The Japanese Ethnopole as Determinant

The Effects of the Japantowns on Second-Generation Japanese-Americans

Bruce Makoto Arnold

Presented at: Hard Times in the Arkansas Delta: 1942-1945: The Japanese American

Internment Camps, Fayetteville, AR, February 19, 2009

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Examining the lives lived by nisei during their formative youth demonstrates that those who

grew up in the shadow of a Japantown developed a unique and strong "Nisei Mindset" that could

not be identified as truly Japanese or truly American. Unlike their rural, farming counterparts,

nisei who grew up within or near a Japantown were raised in a more eclectic atmosphere that

exposed them to both their parent's strict sense of upbringing and their community's more

permissive and worldly nature. These nisei were often raised to respect traditional roles and

social mores, but were also exposed to both American culture as well as the cultures of a city's

many ethnic minorities. Because of their location, Japantowns allowed Nisei to grow up

relatively protected from the racial strife surrounding them, but still within full view of its vitriol.

Nihonmachi allowed nisei to easily contrast their parents traditional neo-Confucian worldview

with the more permissive culture of the American city surrounding them. The result was that

nisei were cross-pollinated by their surroundings and became a hybrid species that took on

characteristics of both cultures, without truly being in either.

Who were the nisei? If defined by their numbers, the nisei are a sizable group that were

born over a short period of time. By 1940, there were roughly 72,000 Nisei living on the west

coast and at least one-half of these had grown up with connections to the various west coast

Nihonmachi.1 Thus, Japantowns were directly involved in the upbringing of roughly 36,000 nisei.

However a cultural definition for nisei is rather difficult to fix. Even nisei who attempted to

characterize the group found this to be complicated and problematic to attribute. By virtue of

their American education and training they discern great differences between themselves and the

first generation, and they find, as they mature, that they cannot identify themselves with the

broader community of American citizens of European descent."2 Many found that there was a
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distinctive nisei personality that was defined by a blend of issei tradition and American cultural

mores. It is apparent that the “nisei” personality.

Japanese-American children living in or near a Nihonmachi were often dual-educated,

both in a city's public education system (which was usually muti-ethnic near the J-Towns) and

through a system of Japanese grammar schools. Because of this, the nisei's exposure to Japanese,

American, and other cultures started from a very early age and continued throughout their

educational years. Classroom photographs taken after 1920 in schools such as Rafael Weill

Elementary School on the edge of San Francisco's Japantown showed an ethnic mix of Japanese,

Chinese, and Caucasian.3 In Portland, Japanese students attended two schools located near the

Nihonmachi, which were also attended by a large contingent of Chinese students. The teachers at

Atkinson were mostly Caucasian-American, and none spoke Japanese. Children were often given

approximations of their names such as "Mary" for "Masuko" and "Kowalski" for Kawasaki.4 The

nisei had a low incidence of dropouts and often excelled in areas such as art and music, that were

mostly neglected by the average, Japanese school. By 1937, nisei in Seattle were doing so well

that three were valedictorians and two were salutatorians.5

In order to educate their children in Japanese language and cultural mores, issei in many

Japantowns formed gakuen (grammar schools) that used a Japanese-government-approved

curriculum that stressed Japanese language, geography, history, and cultural values. Although

the grammar schools followed the curriculum prescribed by the Japanese Ministry of Education,

gakuen also worked to ensure that the schools helped acculturate their children as Japanese-

Americans. One of the primary directives for teachers was to help their students "feel pride in

being Japanese-Americans," and nisei were "not forget that" they were "American citizens."6

Gakuen teachers were further instructed to learn more about American culture, politics, and
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industry in order to" help their children to hone "select character traits" such as patriotism and

democratic sympathies "which [would] be suitable to the American nationality.7

Many nisei described their educational experiences in this system as dual-natured. One

nisei remembered that she found herself "switching" her "personality back and forth daily like a

chameleon." At her public school, she found that she was a "jumping, screaming roustabout

Yankee," but at three o'clock, she became a "modest, faltering, earnest little Japanese girl with a

small, timid voice." On the playground at the gakuen, she and the other children "behaved

cautiously" and made sure to avail themselves of filial customs such as bowing to the teacher

