Chapter Three

A Socio-Political, Cultural Overview of Kerala

After the theoretical perspective followed by an empiJ'ieal overview of India, we move on to

the specific case of Kerala. Kerala is the immediate context for this thesis. The purpose of
this chapter is not just to give a broad overview to Kerala but to examine the material and
social conditions prevailing in Kerala today. Kerala is also seen as a 'model' for the Third
World to emulate which is also a reason to examine it for reasons of sustainability.

I) A Brief Socio-Historical Evolution

Kerala's early period is not documented historically. Evidence is more fragmentary and
drawn from the early epics about Kerala's histOly. 'Kerala' is assumed to mean the land of
the Cheras (Krishna Iyer, 1968). The first recorded king of Kerala was of the name Keya
Perumal, 216 A.D., who fomled thc Perurnal dynasty, Cheruman Peru man being the last
(Krishna lyer, 1968). After this pel;od, came the Kallam Era, 825 AD, wherein the present
of state of Kera1a consisting of three main principalities, the Zamorins in Calicut, Cochin
Rajas in Central Kerala and South Kerala, which after the Kolattiri Chiefs, went on to be the
Travancorc State (Krishna lyer, 1968). Then on, the broad structure remained the same until
independence in 1947, after which most of present day Kerala came under the purview of
Madras Presidency. Kerala, as of today, was born after the linguistic reorganisation of
States in 1956.

Kerala being a maritime state has been a region most influenced by foreign contacts. It is
estimated that trade has been on from 3000 BC onwards, one of the evidences being the teak
(similar to the region) found in the ruins of Ur (Krishna lyeI', 1961, 1968). Western
historians have also speculated on early trade based on sllch evidences like the gates of the
city of Carthage being made of Malabar sandalwood (Krishna lyer, 1968). These

64
speculations apart, what is documented is the fact of the discovery of sea route to Kerala
made on the possible prediction of seasonal winds of the Arabian Sea by a Greek sailor,
Hippalus in 47 AD (Chaitanya, 1972: 13). This brought down the earlier journey duration to
forty days, a factor which greatly facilitated Roman trade then on (Chaitanya, 1972).
Probably, this discovery by Hippalus made possible (what is believed by tradition) the
arrival of St. Thomas in 52 AD which introduced Christianity in its ancient form to Kerala.
However, the arrival of St. Thomas is doubted by many historians for lack of concrete
historical proof. Islam also came to be introduced in Kerala after the takeover of this sea
route by Arab traders following the dec! ine 0 f Rome from 410 AD onwards (Chaitanya,
1972 and Krishna lyer, 1968). Compared to Christianity, the rise of Islam was
comparatively slow even though Islam was established in Kerala in 7th or 8 th Century AD
itself (Menon, 1984). The arrival of Islam and Christianity in Kerala is unique because it
came around the same time it originated in their respective nations. This happened
primarily, because of the tolerant rulers at that time. Muslims particularly were encouraged
and became influential figures in the courts of the Zamorins in Calicut by the nature of them
being traders (Menon, 1984: 88). The tolerance also led to the flourishing of the Jews since
the arrival of 10,000 Jewish people in Cranganore in 68 AD. They remained a separate
ethnic community right till 1948 when the bulk of them migrated to Israel (Menon, 1984). It
is not just foreign faiths that came to Kerala. Kerala came under the influence of Jainism
and Buddhism, the influence of Buddhism being more (Menon, 1984). In fact, it can be said
that Buddhism was influential in many areas, in terms of setting the tone of progressive
indicators; such as in the fields ofleaming and literacy. The Buddhist monks were pioneers
in the field of education (Mcnon, 1984: 79-80). The Buddhist "Viharas" contained schools,
which served as centrcs of dissemination and "Ezhuthupalli" the Malayalam term for the
elementary school, seems to be a legacy of the Buddhists as they used to call their "Viharas"
by the term "Pallis" (Menon, 1984: 79). In the later days, the Hindu practitioners copied the
Buddhist example of running educational institutions along side their temples (Menon,
1984). In the fields of medicine and literature, Buddhism had a profound influence, for
monasteries had dispensaries where free medical aid was given and ayurveda also eame to
being as a result of Buddhism (Menon, 1984). In the field of literature, Malayalam itself has

65
a large number of Pali words and the works of the great poet Kumaran Asan revealed a
marked Buddhist influence (Menon, 1984: 80). Thus, the impact of Buddhism in Kerala has
been profound .

