Introduction

The Federation of Malaysia was formed on 16 September 1963. It was the merger of

Malaysia, North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore (which only left the organisation two years

later) to form Malaysia. Today, 16 September, is a public event in Malaysia known as "Hari

Malaysia" (Malaysia Day). However, it should not be confused with Hari Merdeka

(Independence Day), which is celebrated on 31 August 1957. While the latter has been a

national public occasion since then, Hari Malaysia was only announced as a public occasion

in 2009, so Malaysians now have two festivals identified with the nation's autonomy.

Parts of the region that would later become Malaysia were dependent on European

colonisation as early as the 16th century. In 1511, a Portuguese company led by Alfonso de

Albuquerque conquered Malacca. In the mid-17th century, the Dutch drove out the remaining

Europeans. In 1786, the British under Francis Light invaded Penang and founded

Georgetown. This event marked a turning point in Malaya's existence and allowed the British

to gain the upper hand in the region. In 1819, Sir Stamford Raffles established a British

general shop in Singapore. In 1824, the Dutch ceded Melaka to the British. In 1896, a Malay

Herald was created that included Selangor, Perak, Pahang and Negeri Sembilan and became

the Federated Malay States (FMS).

In Sabah, British influence has a much longer history: in 1761, the British East India

Company established a general shop in North Borneo, as the state was then officially called.

Sarawak, the other Malay state on Borneo, came under British rule from 1841, when James

Brooke was appointed governor of Sarawak by the Sultan of Brunei after helping to put down

a resistance. In 1846, Brooke conveniently became Rajah (comparable to a king) of Sarawak

and expanded the region. After his death, his nephew ruled. The Brooke dynasty administered

the territory until the Second World War.

After the end of World War II, when Malaysia, North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore were

attacked by the Japanese, decolonisation became the goal of the British. In 1947, India was

granted autonomy. This was to prepare the British regions of Southeast Asia for freedom.

In 1956, delegates from the newly formed Malay ideological groups and Malay leaders met

with the British Colonial Office in London to agree on autonomy. At that time, the Federation

of Malaya consisted of 11 mainland states: the nine Malay territories of Johor, Kedah,

Kelantan, Negeri Sembilan, Pahang, Perak, Perlis, Selangor and Terengganu, and the two

colonies on the British Straits, Penang and Melaka.

On 31 August 1957, the long-awaited 2nd Independence Proclamation was announced at

Merdeka Stadium in Kuala Lumpur, which had been unusually built for the event. Since then,

31 August has been known as Hari Merdeka or Independence Day.

In the post-war years, the amalgamation of Malaya with Singapore was proposed and

discussed several times by various powerful people. In November 1949, the Secretary of

State for the Colonies raised the issue of regular predetermination of British colonies in the

region. In 1955, Ghazalie Shafie, a senior Malay government official, spoke of a possible

partnership. The following year, David Marshall, Singapore's Chief Minister, and Malaysian

leader Tunku Abdul Rahman again pressed the demand, as did Singapore's first Prime

Minister Lee Kuan Yew in 1959.

However, it was not until 1961 that the idea became really interesting. Again, it was Tunku

Abdul Rahman who took up the idea, this time before the Southeast Asian Foreign

Correspondence Association, declaring: "At some point Malaysia must have an

understanding with Britain and the peoples of Singapore, North Borneo, Brunei and

Sarawak ... it is inevitable that we should set our sights on this goal and think of an

arrangement by which these dominions can be united in political and financial cooperation."

In the months that followed, the idea began to spread. In August 1961, an agreement in

principle was concluded between the Federation of Malaya and Singapore. At that time,

Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo were still under British control, while the riparian

states were free and formed the Federation of Malaya. Brunei was a sultanate under British

protectorate.

In North Borneo, political exercises were dramatically expanded in response to the Malay

proposal. Until then, there had been no political gatherings except in 1961-62 when six

ideological groups were formed. The discussions were also contentious in Sarawak. Some

favoured consolidation while others favoured a Borneo Federation of three states.

In Brunei, opposition to the Malaysian federation was particularly strong. In December 1962,

an uprising against the government and its support for consolidation was attempted but

thwarted. However, this event influenced the Sultan's decision in 1963 not to join Malaysia.