"slowly and sanctimoniously."8 At home, Japanese parents continually stressed acculturation into

the American system, but did so through the lens of traditional Japanese values. Steeped in the

language of acculturation and filial piety, issei parents often encouraged their children to

"continue with American higher education…show the Americans your ability…that is your duty

to your parents."9

Outside of school, young nisei were exposed to the American cultural mainstream was

through ever-present civic and cultural organizations that began to form in the Nihonmachi

during the 1920s. In the beginning, these organizations were run by issei, but in time, nisei began

to take over the reins in earnest and adapted the organizations to the needs of their peer group.10

These social venues were "especially important in the context of relations…and provided a vital

alternative for nisei who were often excluded from" other non-Japanese clubs "or unable to

assume leadership positions in them."11

Many of the early organizations set up for Nisei were associated with established national

organizations or local church bodies. Troop 12, the first Japanese-American troop was founded

in1915.12 Although the troop remained fairly small during its initial decade, and influx of nisei
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boys in the mid-1920s saw the troop swell and divide to accommodate the newer members.

Other Japanese Boy Scout Troops were sponsored by nikkei businesses and issei parents, but

were housed in non-Japanese churches. Troops participated in regional jamborees, camping

expeditions, and marched in parades throughout the community with other regional troops

comprised of majority and minority Americans, as well as boys who were recent immigrants to

the area.13

Nisei girls joined girls’ clubs such as the Junior Girl Reserves and the Girl Scouts of

America, which involved them in activities such as hiking, swimming, handicrafts, music, and

indoor and outdoor sports.14 The Japanese YWCA founded and run by more senior nisei women,

beginning in the 1930s, gave young Japanese-American women skills in civic responsibility and

leadership. A pamphlet promoting YWCA programs explained that the organization was "doing

its part in the preparing of young people for the responsibility they will be expected to carry as

they grow older."15

While the Boy Scouts and YWCA were teaching their versions of "universal" values to

nisei, many nisei organizations were also interested in teaching Japanese-American children

about issues that were not central to issei, such as American cultural customs and holidays. Nisei

clubs would often have parties centered around holidays such as Christmas, Thanksgiving, and

Halloween. In one example, in 1926, a Halloween party included a "costume parade, bobbing for

apples in a tub of water, and eating treats such as homemade fudge."16 Organizers of a

Nihonmachi Christmas party ensured that the nisei were exposed to more than one cultural

tradition when they not only ate a traditional Christmas meal, but capped that evening's

festivities off with the breaking of a piñata.17

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For both genders, organizations planned leisure activities that issei parents were too busy

to organize for their families. Visits to the beach or to a park for a picnic were common for nisei

groups. One girls' group went to an ice cream factory where they learned "how they made

Eskimo pies, sundaes, bricks, and last by not least ice cream."18 Recreation for nisei consisted of

both American and Japanese athletics and games. Baseball, golf, basketball, football, and

bowling were sponsored by Japanese businesses and civic and religious organizations.

Additionally, judo, kendo, Odori (dance), sumo (Japanese wrestling), and koto (Japanese harp)

were also very popular with nisei youth.19 One nisei, Brian Niya noticed that the "Japanese-

American…teams and leagues all observed a social function, allowing young nisei…to meet and

social with" their counterparts "in other communities."20 One girl remember watching nisei boys'

club members play and who, in turn, would come to watch the girls play, giving nisei boys and

girls a chance to interact outside the watchful gaze of their more traditional, issei parents, who

often frowned on such types of fraternization.21

Nisei children were also exposed to public civic events in which they would demonstrate

aspects of both their American and Japanese heritage. Organizations such as the Japanese

Association Marching Band, made up of nisei youth from San Francisco's Japantown, performed

both American and Japanese music within and outside of the community.22 Floats such as those

sponsored by the Portland Japanese Community and the Oregon Japanese Farmers' Association

appeared in several of the local Rose Parades. Organizations such as the San Francisco

Japantown community fielded floats and cultural exhibits for the 1939 Golden Gate International

Exposition.23 These floats stressed Japanese-American integration into the community and often

featured American flags and patriotic themes integrated with Japanese cultural icons such as

teahouses, taiko drums, and cherry trees in full blossom.24

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As group interaction between the sexes became more popular, particularly between sister

organizations such as boys' and girls' clubs and the YMCA and YWCA. A resident of the Seattle

Nihonmachi noted that the dances had to be organized by nisei "totally independent of issei

supervision since the latter had little concept of how such events were fashioned in America."

