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Policy Brief - Disability Services in Higher Education For Students With Invisible Disabilities
Policy Brief - Disability Services in Higher Education For Students With Invisible Disabilities
Email: asuwsdc1@uw.edu
Website: sdc.asuw.org
DISABILITY SERVICES
IN HIGHER EDUCATION
FOR STUDENTS WITH
INVISIBLE DISABILITIES
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY........................................................................................... 2
DEFINITIONS ........................................................................................................... 4
INTRODUCTION
What are Invisible Disabilities?........................................................................ 5
Invisible Disabilities in Higher Education ...................................................... 6
Methodology..................................................................................................... 8
Policy Framework.............................................................................................. 9
ANALYSIS OVERVIEW........................................................................................... 11
STRUCTURAL BARRIERS
Disability Documentation .............................................................................. 12
Case Study: University of Arizona and University of Washington ............ 15
ATTITUDINAL BARRIERS
Attitudes of Professors ................................................................................... 17
Culture of Disability Services Offices ........................................................... 18
INTERSECTING IDENTITIES
Race and Medical Diagnoses ........................................................................ 19
Gender and Diagnoses Disparities .............................................................. 20
RECOMMENDATIONS
Universal Design ............................................................................................. 21
Accommodations Model Adjustments and Supports ............................... 22
Disability Sensitivity Training ........................................................................ 25
Resources for Disability-Specific Communities ......................................... 25
Increased Research on Intersecting Barriers .............................................. 26
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 27
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................ 28
EXECUTIVE 2
SUMMARY
The contents of this policy brief regard the issues pertaining to the lack of access
to sufficient disability services that students with invisible disabilities face in higher
education institutions. The need for recognition and accommodations for students with
invisible disabilities is prevalent.
Barriers to the access of students with invisible disabilities are both attitudinal and
structural and can include:
• Accessing accommodations
• Medical documentation requirements
• Expenses relating to testing and obtaining medical documentation of a
disability
• Emotional cost of obtaining medical documentation
• Underfunded disability resource services
• Inclusivity of invisible disabilities in understanding disability
• General distrust of a disability that cannot be perceived (from professors
and disability services staff)
• Intersecting identities, such as race and gender, creating increased barriers
in accessing disability documentation
While there is certainly a need for further research (both qualitative and
quantitative) into the specific experiences of students with invisible disabilities at
colleges and universities of differing cultures, sizes, types, our case studies of the
University of Arizona and University of Washington stand as our current examples as to
why there is a problem present. Therefore, we conclude that this brief will be
informative of the needs of students with invisible disabilities, the barriers they face on
college campuses, the legal frameworks that make our research credible and the
solutions that we wish to see implemented for the benefit of all students with invisible
disabilities.
4
DEFINTIONS
Additionally, we will look at the specific ways in which structural barriers (disability
documentation process, lack of diagnosis, lack of funding for disability services) and
attitudinal barriers (interactions with professors, culture of disability services) come
together to impair educational success. Our analysis will be guided by several policy
frameworks, including the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), the Individuals with
Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) and the US Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (Section 504),
the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), and the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD).
Methodology
The policy brief examines what Examples of search terms that were
structural and attitudinal barriers most relevant to the brief were
related to disability services hinder “invisible disabilities,” “university,”
access for students with invisible “disability documentation,” and
disabilities on college campuses by “disability resources.”
reviewing peer-reviewed articles and In regard to its scope, the policy
literature relating to the subject, both brief prioritizes literature detailing the
broadly for all colleges/universities in experiences of students with invisible
the United States. We also narrow our disabilities specifically on American
focus to a specific case study college and university campuses,
comparison between the University of except for one source that includes the
Arizona and the University of stories of attitudinal barriers faced by
Washington, to serve as an example. students with invisible disabilities that
The main research question guiding were universal in their meaning. The
this literature review was “what are the policy brief excludes sources
barriers that students with invisible regarding students with invisible
disabilities face in higher education disabilities in K-12 education and limits
when trying to access disability the scope to university campuses,
services?” As the policy brief explores specifically the University of
both structural and attitudinal barriers, Washington and the University of
the brief emphasizes the importance Arizona.
of anecdotal evidence as the inclusion Though the policy brief
of the lived experiences of people with emphasizes the analysis of race,
invisible disabilities is vital to the gender, class, and disability type as
creation of impactful policy identities that can further complicate
recommendations. the process in accessing services,
Many of the sources selected there was not a significant number of
were found with the use of the UW articles that explored the intersection
Libraries database, as well as Google of these various identities – only the
Scholar. examination of singular identities.