. Just as the Buddhist influence was nearly consolidated, came the dramatic revival of caste
Hinduism. Caste Hinduism made a spectacular rise to the mainstream Keralite life in the
"Kulasekhara Age" which is also today called the' golden age' of Kerala history (Menon,
1967). Such readings of a resurgence of H induisl1l as the 'golden age' is problematic today
simply because of its association with only (caste) Hinduism. Prior to the Kulasekhara Age,
Hinduism was one of the religions, with Buddhism creating a major niche for itself. But
with the rise of the great Advaita philosopher, Adi Sankaracharya, Hinduism got established
as the dominant religion of Kerala (Menon, 1967). Buddhism declined with the advent of
Adi Sankaracharya. The cardinal point of Sankaracharya's philosophy was that there is
nothing except the all pervading cosmic force of which the human soul is a part. Every
other material object is an illusion, a maya. Strains of these thoughts are Buddhist in origin.
Not only that, he adopted the Buddhist ideal of monasticism for the Mutts that he established
all over in Kerala and the couniry and "his organisational activities were so reminiscent of
the Buddhist way of life that Sankara was leveled as 'Praschanna Buddha' or disguised
Buddha" (Menon, 1967: 146).

A further impetus to reform in Hinduism was provided by the Bhakti movement in Kerala
who made the basic philosophical tone of spiritualism set by Sankara more "indigenous" (in
the sense that Adi Sanknracharya's work was in Sanskrit, a language not that accessible to
Keralites in that era). Two great Saints, Kulasekhara Alwar (Vaishnavite) and Cheramum
Perumal Nayanar (Shavite) were the most famous proponents of Bhakti in Kerala (Menon,
1984, 1967). Kulasekhara Alwar, a profound scholar propounded the Bhakti cult
(Vaishnavite) through the sublime literacy expression in "Mukanda Mala" and "Perumal
Tirumozhi" and, subsequently, the Shaivite Bhakti comes out in Perumal Nayanar's
"Ponvannathandadi" which is well known for its musical charm and workmanship (Menon,
1984: 127). This entire era of the establishment of Hinduism as a major force had its impact
on the social life of the people. Its immediate effect was seen in the rise of the temple to a

66
place of importance in religious and cultural life. Vedic schools and 'colleges' attached to
temples came up in different parts of Kerala (Menon, 1967). These schools were called
'Salais', among them two of the salais' at Tiruv.alla and Muzhikulam assumed considerable
prommence. Hundreds of young men were given frce food, clothing and taught free of
charge subjects such as, theology, law, philosophy, grammar, etc (Menon, 1967: 153). Each
of these' Salais' were in the traditional 'Gurukul' style, .Iibraries came to be attached to
temples and province level tests were also introduced (Menon, 1967). Apart from
educational activities, temples also maintained hospitals and dispensaries (aturasalas)
(Menon, 1967). These happenings were also strategies to counter Buddhism by
appropriating the very methods of Buddhist prostylisation. In essence, this entire
phenomenon of the establishment of the Hindu religion also led to the consolidation of the
caste system. Then on, Keralite society became strictly hierarchical. Thus, a brief
examination of the socio historical aspects of Kerala's evolution reveals a wide range of
influences of religion, of social refonn of foreign influences, of politics and of ideology. All
this has vastly contributed to what Kerala is today.