Most issei had ultra-conservative views of dating and supervised the relationships of their

children very closely. Many issei considered dances vulgar, particularly during slow numbers

which forced children to come together in an embrace.25 However, urban issei were also

generally unwilling to cut their children off from an experience that was identifiably "American,"

which meant that these dances and activities "were often settings for the Nisei's first boy-girl

relations."26

As the nisei matured, they began to face considerable dating roadblocks erected both by

their parents and the community. In the Japantowns, many issei parents tried acting, or recruited

other neighborhood issei to act, as intermediaries (baishakunin) between nisei females and males,

but this met with a great deal of resistance by nisei who had grown up in the public schools, fully

aware of more liberal American courting rituals.27 In one incident, nisei Charles Kamayasu was

invited to a dinner party and was seated across from another nisei, Yuki Kuwahara. The issei

host of the banquet turned to him during the meal, pointed to Yuki and asked "Charlie, do you

like her?" Here, the intersection of two cultures clashed, and although he "wasn't particularly

interested in getting married at that time" he relented, remembering "she was sitting across the

table, looking down at her lap. How could I answer no when she was right there?" The host was

pleased and said "Okay, you two get married," and Charlie shook Yuki's hand.28 One couple

began their courtship after meeting during a nisei camping trip. They "got together on different

occasions, parties, or…the YMCA." Later, they started "meeting outside the YMCA" as
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"couples" However, in the end, the woman's parents would not consent to a marriage.29 It turns

out that the male suitor was from a rural farming family that no one in the Nihonmachi knew.

The woman's parents eventually relented when the rural couple sent intermediaries to ask for her

hand in marriage.30 Weddings in Nihonmachi were often dualistic. There was often an American

service to begin with the bride wearing a traditional white wedding dress and then wearing a

traditional kimono later.31

The nisei who grew up in Japantowns were often the children of business proprietors or

on-site managers. Issei-run businesses rarely catered only to ethnic Japanese because they were

often located next to financial, industrial, or transportation centers that brought individuals of

many races into the area. Grocery stores and restaurants run by issei were often frequented by the

locals and blue-collar workers or businessmen during the day while hotels were often the homes

of unattached workers of various ethnicities and races.

Nisei were usually involved in their parents' businesses before they even knew how to

read or write. Because of the various anti-alien acts, issei were unable to purchase land or own

businesses. Issei would purchase land and register it and their businesses in the names of their

nisei children.32 In order to appear "less threatening," these businesses' livery and signs were

often painted and printed without Japanese characters.33 Some went as far as to take American

sounding names, such as Jimmy's Clothes Shop, owned by Masaaki Usuda in Portland, Oregon.34

Japanese grocers such as the Yoshitomis ran the "Rose City Brand" booth at the Portland Public

market.

Churches and other religious organizations in the various Japantowns frequented by the

nisei also displayed similar cultural dualisms to their secular counterparts. The Japanese

government initially recommended and sponsored the establishment of churches to help reduce
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the immoral and vice-ridden lives of the early Japanese men who flocked to an area. In San

Francisco, organizations like the Japanese Presbyterian Church (established in 1885) were

created "teach Japanese immigrants good character and values, which they could take back to

Japan for the advancement of the country."35 Although Christian churches and the various

Japanese religions often bickered with each other in Japan, relationships between the various

Western and Japanese sects and denominations were very cordial.36

Since the churches and missions set up for the early issei stressed harmony and stability

over religious doctrine, many issei came to see them as social rather than religious organization.