9
INTRODUCTION
Policy Framework
For this policy brief we will be relying on multiple portions of the Americans with
Disabilities Act (ADA) and the 2008 amendments, the United Nations Sustainable
Development Goals (SDG), the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons
with Disabilities (UNCRPD), the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) and
the US Rehabilitation Act of 1973. While all five of these legal frameworks are important
for people with disabilities, there are particular sections that are most relevant to our
research.
Overview
Within the existing legal framework that post-secondary education institutions
must follow to ensure access for disabled students, there are several ways in which
students with invisible disabilities are left behind. Structural challenges (specifically,
policies that require medical documentation in order to receive accommodations) are
embedded into the institutions in ways that are often difficult to untangle. On top of
that, students with invisible disabilities face additional discrimination in the form of
attitudinal barriers when interacting with faculty, staff, and other students who do not
perceive their disability as valid. Students with invisible disabilities who also share other
intersecting identities like women or students of color may be left behind at even
higher rates. The following section will dig deeper into each of the listed barriers that
students with invisible disabilities face in higher education.
Structural Barriers
• Requiring disability documentation can pose a huge barrier,
disproportionately impacting students with invisible
disabilities
Attitudinal Barriers
•Professors often question the accommodations presented by
students with invisible disabilities, classifying them as invalid
or an 'unfair advantage'.
•Disability services offices are known to hold ableist attitudes
based off the Medical model of disability, resulting in
unpleasant experiences for students seeking services
Intersecting Identites
•Racial bias in medical settings have caused historic distrust between communities
of color and medical institutions, which potentially poses a barrier for students of
color with disabilities seeking documentation
•Women with invisible disabilities (specifically, ADHD and autism) are often
diagnosed later in life due to gender gaps in research, which potentially means
women are being disproprotionately impacted by documentation requirements.
12
STRUCTURAL
BARRIERS
Disability Documentation
A major structural barrier for students with invisible disabilities in higher
education is accessing disability accommodations. According to the ADA, as
mentioned in ‘Policy Framework’, there is no legal mandate for higher education
institutions to require medical documentation of disability for students to get disability
accommodations (AHEAD, 2012). However, it is common practice for colleges and
universities to do so, as a way to determine who is part of the ‘protected class’ under
the ADA. According to the Office for Civil Rights under the US Department of
Education, “Schools may require you to provide documentation prepared by an
appropriate professional, such as a medical doctor, psychologist, or other qualified
diagnostician.” (Duncan 2020). In basic terms: colleges and universities are not
required to ask for medical documentation, but they are allowed to, as long as it serves
as “reasonable” and relevant to the requested accommodation.
Some institutions will grant accommodations based on a combination of
students’ self-report, observation of disability services staff, and external
documentation like an Individualized Education Plan (IEP) from their K-12 education.
Other institutions have strict, extensive requirements for medical documentation from a
licensed provider to ensure that the student does indeed have a disability. There is no
standardized law for all post-secondary education institutions to follow in terms of
collecting disability documentation.
