KERALA SOCIETY AND POLITY IN

THE SECOND HALF OF NINTEENTH CENTURY

Kerala is the tract of land between the Arabian Sea and the
Western Ghats. At the time of Chattampi Swami it belonged to earlier
princely states of Travancore, Cochin, the British District of Malabar
and the South Canara. Kanyakumari District, which is presently in
Tamil Nadu, also formed part of Travancore. From very ancient times
travellers have been full of appreciation of Kerala. Nature has spent
upon this land her richest bounties; the sun never fails by day, the rain
falls in due season and an eternal summer gilds the scene; stated Lord
Curzon in 1900.

The people of Kerala had no social inequalities or caste system in

the ancient period1. The people pursued their spiritual and material
welfare for centuries with equal opportunities. But with the coming of
Aryans situations changed. Customs and rules related to religion,
family, caste etc as followed in the north were introduced in Kerala
also. Gradually the social situation of the region started to deteriorate.

The most important feature with which social reform movements

in Kerala have concerned themselves is 'inequality' based on birth,
which is common in India but cannot be found anywhere else in the
world. Another is the superstitious practices connected to religion,
which existed in some form or other everywhere. An overview of the
society of Kerala in the nineteenth century with a historical
perspective is essential to understand the work done by Chattampi
Swami and his disciples who initiated reform in the last quarter of that
century.

Freedom and Equality

 The first five centuries of the Christian era known as Sangham
age witnessed important social and cultural development in Kerala.
The region was not a separate cultural or political entity. It shared
with Tamils a cultural heritage that was common to the region,
consisting of present Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The Sangham age,
which coincided, with the Gupta age in the north was a period of
organized society and settled government. The basic elements
necessary for the flowering of a composite culture were present in
Kerala society. The rigid caste division was absent. Society was
organized on the basis of the principles of social freedom and equality.
Dignity of labor received universal recognition. It was a period of
economic prosperity. Agriculture was the chief occupation of the
people. The land was fertile and it produced a variety of agricultural
products including food grains and spices. Fine arts like music and
dancing were promoted on a large scale by all sections of the people.

Introduction of Caste

Aryan immigration caused far-reaching effects in the social

economic and political life of South India. Aryans started moving into
the regions south of the Vindhyas about 1000 BC. These Brahmins
moved to Kerala from third century B.C. along with the Jain and
Buddhist monks. There was a large-scale intrusion of Aryan ideas and
practices into the native society. Kadamba King, Mayuravarman (AD
345-379) invited large colonies of Brahmins and made them settle
down in the Kerala and Tuluva regions. In the sixth, seventh and
eighth centuries, South Indian rulers like the Chalukyas, the Pallavas
and the Rashtrakutas speeded up the process of Aryanization. From
the Malayalam work Keralolpathi, it can be observed that by the
eighth century A.D. the Brahmins had established their social
supremacy in Kerala. The region was dotted with Brahmin settlements
or villages each of which had its own landed properties, tenants and
exclusive privileges. The intellectual superiority, sense of solidarity,
administrative skill and advanced techniques of cultivation and social
organization enabled the immigrants before long to bring the ruling
classes and the business community under their effective control.
They also imposed the caste system modifying the Chaturvarnya with
its hierarchy of castes so as to suit their own needs. Its impact in
Kerala society continued for centuries.

Entry of Religions

The people of ancient Kerala followed Dravidian practices, which

were not based on any particular religious philosophy. Jainism and
Buddhism made their entry into Kerala by third century BC,
Christianity and Judaism in the first century AD and Islam at the end
of seventh century. Few minor kingdoms of Kerala like the Ays and the
Mushikas patronized non-Vedic religions. It was in a society where
Buddhism and Jainism had already made their presence felt that the
Brahmins established the Hindu religion on a firm basis. By the eighth
century A.D Hinduism got well established in the region.

The rulers gave all facilities to the missionaries of the foreign

religions for establishing their settlements or pockets of influence in
different parts of Kerala, particularly the coastal towns. Their
cooperation and assistance were considered invaluable for the
commercial prosperity of the land. All these religions, co-existed in
the land without any inter religious conflict or communal discord.
Their mutual interaction in the course of centuries helped to set in
motion a process of cultural synthesis and social assimilation and it
later helped to mould the culture of the region on composite and
cosmopolitan lines.

The post Sangham period from AD 500 to 800 was a Dark Age in
Kerala history as in the history of South India. At the beginning of the
ninth century the Cheras had re-established themselves as the
dominant power in Kerala. During the reign of Kulasekharas of
Mahodayapuram (AD 800- 1102) of the Second Chera Empire Kerala
emerged as a distinct political and cultural entity. The greatest of the
reformers, the philosopher and scholar extra ordinary, Sankaracharya
(A.D. 788-820) belonged to this period.

Systematization of Indian Thought

Born towards the close of the eight century AD at Kalady, a

village on the banks of the river Periyar, and acquiring considerable
spiritual powers by study and meditation, Sankara traveled all over
India defeating Buddhist theologians and dialecticians by argument,
and establishing the supremacy of the principles of Hinduism. He set
himself to the task of systematizing the philosophy of Upanishads. He
taught that the various Gods and Goddesses were really manifestation
of the same Supreme Being. Sankara emphasized the supreme
importance of sanyasa ashrama and established four mutts at
Badrinath, Jagannath, Sringeri, and Dwaraka, which are still in
existence. The main field of Sankara's activity lay in the realms far
away from his native country. But his teachings soon seeped into
different layers of Kerala society and created a new outlook in
religious and social matters. Though in the beginning his own
community, the Namputhiries, disliked him, later the name was
invoked in support of some of the peculiar practices in Kerala called
Keralacharams. But the Sankara Smriti, which is often cited as an
authority for those practices, appears to be a later fabrication.

The period saw Hindu religious revival of impressive dimensions.

The Bhakti movement which was inspired by the great Saiva and
Vaishnava saints of the period generated a wave of religious
enthusiasm among the masses and paved the way for the triumph of
Hinduism. The age also saw the construction of temples in most of the
villages and cities of Kerala. The economic condition also progressed.