The general attitude presented to nisei children indicated that church was a "community activity"

designed for socialization and acculturation. Many issei did not even care whether the religion

was an Eastern or a Western one. One Seattle issei parent "told [his] children that it didn't matter

whether they went to a Christian church or a Buddhist church, but that they should go to some

kind of a church." This issei went to a Congregational Church, but allowed his children to attend

a Methodist Church in order to be with their friends.37

Many of the first churches attended by nisei were often subsets of larger white churches

or were run by white missionaries. These churches or missionary societies held classes that

ranged from basic Bible studies to "lessons in American ways of behavior which the parents

were unable to provide."38 As they grew older, nisei began to take over the instruction of Sunday

schools and vacation bible studies.39

As time progressed, Japanese-American-run churches of all denominations and sects

began promote the involvement of nisei through all stages of their childhoods. For instance,

young nisei women became active in the church generally through clubs known as fujinkai. They

oversaw the social activities within the church,40 which included "refreshments…visitations to
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patients in hospitals, congratulatory obligations, and janitorial services for the hall"41 Fujinkai

were also responsible for charity drives, supplying kitchens, and furnishing a minister's home.42

Exposure to diverse religious, community, civic, and educational message empowered

the nisei to interpret the world around them in ways that were separate from both their issei

parents and their Caucasian-American counterparts. Nisei often recalled that their experiences

within or near the Nihonmachi were often conflicted and associated these with their difficulties

forming a stable and true identity. Difficult communication between issei parents and their nisei

children strained interpersonal relationships. As one nisei woman bluntly stated: "I feel that I

cannot go to my parents for advice…because there is a language barrier between us and I

couldn't make them understand me nor could they make me understand them." She went on to

say that "because of this difficulty…I have to work out my problems by myself."43 Of course,

there was not only a language barrier, but an underlying cultural barrier, as well.

Many issei parents rankled at the lifestyles their nisei children led. One, in particular,

noted disdainfully that Japanese girls growing up in the Nihonmachi "adopted the language and

attire of their [non-Japanese] peers.” But, apparently, the devil lived next door because the issei

also noted that it was the "Japanese-run department stores and beauty salons” that were selling

them the clothes and styling their hair.44 An issei community leader, Akasuki Sakano wrote a

Japanese-American newspaper to complain about those "slick, knock-'em-dead shieks and

[those] painted, red-hot shebas that strut about the streets of Little Tokio."45

Many nisei tried to choose one culture over the other struggled because their siblings or

close friends often demonstrated the opposite cultural characteristics. One male, conflicted

between his parents' traditional values and the looser urban values around him, worried about his

year-younger brother who "broke away" just like "young people…in America." The older
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brother was in high school and he had "to watch [the younger brother] to see that he [went to

school]; he would rather go fishing."46 He also watched his younger sister "who was married in

America make her own arrangements" while, at the same time, viewed his older sister in Japan,

who "was married there according to arrangements made by the family."47 Another eighteen year

old nisei, educated in the U.S., but returned to Japan after her high school graduation, found that

she was thought a "wicked, unruly girl" who felt hat she was not indebted to her mother and

father "for a single thing."48 In the end, she attempted to go back to America even though her

"aunts, father's half sister" and other family members were "trying to do everything in their

power to hinder” her.49

Many nisei felt confused when they found that their peers within the education system

were often accepting of them, while Caucasian adults and the rest of the world around them was

not. This is particularly notable if one compares the experiences of young nisei to their

experiences just a few years later. For instance, one nisei who went to high school near Seattle's

Nihonmachi found that "white people as a rule are very pleasant."50 Another who went to a

school near Los Angeles' Japantown "mingled almost entirely with the American children" when

he was younger but "began to gravitate toward the Japanese pupils" in high school as he “began

to feel slightly uneasy among the Americans."51 Another felt Another Nisei felt that he had

"encountered few, practically no prejudiced feelings among [his] friends" and "was treated with

kindness and equality."52 However, in college, he felt that "professors and the students treat the

Oriental students with some kind of pity, and not with understanding."53After graduation

however, he "bought a bungalow in Belvedere" but was asked within "two weeks" by "two

gentlemen" asked him"politely, but not too cordially, to leave the house as [they] cannot live
 B r u c e M a k o t o A r n o l d - P a g e | 11

among white people."54 Another nisei who went to Stanford "mingled entirely with American

boys…and danced with American girls."55

Many nisei stressed their "Americanness" over their Japanese culture, which gave rise to

a sense of alienation from their mother race. One nisei college student felt a sense of disdain

toward native Japanese, saying that "some of these Japanese students called me snob because I

did not mingle with them…most of them were Japan born and I did not enjoy their company."56