The other potential rivals then moved to form the proposed state. In 1962, a presentation was

made in Singapore. Although it excluded the possibility of voting against consolidation -

Singaporeans were only given three options on how best to join - it was seen as a genuine

articulation of public support for Malaysia.

Malaysia's development finally became conceivable with the signing of the international

treaty, the Malaysia Agreement of 1963 between the United Kingdom, the Federation of

Malaysia, Sarawak, North Borneo and Singapore.

Prior to the emergence of Malaysia, Sarawak gained autonomy on 22 July 1963, while North

Borneo was administered by the United Kingdom from 31 August 1963, which coincided

with the sixth anniversary of Malaysian autonomy.

31 August 1963 was also the day when Malaysia's development was sought. Some problems

arising from neighbourhood complaints from Indonesia and the Philippines about Malaysian

development (which could not be resolved and which some time later triggered a special

legislative conflict between Malaysia and Indonesia) postponed the announcement until 16

September 1963. At the same time, North Borneo was renamed Sabah.

The Malaysian declaration ceremony was held at Merdeka Stadium in Kuala Lumpur, a

similar venue to the one that had hosted Malaysia's autonomy ceremony seven years earlier.

In front of around 30,000 people, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman recounted the

genesis of the Malaysian Declaration and then recited "Merdeka" ("Autonomy") several

times.
uring the first eighteen months of political and sacred talks that began in May 1961, things

went well as the Malay ideal stimulated the creative minds of the relative multitude of

interested ethnic groups.

We could all see the remarkable enthusiasm and interest in Malaysia's development at that

time.

Gradually, the idea emerged. The exercises of the Malaya Solidarity Consultative Committee,

the consolidation talks between the Federation of Malaya and Singapore, the broad agreement

reached in London to create Malaya, the approval of the Cobbold Commission and its

detailed demands for the Borneo Territories, and the subsequent formation of the

Intergovernmental Committee - all these happened by mutual consent and with full general

visibility.

Suddenly, in late 1962, circumstances changed. Socialist China showed ridiculous hostility

towards India. I defended the electoral system and denounced China's attack.

A quick reaction was that the communists all over South East Asia went on the counter-attack

by contradicting Malaysia and started making every possible issue of alienating Malaysia.

Other external annoyances followed - the Philippines' affair in North Borneo, Brunei's

unexpected and unsuccessful revolt, and Indonesia's alarming reception of a settlement of the

conflict with Malaysia.

Each of these occasions has prolonged the global emergency in Southeast Asia this year,

which peaked in June. The successful meeting of the foreign ministers of Malaysia, Indonesia

and the Philippines, followed by my own meeting with President Soekarno in Tokyo, did

much to reduce tensions and raise expectations of concord and harmony.

The prospects for a summit conference were acceptable, the Indonesia conflict had subsided,

so we moved on to final talks in London on Malaysia.

The agreement with Malaysia was duly approved in early July. Suddenly Indonesia

responded unequivocally by reintroducing the isolation agreement, so the summit meeting of

the heads of state of Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines began in uncertainty at the end

of July.

The summit ended with the three nations agreeing to form a confederation of states, created

by Malaysia and known as Maphilindo.

It was agreed that all Maphilindo accomplices could invite the UN Secretary-General to

Malaysia to listen again to the wishes of the people of Sarawak and Sabah. This request was

not granted.

Currently, the people of Malaysia are praising the creation of Malaysia. This is the perfect

opportunity to truly and ideally reflect on Malaysia's destiny as the whole nation vibrates

with excitement.
Therefore, I pray that God will favour the country of Malaysia with endless harmony and

contentment for our loved ones.

The Federation of Malaysia is now a thing of history. Let us remember that the Malaysian

nation was founded after many challenges during a long period of public emergency. It was

then that its multiracial society emerged, asserting itself as a fertile and reforming nation, a

true majority government and a signpost to the universe of understanding and resilience.

As was the case with Malaysia, it is often the case with us. With trust in Almighty God,

leadership solidarity and self-confidence, we can make Malaysia a place known for its

flourishing and harmony.

In this way, we will give every Malaysian who has access to each of the states of Malaysia,

Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah the assurance that our Malaysia is truly worthy of the points

and expectations we have shared, the preconditions and stresses we have endured to work

together to achieve our basic predestination.

“MERDEKA! MALAYSIA!”

A new nation was born.