JI) Socio-Economic-Culturallndicators of Contemporary Kerala

a) Demographic Indicators

A demographic examination could be a starting point as this data is pointer to the static as
well as the dynamic aspect of a population (Hansen and Duncan, 1959). As a way of an
overview, in Kerala's case, the growth rate of population is 1.3% compared to a high of
2.9% in Rajasthan (CMIE, 1993), Sex ratio is an important indicator. It is defined as the
number of women per thousand men. In India, the consistency in high proportion of males
in the population is a matter of concern. This is due to the high son preference due to factors
such family lineage, rituals, etc. This aspect has led to discrimination of the girl child,
female infanticide and differential treatment. Table 7 indicates the state-wise sex ratio for
rural, urban and total population in the country, Thc Table 7 shows that Kerala is the only
state where the number of womcn per thousand males is more in comparison to other slates.
The ratio in Kerala is 1036 females per 1000 males. There is also no glaring difference in

~~
67 r:Y~-·""~
c.:;- ,·'\"'I
" f.l.S.S. !::v,' ,
(n\ J-,~I
the state as far as rural or urban areas is concerned (urban - 1037, rural - 1039). This aspect
itself is a positive indicator. On the other extreme is Arunachal Pradesh, which has the
lowest sex ratio of only 859 females to 1000 males. The high sex ratio of Kerala is a
positive indicator.

Table 7
Population by Sex Ratio - States (Rural, Urban and Total) - j 99 j

Sex Ratio (Females per

1000 males)
Total Rural Urban

INDIA* 927 939 894

Andhra Pradesh 972 977 .' 959
Arunachal Pradesh 859 880 728
Assam 923 934 838
Bihar 911 921 844
Goa 967 993 930
Gujarat 934 949 907
Haryana 865 864 868
Himachal Pradesh 976 990 831
Jammu & Kashmir@ 923 933 893
Karnataka 960 973 930
Kera!a 1036 1037 1034
Madhya Pradesh 931 943 893
Maharashtra 934 972 875
Manipur 958 951 975
Meghalaya 955 966 910
Mizoram 921 912 932
Naga1and 886 917 749
Orissa 971 988 866
Punjab 882 888 868
Rajasthan 910 919 879
Sikkim 878 892 750
Tamil Nadu 974 981 960
Tripura 945 942 958
Uttar Pradesh 879 884 860
West Bengal 917 940 858

• Figures for India include the population of Jammu & Kashmir as projected .

@ Figures for Jammu & Ka,hmir arc as projected by the Standing Committee of
Experts on Population Projects (October, 1989),
Source: Census of India 199 f, Series-I, Papcr-2 of 1992, Final Population Totals: Brief Analysis of
Primary Census Abstract, Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India,

68
The case of Kerala is unique in terms of birth rate, in the sense that despite low per capita
income, low calorie intake, the state has the lowest m0l1ality rates, specially female
mortality (Zachariah et.al, 1994). As per the 1997 data of the Registrar general of India, the
birth rate in Kerala is 17.4 per cent, second after Goa. Death rates are also on the lower side.
The demographic pattern suggests that Kerala has favourable fjgures. Kerala's low birth
rate is associated with comparatively high rates of birth control. This is seen in the rapid
increase (36.8% in 1981 to 60.9% in 1990) of the propOl1ion of eligible couples that use
long tenn or temporary methods of birth control (Ramachandran, 1996: 227). At an all India
level, Kerala's figures are much lower than the all India average.

In terms of gender, today the matrilineal system that cxisted in some castes has come to a
halt in Kerala. A study on the disintegration of matrilineal practices among the Nairs stated
that women themselves appeared to have been ignorant of their role and this may have been
the reason why women's special rights could be taken away (Velayudhan, 1998: 2480). The
limited scholarship that exists today on gender and kinship relations among the low castes
indicates that "the impact of colonisation, with its legal systems and reallocation of
resources, though profound was not uniform across or within colonised societies and
changing forms of division of labour and wider economic processes constantly redefined the
role of women in society" (Velayudhan, 1998: 2480). The legislation made in independent
India swung in favour of patriarchy and, in tum, .Icgitimised it. This is evident in a ease
study of Ezhava community, which constitutes a sizeable population of Kerala. "The Ezhava
Law Committee's moves to enact a common law of succession and marriage for Ezhavas
involved the strengthening of the emerging patrilineal structures as a legal and ideological
construct; it projected women as dependent and subordinate to members in the family and
argued that the male authority was derived from 'natural law' and that was 'the way of the
civilisation movement' " (Velayudhan, 1998: 2483). Further more in recent times, a plethora
of sex scandals, largc reporting of rapes, sexual harassment and widespread use of
pornography in Kerala has seen the consolidation of patriarchy. The sheer apathy of all
political parties in Kerala can be seen by their responses to scandals such as the Suryanelli
gang rape case, the Calicut parlour scandal or the sexual harassment case of Usha. The