He thought that "in America the young [ethnic Japanese] people tend to break away from their

parents," which he considered a sign of maturity, unlike those who were raised in Japan who

were “immature” by comparison. The same student found that "when any discussion involving

Japan and America comes up, I find myself taking the part of the latter" especially "in connection

with the anti-Oriental agitation; I feel that the Japanese have many faults because they do not

understand the Americans."57 Another deplored the nisei students who came from more

traditional and insular farming communities, saying: "at times I feel sorry for certain

Japanese…as I have gone through the farming districts where I have seen them at their toil and

have considered how narrow their lies must be as they work along day after that, I have really

pitied them."58

The varied and often confusing cultural experiences of the nisei who grew up in or near

America’s multiple Nihonmachi propelled them into a cultural no-man’s-land. Nisei longed for

independence, outlets of individual self-expression, and a chance to explore their Americanness,

but also demonstrated a sense of Eastern filial piety, long-suffering, and quiet acceptance. Frank

Miyamoto, a nisei himself, wrote a summary in the 1930s that defined the nisei as men and

women of "industry" who had "respect for authority…acute sensitivity to the attitudes of others

and a consequent restraint of…behavior in the effort to avoid disapproval" and led lives of
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"cleanliness." Miyamoto noted that nisei often had blunted affects and a tendency to shy away

from emotional duress. Nisei had a "tendency to react inflexibly to new situation" and had

difficulty "controlling emotions and emotional involvement" and a "tendency to employ

euphemisms and round-about expressions to avoid emotionally provocative assertions" Finally,

Miyamoto said that Nisei demonstrated "a high degree of sensitivity to the attitudes of others

toward him, and a tendency to constrain his behavior in order to minimize the risk of

criticism.”59

Further research is needed to more fully understand the gap that existed between urban

nisei and their rural counterparts. Most of the leaders of important nisei organizations, such as

the Japanese American Citizens League, were raised in or around Nihonmachi, as were many of

the successful nisei business, political, civic, and religious leaders before the Second World War.

Most of the leaders who fought against the United States government to bring it to accountability

for its actions during the Second World War were led by men who grew up in Nihonmachi. Nisei

such as Minoru “Min” Yasui, who grew up in Portland’s Nihonmachi, Fred Korematsu, a

product of the small Japanese J-Town in Oakland, and Gordon Hirabayashi, born and raised in

Seattle’s Japanese community, all brought cases against the United States. These nisei brought

closure to the lives of over 120,000 issei, nisei, and sansei (third-generation) Japanese and

Japanese-Americans who were forcibly moved away from their homes, businesses,

neighborhoods, and friends into internment camps located in the most desolate corners of

America. Ironically, but perhaps not uncharacteristically, it was also urban nisei who helped

arrange for the removal of the ethnic Japanese along the coast and encouraged the evacuees to go

peacefully.
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The many Nihonmachi that existed before the Second World War left the United States

with an indelible legacy. They molded and shaped the lives of an entire generation of Americans

who integrated themselves into the fabric of their nation, despite their struggles with what it

meant to be Japanese-Americans. Although the J-Towns contributed to the disassociation felt by

many nisei, they also contributed to the diversity of the urban landscape as well as the American

national character. In this way, the nisei who grew up in the Japantowns were, in fact, wholly

integrated into the myriad experiences that have taken advantage of a mythical, but very real,

national ideal, despite having to endure an equally mythical, but entirely real, American