Eleventh Century AD witnessed prolonged warfare between

Cheras and Cholas and Kerala came under Chola domination for a
period. The conflict has economic, political and social repercussions.
New socio economic institutions like Marumakkathayam system of
inheritance, jenmi system, devadasi system, kalari etc emerged. The
Namputhiri Brahmins who stood at the apex of the society established
their ascendancy in the social and political life of Kerala. The post
Kulasekhara period 1102-1498 saw the emergence of four kingdoms :
Venad, Calicut, Cochin and Kolathu Nadu of which the first two later
became powerful military States. Rulers pursued a tolerant policy
towards all religions. But the period saw the operation of caste
system at its worst. Namputhiries enjoyed all kinds of privileges and
immunities. Institutions like polyandry and polygamy came into
existence, which led to the lowering of moral standards.

Contact with the West

The landing of Vasco da Gama in Calicut in A.D 1498 totally

altered the nature of further progress. There was religious
intolerance by the Portuguese, economic depression and unrest. This
created a feeling of insecurity in the minds of the people. Then there
was the revival of the Bhakti cult in Kerala with Thunjath Ezhuthachan
as the leading spirit. Marthanda Varma (AD 1729-1758) in Travancore
and Sakthan Tampuran (AD 1790-1805) in Cochin gave fatal blows to
the feudal nobility and established strong and centralized
administration in respective States under their control. Mysore
invasions and resultant persecutions gave a shock treatment to the
high caste Hindus who remained the privileged class in the society.
By the end of eighteenth century the British became the dominant
political power in Kerala. But in early nineteenth century, British
supremacy was challenged by patriotic elements of the population led
by Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja in the north and Velu Thampi Dalawa
in the south. These rebellions were suppressed and the whole of
Kerala came under British hegemony.

Social Prohibitions

Though the Caste system with its rigorous social exclusivity did
not crystallize in early Sangham period, later social stratification
started. Caste is an endogamous group or a collection of endogamous
groups. It bears a common name and its membership is hereditary.
Certain restrictions relating to social intercourse, occupations, etc.
are imposed on every member. Unchangeable inequality on the basis
of birth and profession; and restrictions on marriage outside one's
own group are indispensable principles of the caste system. Under the
caste system an individual's status is wholly predetermined. Men are
born to their lot without any hope of changing it. So, a caste is a
closed status group. The obligations and barriers are intensified to the
utmost degree.

Caste in Kerala

The influence of caste on the Hindu mind has been astonishingly

firm from the time they came to be organized as a society. In the early
Indian society, there was four-tier hierarchical caste stratification.
There were the Brahmins or priests, the Kshatriyas or warriors, the
Vaisyas or merchants, and the Sudras or workers. In addition to these
four castes, there were the outcastes who were untouchables. It was
the belief of every orthodox Hindu that society has been ordained on
the basis of the four castes. The authority on which this view rests is
the statement in the Purushasukta in the Rig Veda that the Brahmin
emerged from the head, the Kshatriya from the arms, the Vaisya from
the waist and the Sudra from the feet of God. This belief had been
modified, manipulated and interpreted to make class divisions and
unjust practices.

Some of the groups, which followed occupations involving manual

labor or ate beef, came to be looked upon as inferior in the social
scale. From such complexes the concept of untouchability and
pollution, which are intrinsic to the caste system, arose. For example
the ancient Panans were the friends and counselors of kings during
the long ages when pure Tamil culture flourished. But with the Aryan
influence in society the Panans consuming meat and hard spirits
invited their social degradation and became the lowest among
untouchable castes. By the eighth century A D Brahmins attained a
position of primacy in social and religious matters. The Chola-Chera
war of the eleventh century A.D accelerated this trend. The Kshatriyas
who were the ruling class and the Nairs, the warrior class who
constituted powerful elements of the population, have come under the
effective grip of the Brahmins. The Ezhavas and several other castes
that engaged themselves in occupations that involved manual labor
were relegated to lower positions in society and subjected to gross
social disabilities.

In the ladder of caste at the high end were the Brahmins and at
the lowest Pualyas, Parayas etc. and in the middle the Nairs and
Ezhavas each having their own levels and subdivisions. The spirit of
Dravidian culture was castelessness. Hence it is to be assumed that
the caste system in Kerala also is the creation of Namputhiri
Brahmins. According to Jati Nirnaya there were seventy-two castes in
Kerala. It is interesting to look into the major caste groups of Kerala
and their internal and external relations in detail to understand the
related social system and behavior that existed in Kerala during
nineteenth century.

Namputhiries

The Namputhiries are Malayali Brahmins. They were priests and

landlords who held the country and its rulers under their control.
Kings and princes when they ascended the throne solemnly swore to
protect the Brahmin and his kin. Nineteenth century Kerala can be
described as 'priest-ridden'. The word Namputhiri is considered a
compound of two words nampu and thiri. Nambu means sacred or
trustworthy, and thiri means light. So the implication of the name is
that the Namputhiri is a sacred light. The traditional belief was that
the Namputhiri Brahmins were brought to Kerala by Parasu Rama the
incarnation of Vishnu from the banks of the Narmada, the Krishna, the
Kavery and other rivers.

Among the Namputhiries, there were eight sub-divisions; four

Vedic and four non-Vedic. Of this some are considered inferior based
on their functions or region from where they came. They lived in
exuberant comfort and luxury. Potties of South Travancore were
considered slightly inferior. Even though Namputhiries never
amounted to more than one per cent of the population, their place in
traditional society was supreme. A Namputhiri's tenants bow down to
him not simply as a landlord but as their royal liege and benefactor,
their suzerain master, their household deity, their very God on earth.
His person is holy; his directions are commands; his movements are
processions; his meal is nectar. He is the holiest of human beings. He

is the representative of God on earth2.

Kshatriyas and Nairs

The Kshatriyas occupied position next to Namputhiries in the

social ladder. They were either rulers or chieftains or associated with
the ruling families. There were eight classes of Kshatriyas in Kerala
from very early times; Maha Raja, Rajaka, Koil Thampurans, Thampan,
Sripurogama Thirumulpad, Bhandari, Tirumulpad and Samanta.
Among them also there was no social equality.