J
69
consolidation of patriarchy in Kerala can not only be seen by crimes against women but also
by revival of decadent practices like holding public yagnas (sacrifice) for begetting male
children. A large scale revival of conservati.sm in rccent times could also be attributed 10 the
consolidation of religion and human gods in Kcrala. As far as gender is concerned, Kerala
remains a socially conservative state (Omvcdt, 1999).

b) Health Indicators

One indication of the health status of a particular state would be the infrastructure available
in terms of number of hospitals as well as total numbcr ofpcrsons per bcd. Table 8 provides
a statistical picture on the total number of hospitals and persons per bed. Table 8 reveals
large disparities. Kerala has 2,053 hospitals compared to a figure of 266 in Rajasthan,
cOITcspondingly 393 persons to a hospital bed exists in Kerala comparcd to 1,964 to a bed in
Rajasthan. Similarly, just as 20% of all hospitals in India are in Kerala, there is one doctor
for each 1700 persons compared to one doctor per 7000 persons in Madhya Pradesh (CMIE,
1993). The same positive figures are seen in the case of infant mortality rate illustrated in
Table 9. As seen in Table 9, Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) is the lowest in Kerala. There is a
wide difference, so much so that the Kerala figures stand out. Compared to the all India
figures of 73 for males and 75 for females, Kerala's figures are 16 and 10 respectively. The
reasons attributed to Kerala's achievement in IMR include a higher averagc age at marriagc,
higher rates of female employment in the organised sector, higher female literacy and
awareness of health information and maternal utilisation of the health system and also
general availability of health services (Ramachandran, 1996: 233). A general feature to be
noted in the table is that there is no glaring difference between male and female infant
figures and this is because the relative risk of neo-natal mortality for a female child
(compared to a male child) is significantly less (Gopalan, 1989). The key point in these
figures remains in the fact that there is considerable public investment in the area of health.
If the shift in reducing public investments in the area of health is implemented, it can lead to
reversal of the above situation.

70
 Table 8
Number of Hospitals and Persons per bed - Statewise, 1989.

No. Of No. Of
Hospitals Persons per
bed

Andhra Pradesh 615 1822

Arunachal Pradesh 23 744
Assam 203 1559
Bihar 298 3058
Goa 104 360
Gujarat 1563 889
Haryana 77 2193
Himachal Pradesh 65 11&9
Jammu & Kashmir 67 941
Karnataka 286 1322
Kerala 2053 393
Madhya Pradesh 362 2063
Maharashtra i8S1 846
Manipur 25 1251
Meghalaya IS 1004
Mizorarn 14 499
Nagaland 29 1215
Orissa 287 1970
Punjab 265 954
Rajasthan 266 1964
Sikkim 5 770
Tamil Nadu 408 1134
Tripura 22 1829
Uttar Pradesh 735 2940
West Bengal 410 1259

Source: CMIE, 1993.

71
 Table 9
Infant MOJ1ality Rates by Sex, India and Major States (Rural, Urban, Total) 1993

1993 Tolal Rural Urban

Male Females Male Females Males Females

INDJA* 73 75 81 84 47 ---
Andhra Pradesh 70 57 76 64 53 38
Assam 81 81 84 83 53 66
Bihar 68 72 71 75 41 41
Gujaral 58 58 65 65 43 43
Haryana 60 73 64 77 49 57
Himachal Pradesh 72 53 74 54 35 37
Kamataka 69 66 82 75 38 46
Kerala .. 16 10 18 12 10 7
Madhya Pradesh 106 ]06 II J J J5 76 58
Maharashtra 50 50 66 60 28 36
Orissa 118 101 122 107 82 55
Punjab 49 62 52 70 40 38
Rajasthan 82 81 86 89 62 46
Tamil Nadu 57 56 66 66 38 38
Uttar Pradesh 87 lOa 91 107 67 65
West Bengal 57 59 63 66 34 31

