmins were the Kshatriyas. The Rajputs

It is to be noted in this connection that most o f the Rajas

6. D .H .E . Sunder; Patamau Survey Report (1894-95 to 1896-97), p.

L.R. Forbes inform s th a t the R ajputs o f Palam au, like

The R ajput families of Palam au and other districts o f

The Vaisyas having am ong them many sub-castes like

Last in the hierarchy came the Shudras, who were at the

9. L .R . F orbes; Ryotwaree Settlem ent in Palam au, 1872, p. 34.

At the Lowest strata of society were the untouchables.

These traditional four castes were further sub-divided into

The Babhans or Bbuinhars were of uncertain origin and

Owing probably to the controversy about their origin the

12. Bihar Through The A gt.t, E d. by R .R . D iw akar, pub, by O rient Long­

also engaged in business. They were mostly wealthy and happy

The B anns were a cultivating, earth-working and palan­

Their social rank was very low. Members o f higher castes

The Chamars, the tanner caste of Shudra origin, were found

The Dorns occupied the same position as the Chamars in

these occupations to some extent. A number o f them had taken

The Dusadb, a degraded Aryan o r refined Dravidian culti­

In every Oraon, Munda, Ho and K haria village, the

According to Colonel Dalton, in most of the Ho villages a

In the north and west o f the Division, numerous represcnta-

17. Ibid., pp. 240-251.

In every tribal village there were a few of these Goalas who

In addition to their annual allowance of paddy from each

The Goalas of Chotanagpur tribal villages appeared to

Besides Ih e Goalas, the Gareris or the shepherds, having

scattered in the Division. They tended sheep and made

The Kahars were a large cultivating and palanquin-bearing

The Kayasthas were also found in different parts of the

Their origin is still shrouded in mystery, and nothing

A great many of the Kayasthas also lived by farming land,,

The scope o f social history is very extensive and fluctuat

It is an enormously complex and protean social phenomen

12. Bihar Through The A gt.t, E d. by R .R . D iw akar, pub, by O rient Long

The B anns were a cultivating, earth-working and palan

The Dusadb, a degraded Aryan o r refined Dravidian culti

Another form of slavery, however, was prevalent in Chota

A tribe is generally described as a group of people charac

Like other tribes of Chotanagpur, the Mundas were divid

These Kills were further sub-divided into many sub-divi