According to the caste hierarchy the Nairs ranked below the

Kshatriya groups. The Nairs constituted the largest single caste in
Kerala. In 1816 they were 30.32 per cent of Kerala's total

population3. In 1854 it rose to 30.43 per cent 4. Some of them were

rich, some served the Namputhiries and some others formed the State
militia. There were many sections and sub-sections among them. All of
them were not given recognition as Nairs proper. According to the Jati
Nirnaya, Nairs are divided into 18 sections. Of this only first 14
constitute high-caste Nairs. In 1881 there were more than 130
subdivisions of Nairs in Travancore and Malabar5. The main titular
suffixes of Nairs are Pillai, Chempakarman, Thampi, Kartavu, Kurup,
Kaimal, Unnithan, Valiathan, Nambiyar, Kitavu, Nayanar, Achan,
Menon, Enokki, Muttan, Panikkar, Manavalar, Perimar, Patiar, Pralar,
Arimbrar, Taravanar and Mannatiar.

Antarala Castes

The Antarala castes have three divisions; Nampidi. Ambalavasi

and Samanta. Nampidies are of two classes the thread wearing
Nampidies and the non-thread wearing Nampidies. Ambalavasies
consist of Atikal, Chakkiyar Nambiyar, or Unni, Thiyyattunni,
Pisharati, Variyar, Putuval and Marar. Under Samanta come Unithiri
and Atiyoti. Occupation of Ambalavasies was temple service like
preparing flower garlands to adorn the idols and gathering of flowers,
sweeping the inner premises of temples, etc. It is said that the
Unithiri and the Adiyodi were children of Nair women by Kshatriya
husbands. These castes are known as Antarala because they are
supposed to occupy an intermediate position between Kshatriyas and
Nairs. In order of social precedence, after the Antaralas comes the low
caste Nairs. In it there are three sub divisions, Chaliyan, Veluttedan
and, Velakkitalavan.

Polluting Castes

According to the caste hierarchy that prevailed, the Kammalans

came below the low-caste Nairs. They are polluting castes with graded
distance. The Kammalans consist of six sub-divisions, namely

Kallasari, Kollan, Marasari, Musari, Tattan and Tolkollan 6. Some

recognize Chembottis also who made idols with copper for various
temples. They are, therefore, supposed to be above the Kammalans in
social status. The blacksmiths made household articles like key, lock,
etc. and agricultural implements of various kinds. The Musaris made
almost all sorts of household utensils in bronze.
 Next section among the polluting castes consists of eleven
subdivisions. They are the Ezhavan, Valan, Arayan, Mukkuvan,
Marakkan, Kaniyan, Vilkurup, Panan, Velan, Pulluvan and Paravan. Of
these Ezhavas constituted the largest single group among the
polluting castes. Planting and rearing coconut trees and toddy tapping
were their traditional occupations. They were divided into Pandi and
Malayalam. The Malayalam Ezhavas are again divided into four
exogamous groups; Muttillam, Madampi or Pallichal, Mayyanatti and
Chozhi. The Ezhavas were able to command the sympathy and
respect of various sections of people both native and foreign.

Buchanan described them as a stout handsome industrious race 7.

Padmanabha Menon stated that the Ezhavas in nineteenth century are
a cautious and industrious community striving for social, industrial

and intellectual advancement8. Thurston states that Ezhavas formed

a pious and orthodox Hindu caste. Though they could not enter the
inner courtyard of temples, they went to temples in considerable
numbers and made pious offerings.

Valan and Arayan are fishing castes. It is said that the name
Valan comes from the word Vala which means 'in a tank.' Valans have
a status superior to Arayans. The Mukkuvans were also fishermen. All
these castes are divided into different exogamous groups. Those from
the north consider Mukkuvans in South Kerala inferior. Kaniyans are a
caste of astrologers and have two endogamous sections; one was the
umbrella-makers and the other spirit excorcisers. Their groups from
southern and northern parts of the State did not have equal social
status. There was no inter-marriage, nor inter dining between them.
Vilkurups are a group, which made bows and arrows. They were also
the priests and barbers of the Kammalans. Panans also known as
Malayans were the exorcists and devil dancers. They have many sub-
divisions. The Pulluvans were singers in serpent groves and were
astrologers, medicine men and priests. They believed in magic and
sorcery and were further divided into exogamous groups. The Panan
was the barber of the polluting caste above Cherumans. The Velans
are the washer men of the low castes. They also practice magic and
sorcery and were divided into many sub classes. Their chief
occupation was the giving of mattu cloth to Brahmins, Kshatriyas
Antarala castes, Nairs, Kammalans and Ezhavas, for wearing before
going to bathe on the day on which they are freed from pollution.
There were three castes under the name Paravan speaking Tamil,
Malayalam and Canarese. The first group is fishermen; the second
shell collectors, lime-burners and gymnasts and the third umbrella
makers and devil dancers.

Slave Castes

Next came the Agricultural laborers. They are Slave Castes. In

1881 they constituted about 13% of the population 9. This consisted of

the castes Kanakkan, Kutan, Pulayan also known as Cheruman,
Parayan and Vettuvan. Most of them have endogamous sub divisions.
When a member of these castes die, the landlord gives a spade to dig
a grave, an axe or knife for cutting wood to serve as fuel if the corpse
is to be burned, a piece of cloth for the dead body and also some
paddy and millet to meet the funeral expenses.

Pulayan is also known as Cheruman and Cherumakkal. The word

Cheruman refers to the sons of the soil. Cherumakkal is a compound
of Cher and Makkal. Cher means wet soil or mud and Makkal means
'children'. Another interpretation is Chira means bund and Makkal
that is people who live on the bunds of fields. They were agricultural
serfs who lived on the land of their master. In Malabar they consisted

of 39 divisions10. The position of the Pulayas became deplorably low

at the end of nineteenth century. They were regarded merely as
agricultural instruments in the hands of the landlords. Every morning
the master's agent summons them to work in their fields for ploughing
drawing water from wells, and in short doing the whole of the
cultivation. In the evening a certain quantity of unhusked-rice is
distributed to them as wages.