* Excludes Jammu and Kashmir

Source: Sample Registration System, Fertility and Mortality Indicators, 1993, Office of the
Registrar General of India.

c) Literacy

The feature that is most striking about Kerala is its high literacy and in particular, fe~ale
literacy, which is an essential facilitator in Kerala' s achievements in the sphere of health and
demographic change (Ramachandran, 1996: 255). In comparison to the all India figures of
64.2% males and 39.19% females !.iterate, Kerala has corresponding figures of 93.62% and
86.17%. In terms of the rural, urban split up, Kerala figures are a positive indicator; 85.12%
of rural Keralite women are literate compared to 30.35% of rural women in India. The
attainment of near universal literacy has been a gradual historical process. Two factors can
be mentioned in this regard, one, the existence of a vast network of traditional religious
schools which served as pre-primary schools and the second factor was of the work of the
,
72
nllSSIOnanes from 19 th Century onwards (Ramachandran, 1996: 269-270). It should be
noted here that most of the missionary instructional educational work was done in
Ma1ayalam and Tamil and the large seale conversions of the Ezhavas and other lower castes
brought them under the purview of education (Ramachandran, 1996). Also, it was in Kerala
that for the first time it was declared that, it is the responsibility of the state to universalise
education. This came about with the Royal Decree of 1817. Inspite of all these factors,
education remained exclusive in nature, in the sense that total literacy was not completely
achieved (Ramachandran, 1996). The final impetus towards total literacy came as a result of
the Communist influence (Nossiter, 1982). Apart from the above legacy, government
expenditure in education in the last five decades has also been substantive. Table lOis a
pointer. One can note from the Table 10 that the proportion of total expenditure spent on
education in Kerala is much higher than the corresponding propOliion spent by all states.
Education was also an early concern seen by the fact that the proportion of total expenditure
spent on education by the princely states of Travancore and Co chin was above 15% in the
twenties (Ramachandran, 1996: 321). However, this is just one factor in the spread of
literacy. Literacy among the backward classes is also an indicator. Table II reveals that
Kerala is way ahead of the all India figures of literate Scheduled Castes and Tribes; figures
being 39.3% for women, and 64.1 % mal es literate against the Kerala figures of 86.2%
women and 93.6% men respectively. Thus, even though one can conclude from the above
data that Kerala has done commendably in the field of literacy due to the effort of the KSSP,
it has to be borne in mind that this data is in comparison with other states in .India where the
situation even at the basic level is very dismal. The other point of reference is the very
definition of literacy. Present.ly, the definition of literacy is confined to minimal
requirements and that by itself is not enough.

73
 Table 10

Expenditure on Education as a Proportion of Development and Non-development

Expenditure (Revenue Account): All States and Kerala

(in percent)
Year Kerala All states

1959-60 37.0 19.6

1960-1 35.1 19.5
1962-3 32.1 19.9
1964-5 33.8 20.2
1965-6 35.4 19.7
1966-7 36.0 19.1
1971-2 36.4 21.9
1981-2 32.2 21.4
1990-1 27.8 18.4
1991-2 25.3 17.4
1992-3 26.9 17.4

Note: The figures for 1960-1 and 1991-2 are based on revised budget estimates; the
figures for 1992-3 are based on budget estimates; all other figures are based on final
accounts.
Source: Reselve Bank of India Bulletin, successive issues.
(Cited in RamachandT3, 1996: 322)

74
 Table 11
Proportion of Literate Persons among Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes: Kerala and India
(in per cent)

Scheduled Castes Scheduled Total Population

Castes

Kerala India Kerala India Kerala India

1961

Women 17.4 3.3 11.9 3.2 38.9 12.9

Men 31.6 17.0 22.6 13.8 55.0 34.3

1991(a)