For students with invisible disabilities, the strict requirement to obtain medical
documentation can create a huge barrier to accessing services. Students with visible,
physical disabilities often have a much easier time getting medical documentation, and
do not require as much extensive disability documentation. In practice, universities
tend to lean more on the student self-report and observation from disability services
staff in order to grant accommodations to students with visible physical disabilities, as
they are more obvious and ‘easier to evaluate’ (Rocco, 1998). On the other hand, the
burden of medical documentation tends to fall heavily on students with invisible
disabilities. These types of disabilities often require extensive psychometric testing,
and disability services offices will request that this testing be done at the expense of
the student (Whisler-Smith, 2013). This may result in those students being denied
services at disproportionate rates or create a burdensome process to the point where
students are discouraged from even attempting to get disability services. The over-
reliance on the medicalization of disability then becomes a huge barrier for students
with invisible disabilities in seeking accommodations at higher education institutions.
13
STRUCTURAL
BARRIERS
Disability services offices around the United States tend to be underfunded and
understaffed (Harbour, 2008). The chances that they will have someone on staff who is
clinically trained and feels confident enough to determine by ‘observation’ if a student
has a psychological or learning disability are extremely low. Instead, students are often
encouraged to seek diagnosis elsewhere, with very limited support.
The cost for a medical evaluation outside of college or university support can be
incredibly high, making it near impossible for those without health insurance to pay for.
For example, testing for ADHD takes several months and ranges from a few hundred
dollars to thousands of dollars, if not covered by health insurance (“ADHD” 2010). If a
student is disconnected from their parents’ medical insurance or comes from a low-
income family that doesn’t have medical insurance, the cost of testing could pose a
huge barrier in accessing the accommodations they need. The length of time that
testing requires could also pose a barrier; every day that testing is happening means
another day that a student is struggling to be successful in their classes without the
accommodations they need. For students who do not have sufficient health care
coverage, this medical documentation requirement can mean the difference between
success in higher education and dropping out.
Case study:
University of Arizona and University of Washington
At the University of Arizona, for example, there
are very flexible and broad guidelines around
disability documentation. Their Disability Resource
Center website encourages students to explore
accommodations even if “you do not have
documentation, or your documentation is
outdated.” (Arizona Disability Resource Center,
n.d.). Their webpage states that “A conversation
about your experiences and expectations will help
determine if additional information is necessary to
support your accommodation requests,” showing
that documentation is not always necessary to
demonstrate need for accommodations.
The University of Washington (UW), on the other hand, tells a very different story.
UW’s Student Governance Policies state that medical documentation can be requested
by Disability Resources for Students (DRS) when “the reasonableness of a requested
accommodation is not readily apparent” (University of Washington, 2019). However,
the DRS website suggests that documentation is necessary in all cases, stating that
“Documentation that establishes the nature of a disability and/or health condition as
well as its impact for the student in the educational environment is needed to support
requested accommodations.” (“Getting Started”). Their ‘Documentation Guidelines’
website features a list of requirements, which includes things like a formal diagnosis
and the signature, contact information, and license number of a ‘qualified healthcare
provider’ (“Documentation Guidelines”). That website also includes subpages with
specific requirements for learning disabilities, traumatic brain injuries, ADHD, and
psychological disabilities, which appear to be far more extensive than other types of
physical disabilities. The only guidance provided for students who do not have this
type of documentation is that “Provisional accommodations may be established while
additional documentation is being obtained.” In practice, this often means
accommodations selected from a very limited available list and are not usually what the
student actually needs in order to achieve academic success. At UW, the student is
clearly still expected to obtain the additional documentation, which means the burden
still falls on the student in the end.
16
STRUCTURAL
BARRIERS
Attitudes of Professors
Attitudinal barriers faced by students with invisible disabilities are harder to
quantify as many of them are classified by the lived experience of the students
themselves. As students experience the majority of their university-related
interpersonal interactions with their professors, these interactions are often where
students face ableist barriers. When the university fails to implement structural
components to protect students with invisible disabilities, professors wield significant
discretion over the accommodations that students receive. And in the case in which the
university does provide structural support (i.e., accommodations) to students with
disabilities, the professors are the ones who are charged with implementation, and
students still run into attitudinal barriers. One student described their experience as,
“A lot of professors are very accepting, but I do, I do feel like sometimes
they feel like you’re trying to get away with something. And I also think
that, that the act of asking them is a bit degrading where, you know,
because it should be your right.”