In the order of precedence the Parayan comes next to Cheruman.

They were not allowed to walk near the houses of higher caste people.
Nor were they allowed to walk along the public road. They took bath
rarely and ate cattle flesh. The Parayas have also sub groups. They
were bought and sold like buffaloes, and made to work all day for a
little rice and kept at a distance as they were polluted; and they were
in a position of subservience and deep degradation not vitally differing

from that of the Pulayas11 . Vettuvans are also agricultural serfs.

They do works related to agriculture, like plowing, sowing, weeding,
transplanting, pumping water, keeping plants and reaping them. They
also have many sub sections. The one piece of cloth supplied annually
by masters, to whose plantations they are attached, forms the dress
both for males and females. Ullatans and Nayatis were known as
Chandalas of the plains and Malayans and Katans as Chandalas of the
forest. They may not touch water and if they do so, must fast for a day.
It follows that they were extremely filthy. The Nayatis are hunters
and were placed in the lowest ladder among the Hindu castes of
Kerala. They were banished from the villages, and lived on the low
hills near the cultivated lands, a bush or rock being their only shelter.
They preferred to live in isolated condition and covered their
nakedness with strings made of leaves and plants. Malayar also
known as Katar were hill men and jungle men. All of them were
divided into various sub clans each claiming superiority over the
other.

The working of the caste system in Kerala revealed several

strange contradictions as well. In addition to the many castes, there
were a bewildering variety of sub-castes within the framework of each
caste including those of Nairs and Ezhavas, each of the sub-castes
having its own rank in the social scale. The restrictions on inter-
marriage and inter-dining applied not merely to the relations between
different castes but also in respect of the relations between different
sub-castes. The Ezhavas and other castes that had the grievance that
they were being denied temple entry by the high caste Hindus
themselves denied admission to the members of their sub castes and
the Scheduled Castes and Tribes into temples owned by them.

It is very difficult for one from outside to get a clear concept of

the caste system of ancient Kerala. In India the number of castes and
sub castes differed from region to region. But their number remained
almost static. At the same time in Kerala the 64 castes of Jati Nirnaya
have grown to 200 as per later Census Reports. It means that the
process of forming castes and sub castes was a continuous process in
the region. Each caste residing in a specific pocket of a region is the
common custom of Indian villages at that time. This nature can be
found in Kerala's neighboring regions of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.
But there only touching amounted to pollution. But in no region in
India the distance between different castes as in Kerala was
prescribed for pollution. We can understand this if we refer to the
Gazetteers prepared by Britishers for Tirunelveli, Madurai, Neelagiri,
Coaimbatoor, and Salem etc. But when we refer Malabar Gazetteer
prepared by them in the same period we come upon long descriptions

of beliefs and customs on distance pollution12 .

Untouchablity

It is difficult to define the untouchability practised in Kerala. It

was a kind of reciprocal polluting mechanism. It consisted of all those
taboos imposed upon the lower castes and slave communities by the

upper castes especially Brahmins13. The untouchable castes are those

who suffer from various social and political disabilities, many of which

are traditionally prescribed and socially enforced by higher castes14.

Untouchables are those castes that are subject to some disabilities in
every sphere of life - social, political, religious, and economic. The
caste arrangement in Kerala was quite dissimilar to the rest of the
Indian situation15. Even among untouchable classes the arrogance of
caste has full influence and if a slave of the Paraya caste touched a
Pulaya he is defiled by it. It was a shame that even the untouchables

maintained untouchability among them16.

Degrees of Pollution

The caste rules operated in the most irrational manner. People at

all levels of Hindu society observed the triple social evil of
untouchability, un approachability and un seeability. The concept of
pollution assumed serious dimensions and came to be applied not only
in the relations between different castes in Hindu society but also in
the relations between different subgroups among the same caste and
also between Hindus and non-Hindus. In nineteenth century Kerala
even if one from low caste stands at a distance he can pollute. If a
Namputhiri sees one of lower caste at a distance of 100 feet he will

get polluted and has to undergo purification process 17. The degree of
pollution followed for each group in the nineteenth century reveal the
extend to which the social situation got deteriorated,

Among the Brahmins, the Muttat and Elayat polluted each other
by touch. A touch of Nampidi, one of the Antarala castes, polluted the
Brahmins and the Kshatriyas and so they did not accept water from
the Nampidies. Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Nampidies would not take
water from Ambalavasies. Members of most of the castes would take
bath if they touched one another. A touch of high caste Nair polluted
Brahmins. Even the mere sight of one belonging to Pulaya or Nayadi
caste was enough to make a Namputhiri consider himself polluted.
Kshatriyas, Antaralas and low caste Nairs polluted all castes above
them. The low caste Nairs polluted one another by touch.
Velakkathalavan had birth and death pollution for only ten days, while
high caste Nairs and others had pollution for fifteen days. Low caste
Nairs were allowed to go only within the outer enclosure of temples.
Kallasari, Kollan, Marasari, Musari and Tattan were polluted by touch
of Tolkollan.

A Kshatriya has to keep a minimum distance of 12 feet and Nair

24 feet from a Namputhiri Brahmin18. The approach of the eleven

polluting castes from Ezhavan to Paravan varying between thirty six to
hundred feet polluted the Brahmins. The Ezhavas were said to pollute
a Nair from twelve paces. The Kanakkans have to keep a distance of
forty-eight feet from high caste Hindus. They polluted Ezhavas by
touch. They polluted the Kammalans and the Valans at a short
distance. They were not allowed to approach the temples controlled by
the upper castes. The Kutans had to keep at a distance of forty-eight
feet from the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and high caste Nairs and the
Antaralas. But Pulayas, Nayatis and Ullatans polluted Kutans within a
prescribed distance. In the southern parts of the erstwhile Cochin
State, the Pulayas had to keep at a distance of ninety feet from
Brahmins and sixty-four feet from Nairs.