Women 74.3 23.8 51.1 18.2 86.2 39.2

Men 85.2 49.9 63.4 40.7 93.6 64.1

Note: (a) Age 7 and above

Source: Ramachandran, 1996: 264.

d) Social Structure and Caste in Kerala

Before the' Aryanisation or sanskritisation process oecun-ed, the division of people into four
castes never existed in Kerala (Krishna Iyer, 1961: 40). As mentioned earl ier, Buddhism
had a marked inl1uence which was responsible for Kerala society being largely egalitarian
(Sadasivan, 1988: 5). As per the Ballads of the north, Mahabali the greatest of the Buddhist
emperors of Kerala, ensured human equality and happiness, eliminated social evils, diseases,
epidemics, etc. and his legal system made no discrimination and extended equally, justice to
all (Sadasivan, 1988: 5). As a result of this strong Buddhist inl1uence, it was initially
difficult for the proponents of the caste system to make any headway around 7th or 8th
Century AD (Sadasivan, 1988). This resulted in concerted efforts to establish the caste

75
system by a select few proponents (Sadasivan, 1988). The Chieftains of vanous
principalities were "ordained" as Kshatriyas and this was accepted by Chieftains throughout
because of the social status that came with it, along with the sanction to assume despotic
authority over the "backward" masses (Sadasivan, 1988). Buddhists were then relegated to
being just traders (Vaishyas) who were then on boycotted socially by the Brahmins by the
nature of the business being declared heathenish (Sadasivan, 1988). The Buddhists traders
were further handicapped by the institution of untouchability which had, by then taken a root
in Kerala. Untouchability prevented the Buddhists from interacting with a vast section of
the populace thus causing a serious impediment to their profession which was business
(Sadasivan, 1988: 6). This resulted in more than five lakh migrations to Sri Lanka between
the 14th and 16th Centuries (Sadasivan, 1988: 6). Thus, after the initial thrust by
Sankaracharya; came the final consolidation of Hinduism with the establishment of a rigid
caste structure. On the top were the Namboodris or the Brahmins, who owned most of the
temples and land, the ruling class came next as KshatJiyas (the fighting warriors), then came
the Vaishyas (traders) who were the ambalavasis (temple servants) and then at the bottom
were the Sudras (Nair, 1976). Here, it must be noted that the Ambalavasis were
"ordained" as Vaishyas in a place in society left vacant by the Buddhists who had left for Sri
Lanka (Sadasivan, 1988: 7). Also, inspite of attempts to bring the majority of the populace
under the Sudra category, by the 19th Century it was only one-sixths of the population who
strictly came under the [our vamas (Sadasivan, 1988). The rest of them (who are as
alienated as the Sudras) were called the Ezhavas. These are the people who were the
descendants of the Buddhists and were called disparagingly as the Baudhas (Buddhists).
Their refusal to join the Brahminical social order led to their social suppression and eventual
relegation (Sadasivan, 1988).

In between; the colonialists had arrived in Kerala with Vasco da Gama embarking at Calicut
in 1498. The Portuguese influence lasted for 150 years and were succeeded by the Dutch in
1663, who were evicted by King Marthanda Varma in 1741 and then came the English
whose presence lasted till 1947 (Krishna lyer, 1968). It is during this colonial period that the
th th
proselytisation of Christianity tuok place. For instance, between the 18 and 20 Century, a
large number of the relegated Ezhava caste embraced Christianity and Islam, with four in