immigrant experience.
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1
Thomas, et. al, 578.
2
Forrest Emanuel LaViolette, Americans of Japanese Ancestry (New York: Arno Press, 1978), 9.
3
Ibid, 46.
4
George Katagiri, Cannon Kitayama, and Liz Nakazawa, Nihonmachi: Portland's Japantown Remembered,
Edited by Doug Katagiri (Portland: Oregon Nikkei Legacy Center, 2002), 12.
5
Ibid, Daniels, 174, and Glenn 56.
6
Kazu Ito, Issei: A History of Japanese Immigrants in North America, trans. Shinichiro Nakamura and Jean
S. Gerard (Seattle : Japanese community Service, 1973), 589-90 and quoted in Paul R. Spickard, Japanese
Americans: The Formation and Transformations of an Ethnic Group (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1996), 73.
7
Spickard, 73.
8
Monica Sone, Nissei Daughter (Boston: Little, Brown, 1955), 22-23.
9
S. Frank Miyamoto, Social Solidarity Among the Japanese in Seattle (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 1984), 108.
10
Valerie J. Matsumoto “Japanese American Girls’ Clubs in Los Angeles During the 1920s and 1930s,” in
Asian/Pacific Islander American Women: A Historical Anthology, ed. by Shirley Hune and Gail M. Nomura (New
York: New York University Press, 2003), 176.
11
Ibid.
12
The Japantown Task Force, Inc., 21.
13
Katagiri, et. al., 19.
14
Matsumoto, 177.
15
Quoted in Matsumoto, 176.
16
Ibid., 177.
17
Ibid.
18
Rafu Shimpo, August 9, 1926.
19
Katagiri, et. al., 22-27.
20
Brian Niiya, “Introduction,” in More than a Game: Sport in the Japanese American Community, ed.
Brian Niiya (Los Angeles: Japanese American National Museum, 2000), 39.
21
Quoted in Matsumoto, 178.
22
The Japantown Task Force, Inc., 46.
 B r u c e M a k o t o A r n o l d - P a g e | 15

23
Ibid., 48.
24
Katagiri, et. al., 19.
25
Bill Hosokawa, Nisei: The Quiet Americans (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1969),
179.
26
Miyamoto, Social Solidarity, xvii.
27
Ibid., 57.
28
Hosokawa, 179-80.
29
Glenn, 57.
30
Ibid., 57-58.
31
Ibid., 57.
32
Quoted in Shelia Muto, "3 Generations of S.F. Japantown." Asian Week, March 8, 1991, 14.
33
Ibid.
34
Ibid., 5.
35
The Japantown Task Force, Inc., 25.
36
Daniels, 174.
37
Quoted in Daniels, 174.
38
Miyamoto, “An Immigrant Community in America,” 233.
39
Ibid.
40
Mei T. Nakano, Japanese American Women: Three Generations, 1890-1990 (Berkeley: Min Press
Publishing, 1990), 53.
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid.
43
Anonymous interview, “An American Born Japanese (Hopeful in Spite of Difficulties and
Disappointments),” in Orientals and Their Cultural Adjustment: Interviews, Life Histories and Social Adjustment
Experiences of Chinese and Japanese of Varying Backgrounds and Length of Residence in the United States
(Nashville: Social Science Institute, Fisk University, 1946), 102.
44
Quoted in Matsumoto, 174.
45
Ibid.
46
Anonymous interview, “Experiences of an American Born Japanese,” in Orientals and Their Cultural
Adjustment: Interviews, Life Histories and Social Adjustment Experiences of Chinese and Japanese of Varying
Backgrounds and Length of Residence in the United States (Nashville: Social Science Institute, Fisk University,
 B r u c e M a k o t o A r n o l d - P a g e | 16

1946), 91.
47
Ibid., 91.
48
“Quotations From a Letter from a Japanese Girl,” in Orientals and Their Cultural Adjustment: Interviews,
Life Histories and Social Adjustment Experiences of Chinese and Japanese of Varying Backgrounds and Length of
Residence in the United States (Nashville: Social Science Institute, Fisk University, 1946), 93.
49
Ibid., 93.
50
Anonymous interview, “A High School Japanese Student’s Opinion of the Race Problem,” in Orientals
and Their Cultural Adjustment: Interviews, Life Histories and Social Adjustment Experiences of Chinese and
Japanese of Varying Backgrounds and Length of Residence in the United States (Nashville: Social Science Institute,
Fisk University, 1946), 105.
51
“An American Born Japanese (Hopeful in Spite of Difficulties and Disappointments),” 101.
52
“An American Born Japanese in America,” 95.
53
Ibid., 96.
54
Ibid., 96.
55
“Experiences of an American Born Japanese,” 88.
56
“Experiences of an American Born Japanese,” 88.
57
Ibid., 91.
58
“An American Born Japanese (Hopeful in Spite of Difficulties and Disappointments),” 103.
59
S. Frank Miyamoto, “Problems of Interpersonal Style among the Nisei,” American Journal 13, no. 2
(1986-87): 31-32.