When Pulayas meet a person of superior caste he must stand at a

distance of thirty feet. If he comes within this prohibited distance, his
approach is said to cause pollution, which is removed only by bathing
in water. A Pulaya cannot approach a Brahmin village or temple, or
tank. If he does that purification of the place becomes necessary. Even
while using the public road, if he sees his lord and master he has to
leave the road and walk, even if it may be in the mud, to avoid his
masters displeasure by accidentally polluting him. To avoid polluting
the passer by, he has to repeat the unpleasant sound 'Oh, Oh' while
walking through any road. The condition of lower castes was
intolerable in the native States of Cochin and Travancore, where
Brahmin influence was high. In Palghat untouchables cannot enter the
bazaar.

Nayatis, Parayas and Ullatans polluted the Pulayas. The Parayas

were asked to keep 128 feet distance from Brahmins. The most
interesting fact here is that though the distance required to keep from
the Brahmins is double the distance required of the Pulaya, the
Parayans would not receive food at the hands of the Pulayas. A
Vettuvan who is polluted by a Nayati or Ullatan has to fast for seven
days, subsisting on water, tender coconuts, and toddy. On the eighth
day he has to bathe, and take his regular meals. As the Vettuvans are
Chandalas, any distance less than sixty-four feet will pollute the
higher castes. They stand at a distance of twenty-four feet from
Kammalan. Nayatis and Ullatans stand far from them. If a Nayati
polluted a man, he had to bathe in seven streams and tanks and let out

some blood from his little finger19. Ullatans, Nayati, Malayan and
Katan polluted Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Nairs and the Antarala castes by
approach within a radius of sixty-four feet. A Veta polluted the road
while he was upon it, but a Pulaya, polluted the road by which he had

gone20. People believed that the low caste people were not to be seen

by them on auspicious days21.

Those who toiled in the fields from dawn to dusk were under paid.
Even the meager payments of wages were disbursed far away from

the high caste landowner on account of the fear of pollution 22. After
coming into contact with a low caste or a European, a high caste
Hindu must take bath and perform certain rituals and expiation before
he dares to eat, drink or even swallow his saliva. It was believed that

if this dictum was violated they would become blind and deaf 23.
Mateer narrates an interesting incident in which a low caste physician
has to treat a high caste youth who was seriously ill. In his attempt to
diagnose and treat the youth the physician has to go close to examine
the patient. After that withstanding the suffering and danger the

patient was forced to bathe in cold water for purification 24. C

Kesavan mentions an example called Erinjadi, a way in which high
caste teachers used to protect their purity when punishing students

from polluting castes25. While beating the student using cane there is
a moment when the cane touches the body of the teacher as well as
the student. It was believed that when all three are in contact impurity
would be transmitted from student to the teacher through the stick.
So while beating at that specific moment in which the cane touches
the students' body, teacher used to throw the stick forcefully instead
of holding the other end to avoid getting polluted.

Besides one can get polluted by breathing the same air. A lower
caste on a windy day could wreak pure havoc. Just seeing someone
who was lower than a Nair could also pollute a Nair. In the interior of
Malabar, where palanquins were used to carry people from one
tarawad to another, the palanquin bearers used to chant "Ha- Ha-Ha-
Ha" every weary step on the way. This was a warning to lower castes
that a Nair was approaching. The Ezhavas, Parayas and others
answered with "Hom. Hom, Hom" to let them know that they were
there and keeping their prescribed distances. But one could never be
sure that one had not been polluted and a bath and for long journeys a
purification process was always considered essential on getting back
home.

Denial of entry into temples was one of the several disabilities

experienced by the low castes. It has become an accepted custom
that when deities of temples were taken out on ceremonial occasions
through public roads, the Ezhava and other polluting castes were not
allowed to approach the procession but were kept at some distance so
as not to pollute the deity. They were also prohibited from using the
road anywhere near the temples. Ward and Connor were shocked by
the unparalleled severity of caste observation in Kerala. An indelible
line here separates the different ranks and in no part of India were the

unnatural divisions so strongly marked, so anxiously regarded26.

This system made the daily routine of the people of the villages of
Kerala as well as the communication between various groups entirely
different from elsewhere in India. This has resulted not only in
destroying the available living facilities but also in preventing the use
of such facilities. So in Kerala there were no public grasslands, public
tanks, public canals, public roads or any such things that form part of
the modern village life. For the Namputhiri 90 % of the people were
polluting castes. In the caste system 2/3 of the people have to keep
distance from different higher castes. And they have to produce the
food materials for the upper castes. This is something beyond our

power to imagine now27.

Religion

The aborigines of the land were reduced and ridiculed by the

Namputhiries through religiously degrading them. It was another
instance of impoverising them mentally and spiritually. Attractive
ancient places of worship of low castes were converted into
Brahminical institutions. Many Buddhist and Jain temples were
transformed into Hindu places of worship in the tenth and twelfth
centuries. Examples are Sabarimala, Kodungalloor, Takazhi and
Thirucharanthau Malai. Buddha was renamed as Sastha and
Padmavathi Devi of Jains as Parvathi.

The remaining Gods of the low castes were condensed and

malformed into demons and were named as Madan, Chathan, Kali,
Arukola etc. Nair temples also were that of Madan Thampuran,
Yakshi, Kuttichathan etc. Low castes were not permitted to worship
the higher-level gods. Kammalans worshipped many deities such as
Thikutti, Parakutti, Kala Bhairavan, etc. The enlightened among them
worshipped Brahma, the Creator. Parayas became the devil
worshippers. Vettuvans worshipped Chathan, Gulikan, Karimkutty,
Parakutty, Kappiri and Kandakaranan. Pulluvans worshipped many
inferior deities like Velayudhan, Rahu, Muni, Chathan, Mukkan,
Karinkutti, Parakutti and others. The Kanakkans worshiped deities
like Chathan. Pulayas were spirit worshippers. Pulayas were animist
but they adopted the higher forms of worship earlier than others.
Their gods were Parakutty, Karinkutty, Chathan, and the spirits of
their ancestors known as Chavars. The low castes were not only
prohibited from entering the temples of higher Gods but also could not
go near them or use the nearby roads and had to keep distance when
temple processions were there.