(Mullins & Preyde, 2013: 155)
This anecdote exemplifies the ways in which the professor is using a medicalized
model of assessing the need for support; students with invisible disabilities, who do
not have the necessary documentation to prove their need for accommodations, must
not only prove their need for support but also argue that they are not exaggerating
their circumstances.
These conversations with professors do not always happen in private. One
student expressed feeling alienated when their professor had asked the student to
identify themselves to receive accommodations in the 200-person lecture hall. (Bê,
2019: 184) Another student conveyed that when she mentioned her dyslexia to her
professors halfway through a course, her lecturers “were extremely exasperated” and
believed that “she had deceived them unnecessarily as they had spoken positively
about the dyslexic assistance at induction.” (Matthews, 2009: 232) In this instance, this
student’s professors did not recognize that stigma or the lack of systemic guidance
could hinder students from openly admitting their disability; instead, the professors
placed the onus and blame on the student for “deceiving” them. Once a student
identifies themselves as disabled to their professor, the lack of centralized, institutional
support and guidance allows for the professor to become either an ally or an adversary
to the student.
18
ATTITUDINAL
BARRIERS
Universal Design
The current accommodations model utilized by post-secondary education
institutions is deeply flawed. In addition to the argument posed already regarding
difficulty of accessing disability accommodations when formal documentation is
required, there are other issues as well. Studies have shown that many
accommodations offered by disability services are “based on physician
recommendations and are often not evidence-based nor are they responsive to the
individual contexts of students with disabilities” (Weis, Dean & Osborne, 2016). Other
concerns arise from faculty themselves, who are often unaware of their federal
responsibility to implement accommodations, hold “ambivalent attitudes” about
supporting students with disabilities, and sometimes hold misconceptions about
accommodations as special treatment rather than equal access (Parker, Gould & Mullin,
2019).
One of the most effective ways in which we could address these structural and
attitudinal barriers towards people with invisible disabilities in higher education is
through the implementation of Universal Design in higher education institutions.
Universal Design can be defined as “the design and composition of an environment so
that it can be accessed, understood, and used to the greatest extent possible by all
people regardless of their age, size, ability, or disability” (“What is Universal Design”).
22
RECOMMENDATIONS
Providing
Hiring Clinically financial and
trained Disability logistical support
Services to pursue
Professionals disability
documentation
Social Model
training for
Disability
Services staff
Utilizing AHEAD
documentation
guidelines
23
RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary of Recommendations
Universal Design
Throughout this policy brief, we analyzed available data about the structural and
attitudinal barriers that students with invisible disabilities face in higher education when
acquiring and utilizing accommodations, in part, through an intersectional lens.
Although many of these barriers arise before a student's introduction into higher
education, we explore how these barriers can be heightened and enforced through the
current disability resource services format in higher education, which tends to have a
high reliance on accommodations model informed by the medical model of disability.
Overall, our policy brief is an initial effort to address the overwhelming lack of
accommodations and support for students with invisible disabilities, in both the
University of Washington and other higher education institutions. Our goal within this
policy brief is to begin breaking down the barriers that students with invisible disabilities
face while attempting to access disability resources, so that students with invisible
disabilities can complete college and thrive whilst doing so.
While we were able to acquire data about the approximate number of people with
invisible disabilities in higher education (approximately 19% of enrolled graduates have
a disability and roughly 69% of those disabilities are invisible (Lewis et. al., 1999)), there
is a significant lack of data about the completion/success rates of students who
specifically have invisible disabilities. There is, however, some available data about
completion rates for students with disabilities, in general, in higher education, as “only
34% of students with disabilities are able to complete a four-year degree within eight
years, compared to 51.2 percent of the general population” (Newman et. al., 2011). This
data remains extremely relevant to the main point of our research, in that, if universities,
college campuses, and disability services don’t make an active effort to address the
barriers that students with invisible disabilities (and disabilities in general) face, then the
disabled college student population will still struggle to complete their classwork and
their degree on the same level as their non-disabled peers.
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