Marriage and Family

The Namputhiries were very intelligent and shrewd enough to

foresee things and they designed the family system and marriage rule
for all castes including theirs carefully preserving their elevated
position in society. They did not like to grow in number and so, took
care to keep their number static. Their marriage system and the law
of inheritance were designed and worked out to this end. To keep the
family property intact, they set up a rule that only the eldest son
should take a Namputhiri wife, and that all the junior members should
solace themselves by forming temporary laisons with Kshatriya or
Nair girls. The issues of these fugitive unions with low castes
following the matrilineal system of inheritance were no burden upon
the Namputhiri father, but had to be supported by the girl's family. So
they cleverly escaped from the burden of bringing up their children.
The marriage of a Namputhiri boy with a Namputhiri girl was known
as Veli, and that of a Namputhiri boy with a Kshatriya or a Nair girl
was called Sambandham, a mere alliance.

These are deliberately fashioned arrangements to give full

satisfaction for the Namputhiries' passion for life at the cost of lower
castes. When the Zamorin marries he must not cohabit with his bride,
says Hamilton, till the Namputhiri or chief priest has enjoyed her; and,
if he pleases may have three nights of her company, because, the first
fruit of her nuptials must be a holy oblation to the god he worships;
and some of the nobles are so compliant as to allow the clergy the
same tribute .
 But in the case of Namputhiri women, the whole picture was
unattractive. As the eldest male member in the family, only could
marry from inside the caste, a large number of eligible Namputhiri
women were destined to live unmarried and die as virgins . Child
marriage and dowry system were also prevalent among the
Namputhiries.

Marumakkathayam

Joint family system and the Marumakkathayam or matrilineal

system of inheritance was in existence among many caste groups of
Kerala including Kshatriyas and Nairs. Their family was commonly
described by the term tarawad. In Marumakkathayam a man belonged
to his mother's family. Father was a comparatively less important
figure. His properties would not go to his sons and daughters but will
go to his sister's children. Though the descent was by mother's side,
the management of the tarawad property was vested in the hands of
the eldest male member of the woman's family, known as karanavan
whose authority in the family was unquestioned.

Talikettu Kalyanam

Most forms of marriages in traditional Kerala among all castes

were very expensive. There were ceremonies and rituals that
extended for two or three days. Talikettu Kalyanam was prevalent
among most of the castes. It was to be conducted before a girl attains
puberty on the failure of which her family would be excommunicated.
Usually it was performed at the age of eleven and was more expensive
than the marriage ceremony. The fact that the head of the family was
allowed to alienate Tarawad property for the proper conduct of that
function shows the nature of expenses and pomp of this ceremony. It
was not obligatory for the girl to marry the same person who tied the
tali or even to retain the tali. At the same time, if the girl so desired,
there was no objection in accepting him as her husband. It was
believed that the virginity of the girl ceased with the performance of
the Talikettu Kalyanam. It was practised also by many lower castes
including Pulayas.

Sambandham and Divorce

Sambandham also known as Pudavakoda is the type of marriage

of some castes including Kshatriyas and Nairs. The meeting of the
bride and the bridegroom was not essential and some times they saw
each other only at the time of the marriage. If their horoscopes agreed
their heads of families decided the marriage without consulting the
concerned. Regarding the legal validity of Sambandham union there
are different views. The main problem among Nairs was that the
husband of a Nair woman was not always from Nair caste. If the
husband happened to be a Namputhiri, the validity of the union
became confused, because the Nair wife followed Marumakkathayam
system and the Namputhiri husband followed Makkathayam system.
The Nair woman's children by the Namputhiri got their mother's
property, while the Namputhiri's children by his Namputhiri wife got
their father's property. This means that the Namputhiri's children by
the Namputhiri wife got the benefit of the right to inheritance under
Makkathayam system, but the same right was denied to his children
by the Nair wife, throwing in to nullity even their paternity. These
children were also considered untouchable by Namputhiri father. All
these norms and rules were framed, only to protect the interest of the
Namputhiries at the cost of the lower castes. Sambandham was
prevalent also among many lower castes including the Pulayas.

Divorce was easy and common among Nairs. A marriage lasted

only as long as the parties wished. In order to terminate it they did
not have to go through any disgusting processes. All that the woman
had to do, if she was tired of her husband, was to put his sandals
outside the house, which meant that he was no longer welcome. Nair
women were so proud that they would not go and live with their
husbands; it was for them to go to their women.
 Hypergamy, Polyandry and Polygamy

Hypergamy was prevalent in Kerala. It was very common among

the Kshatriyas, the Ambalavasies and the Nairs. According to the
customs that existed Namputhiries could consort with the Antarala,
Kshatriya and Nair women. So Innes observed that it is difficult to see
any material difference in blood between Namputhiries themselves
and those lower castes eventhough they styled themselves Nair,
Samanta or Kshatriya and followed the Marumakkathayam system

restricting their women folk to Namputhiri consorts30. The Antaralas

and the Kshatriyas also were permitted to consort with Nair women.
The Nairs could consort with women belonging to sub divisions of
their caste held to be lower than their own like those who reared
cattle. But they were not allowed to consort with women of sub
divisions whose touch would impart pollution. However in no case a
woman belonging to higher class was permitted to consort with a man
of lower class. The Madras Census Report 1901, refers to the form of
hypergamy between different castes which existed on the West Coast,
where women of castes equal to or higher than Nairs were prohibited
from forming unions with men of castes below them in rank though
the men of these castes are not similarly restricted.

It is considered that polyandry and Marumakkathayam were

introduced by Namputhiries. Polyandry existed among the Nairs and
many other castes. One opinion regarding how the Nairs came to be
polyandrous is connected with their martial habit. The Nairs were
good fighters and military men. Wives and children are burdens to
military men. Their life is different from that of others in many
respects. Military men like to be free from all kinds of family
attachment. They are less encouraged to marry. Only one brother,
usually the eldest one in the family, got married; others remained
bachelors. But the woman so married had to serve as the wife of her
husband's brothers also and satisfy them sexually
 Among Kammalans, carpenters and blacksmiths in Calicut,
Walluvanad and Ponnani Taluks, several brothers have one wife for

them31. There was a belief among the Kammala women that the

more husbands they had the greater would be their happiness 32.
Kaniyans used to have one wife in common among several brothers.

Panikkans also practised polyandry33. Polygamy was in existence

among the many castes including Velans, Parayas and others.34

Sex and Moral Code

Many foreigners also have recorded that sexual relations in

traditional Kerala was very loose. Historians are still confused about
the marriage customs and family life the Kshatriyas and Nairs

followed till the beginning of the 20 th century. They believed that the
Nair women of the period were not having any strict sex code and
they lead an uncontrolled and unregulated life in matters of sex. This
opinion was formed due to various customs and ceremonies followed
during the nineteenth century.

Abdul Razak, Castenheda, Varthema and Nicolo Conti have

expressed similar views. Some of them said that as in the Andamans,
women were public property in certain parts of Malabar and that after
the tali kettu kalyanam was over, the mother would invite various men
to cohabit with her daughter, that Namputhiries had the preference in
this, and that if a sword was found outside the room of the woman, her
husband and other paramours would know that a man was inside and
they would go away. The accounts of some of the foreign travellers on
polyandry in Kerala can make anyone disgusted. According to Barbosa
the status of a woman in Malabar society depended on the number of

her husbands35. Buchanan states that women of aristocratic Nair

families were in the habit of boasting of the number of Brahmins and

Kshatriyas who were included in their list of husbands36.

 The proper salutation from a female to persons of rank was to

uncover the bosom37. The Nair women used shoulder cloth to cover
their breast but this was to be removed before temple idols and caste
superiors. On one occasion, a Nair woman appeared before the
Zamorin of Calicut's lady; with her breasts concealed, and they were
cut off, as the wearing of a bodice before one belonging to such a
higher group was considered immodest. Any who were recalcitrant to
the sexual designs of the Namputhiri were subjugated to slavery and
ostracism in Kerala.

The foreign accounts may not be fully true; but the situation was
very bad. The situation has not improved much in the nineteenth
century also. Even in 1815 Travancore government implemented some

caste rules that forced women not to cover their breasts. 38 By custom
the Nair men also have to go uncovered above waist.

Economic Condition

In the nineteenth century it was a priest centered economic

system in Kerala. It was the result of the land grants of the Kings. The
Namputiries were having considerable knowhow in various fields. It
was their spiritual authority, solar calendar, Ayurvedic medicine and
above all their superior technology of agrarian management, which

brought them royal grants39. Due to this the kings elevated them to
the pinnacle of the caste order of the land and thus they became
landlords. It enabled them to control the economic relations of the
land by interpreting ancient texts according to their interests and
justifying their hegemony over the land. So the Namputhiri
settlements and temple corporations controlled the major portion of
agrarian land of the region. The primitive and discriminatory practices
caused the development of autoratic village economy. The narrow and
shortsighted laws, exclusive legislations and oppressive monopolies
effectually hindered extension of trade, the growth of commerce and
efficiency of agriculture, while barbarous caste restriction produced

disunion and national weakness40.

Taxes were primitive in character. High castes were totally

exempted from taxation while tax was collected from every low caste
on different grounds. The caste barriers and disabilities not only
slowed down the all round development of the land but also pushed
back its economic advancement. It helped in the grabbing of the
available resources of the land by the high caste that resulted in the
birth of a society based on the terms of unequal distribution of wealth.
As comforts of life were ruled aside as forbidden fruits to lower caste
people who formed majority of the population the system reduced the
scope of the industrial growth and economic progress. The industrial
potential of the land remained unutilized.

Slavery

The highly hierarchical society of Kerala practised slavery in the

most vulgar and brutal manner. In India the origin of slavery was
closely associated with the inception of the caste system, which in
turn was based on a hierarchical social order. The whole structure
was given a religious halo and holy garb. Slavery is common to a great
degree in the West Coast; but its extent is comparatively greater, and
the prejudices of the people render the degradation it entails more

complete41. Slavery in its worst form was practised in Kerala. The

Namputhiries enslaved and subdued all other castes in one way or
other.

In Kerala slavery and serfdom went hand in hand while in the rest
of the world the latter replaced the former. The condition of the slaves
was horrible. Madras Census Commissioner in 1871 states that 'in
times prior to British rule, the whole of the Paraya community were

the slaves of superior castes42. Almost all the inferior agricultural

tribes were in a similar position. Logan43 narrates the details of

slavery that existed in Kerala and the measures taken by British
Government to abolish the same. In an article on hill tribes of

Travancore Mr. Conner44 states that 'in earlier times the murder of a
slave was scarcely considered a crime. The deed of transfer goes to
say 'you may sell or kill him or her'. Of the slavery on west coast an
excellent account is given by Mateer who states that every wealthy
man and even individuals of inferior caste have a number of bondsmen
born in slavery. In 1853 the number of slaves in Malabar district was
144000 and in 1842 it was 159000 in Travancore. About 11% of the

total population in Travancore during 1842 was slaves45. The price of

a slave was three rupees and eight annas. The number of persons
originally reduced to a state of slavery was increased by the sale of
children in times of famine and distress. Thanda Pulayans of Cochin
have been slaves till 1854 when they were emancipated. Even after
that their condition has not undergone any material improvement.
They have to work for farmers or landlords for daily wages of paddy. If
they ran away they were brought back and punished. Their masters

sold their service also and benefited from its returns 46. Paraya slaves
of a Namputhiri were treated as superior to other slaves on account of
the sacred master's position and rank.

Even though slavery was banned in 1820 it continued to exist.

Through a long period of customary regulations and social taboos the
slave communities were impoverished of dignity and were forced and
subjected to social as well as religious humiliation by a dominant
minority.

Education

Till the end of the nineteenth century proliferation of knowledge

was restricted in Kerala society47. The exchange of knowledge was a

caste-based process. The concept of formal education that was
approachable to all was not at all there. The basic producers of this
land were virtually deprived of the right to acquire textual knowledge.
Agricultural workers remained totally illiterate. Even though a
microscopic minority of Ezhavas, Shannars and Nadars, subaltern
castes above the basic producers acquired a minimum knowledge of
reading and writing, they did not have any facilities to proceed
further. So their educational standard remained low in the nineteenth
century. Namputhiries maintained salais for their education from
early times, which were very much like present universities. Nairs
maintained kalaris for educating children who rarely went beyond the
teaching and practice of martial arts. For other castes even such
systems were not there.

Law and Justice

The Kerala society in the 19th century was not based on the
principles of social freedom and equality. The low castes were not
entitled to enjoy any civil liberties. There was no free and fair
administration of justice. Caste Tribunals decided on offences inside
the caste. For inter caste offences feudal lords or priests administered
justice. Justice was administered on the basis of Vyavaharamalika, a
smrithi text of customary laws based on caste equations as interpreted

by Namputhiries48. Many customs and precedents of the land were

also considered as law according to convenience 49. In this judicial

arrangement Namputhiri hegemony was predominantly reflected and

they were regarded as the super custodians of the commandments 50.

They only had the authority to interpret the law and pronounce
judgments. So the all-powerful priestly class who were also the feudal
lords were the interpreters of law and they did it according to their
whims and fancies in the most discriminatory manner. The
Namputhiries as a class were outside the orbit of the law of the land.
Men of high caste found guilty were given comparatively light
punishments while ruthless punishments were served on low caste
offenders even for simple or trivial offences. A criminal from
Namputhiri caste was never given capital punishment. But if he was a
low caste he was hanged, or beheaded even for petty crimes like

stealing coconut51. So the low caste people with no legitimate social

or religious hold were the genuine victims in the judicial frame work
of pre modern Kerala. Without a well-defined judicial system and
written codes of law, administration of justice was arbitrary and
ruthless. Ordeals like weighing, fire, oil, poison etc became the
inastruments of judicial justice.

Apart from promoting the observance of untouchability in a

barbarous manner, the caste system also operated in such a way as to
confer on the high caste Hindus certain special immunities and
privileges and to deny to the low castes even the most elementary

human rights52. The social outcastes who were the most unfortunate
sections of the society were not entitled to enjoy any civil liberties and
rights . Holding of umbrellas was prohibited to all castes except
Brahmins on public occasions, even when the rains were pouring upon
them. The lower castes that formed the majority of the population
were subjected to untold social and economic miseries, all because of
the supposed caste inferiority. In fact every Hindu ruler of the region
as in other regions of the country was directed and led by a strong
Brahmin minority, giving a highly orthodox theocratic character to the
rule. As a result of the special rights granted to the upper castes in
their hierarchical order of merit, the Hindu society in Kerala
functioned as a feudal organization. Its balanced functioning required
a dead weight of caste inferiors to be permanently chained at its base.
The intellectual life was barred to low caste people by the denial of
school admission. They were also denied opportunity in the public
services.

Feudal Psychology

The Namputhiries were shrewd enough to foresee the socio-

economic and political developments. It was their intention to be
masters of the other castes in all matters including spiritual affairs.
They tried their best to convince that what they said or did was
correct and unquestionable. They prescribed and imposed different
patterns of life for different castes. One of the mediums they used for
this was literature. Kerala Mahathmyam, Vyavaharamalika etc are
such works of Namputhiries. They gave a scheme and laws with the
malicious plan to keep the lower castes under custody and to make
the life of the Namputhiries luxurious and comfortable.

Conversion for Freedom

The lower castes found themselves to be between two choices at

the end of nineteenth century. On one side there were intolerable
social prohibitions and disabilities as well as the insulting and
humiliating behaviour of the high castes. On the other side the dream
world of equality promised by the missionaries who came with the
support of the British Empire and the local rulers who subdued before
them. This attraction and all the unjust customs prevalent supported
conversion of Hindus to other religions.

As punishment high caste women were given to the fishermen or

the Mohammedans. The women touched by low caste people or those
from other religions, not by their own fault, were made outcastes and
have to accept Islam or Christianity for their existence. Even among
low castes such customs were prevalent. The Velan woman
committing adultery with a member of a lower caste was sent out of
caste and she may then become a Christian or Mohammedan convert.

Unjust norms related to the caste helped the Christian

missionaries. It was difficult to break the walls separating castes. So
lower caste people found nothing to lose by leaving Hindu religion.
On the other hand there were many things to gain. To continue as
Hindu was to continue forever as a low caste or a suppressed one. So
for those from the lower caste the missionaries came with an offer of
freedom from all the existing evils. They happily responded to the call.
It was only natural that Hindus, especially those from the lower
castes, joined Christianity and other religions in groups everywhere.
And more were on the verge of accepting this. The caste based
disabilities weekened Hinduism and helped Christianity. Hindu
population decreased.

Even the number of temples decreased. As conversion was at

high rate among lower castes their temples were deserted or
destroyed. The missionaries cleverly utilized caste oppression,
poverty and starvation. The low caste people accepted Christianity
temporarily for material benefits but later they permanently merged

into the Christian religion53. In 1860 during the famines Hindu

families in large groups accepted Christianity. At one instance 4000
people got converted. They destroyed their temples in which they
used to worship till then. In the year 1816 there were about 19524
temples of all kinds and their number came down to 9364 in 1891 of

which majority was that of high castes 54. It was at such a time that
Chattampi Swami and Narayana Guru were born in Kerala.

This in brief, was the social and religious condition of Kerala in the
last half of nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth
century. One of the classic studies on society and polity of Kerala up
to nineteenth century on this aspect is the book on caste system and

Kerala History by P K Balakrishnan55. It gives a detailed history of

caste system from very ancient times up to 1850. Even though he has
narrated things as they were in the Kerala society during that time,
the situation was so bad that one who reads the book will feel things
to be exaggerated or that the author is dealing with the subject in a
sarcastic manner. The society was noted for its gross inequalities and
injustice and it needed strong and powerful leaders to sow the seeds
of reform. According to Balakrishnan during the period of 1850 - 90
Kerala society started to undergo a progressive change. The
appearance of a spiritual luminary like Chattampi Swami who
dedicated his life for religious and social reform, was the driving force
behind it.