76
every ten and one every four Ezhava opting for Christianity and Islam respectively
(Sadasivan, 1988: 10-13). However, the caste structure extended to these conversions too,
as in many places Christians did not allow the converted Pulayas and Parayas (untouchable
caste) to seek equality with them (Sadasivan, 1988). In terms of social position, Christians
also helped to occupy the Vaishya caste by adopting trade and commerce (Nair, 1976). They
were the first "middle class" in Keralite society - mobile, forward looking, profit seeking
and educated (Nair, 1976). Through banking, trade, printing presses and other lucrative
businesses, they rose as a major social class and became a powerful community (Nair,
1976). In contrast, the Muslim population remained confined to the Malabar region, their
numbers increasing only during the period of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan (Nair, 1976). With
the advent of the British, western education got entrenched in Kerala. It was the British
Resident Representative, Col. Munro who introduced western education, prescribed English
education as a qualification for appointment in government service and actively encouraged
proselytisation (Nair, 1976). This then, was a brief background to evolution of social
structure and caste in Kerala. It can be seen that Kerala's social structure has been as a
result of the confluence of many influences, local as well as foreign. It could be stated also,
that the social structure as evolved after the dramatic establishment of Hinduism in the 8'h
Century AD, has continued to a lesser fonn today. In fact, the caste structure has managed
to pervade other religions like Christianity too.

The early decades of the 20 th Century witnessed the beginning of powerful social refornl
movements in Kerala. The reform movements that made the greatest impact on the public
life of Kerala were led by Chattampi Swamikal, 1853-1924 and Sri Narayana Guru, 1856-
1924 (Menon, 1984: 324-325). Chattampi Swamikal was a Nair reformist who believed that
the major communities of Kerala, Nair and the backward caste of Ezhavas, ought to stake a
claim to their rightful place in Keralite society (Menon, 1984). Revolting against the rigid
Brahminical hold, he worked primarily among the Nair community, believing that a social
awakening among them would serve as an inspiration to the non-Brahmin caste and set pace
to social change (Menon, 1984: 324). It was Chattampi Swamikal who said that the Sudra
should also recite the sacred Vedas but it was Sree Narayana Guru, who proclaimed: "One
caste, one religion, one God for human kind" (Shaji, 1998: 2). The Guru's call for progress

77
through education actually changed the lives of the lower castes for the better and he should
be credited for Kerala' s quality of life indices (Shaji, 1998). The Guru was of the belief that
it is not the sole prerogative of the upper castes to build temples and that all people should
have access to all temples (Shaji, 1998). This refoml movement led to the establishment of
the Sree Narayana Dhanna Paripalana Yogam, (SNDP), in 1903. As a result of the refOlm
movements of Chattampi Swamikal and Sree Narayana Guru and the ongoing freedom
struggles, the agitation for removal of untouchability gained momentum. The first major
struggle was the Vaikkom Satyagraha. This movement to gain ently for the lower castes at
Vaikkom was led by the Indian National Congress (see also Menon, 1984). The Guruvayur
Satyagraha of 1931-32 was also an imp0l1ant struggle against untouchability. Initially, the
orthodox refused to open up the holy temple which led to an attempt to forced entry into the
temple and a closure of the temple (Menon, 1984). Later, a local referendum forced the
authorities to allow entry of all castes to the Guruvayur temple (Menon, 1984: 327). Even
though the temple officially allows all communities to enter it, problems remain. Today for
instance, there have been eases wherein there has been 'ritual purification' of the Guruvayur
Temple on the entry of lower castes. Caste has not becn completely eradicated resulting in
the existence of caste attitudes. Historically, this has also to do with the various
compromises that the Indian National Congress had with regard to the caste question; a
question that Ambedkar has repeatedly pointed out (for more details about the differences of
approach towards caste see Jaffrelot, 2005).

e) Economic Indicators

As is well known, Kerala's achievements in other development parameters are marred by a

poor economy. Kerala's achievements are unique in the sense that major health,
demographic and education indicators have been achieved, in spite of very poor economic
growth. Regarding the economy, the net state domestic product per capita in Kerala is
bclow the Indian average. In 1980-8 I for instance, Kerala was ranked sixteenth out of 24
states and 3 Union Territories, and in 1991-92, its rank was fourteen, hence indicating that
there has been very little growth of per capita in Kerala since 1970 (Ramachandran, 1996:
212). Similarly, the number of persons living below the poverty line is more than the

78
national average; in 1987-88, 44.1 % were below the poverty line in Kcrala compared to
42.7% in all of India (Ramachandran, 1996). Total industrial investments in Kerala, by the
Government of India was 3.2% in 1975 which has fallen to 1.5% in 1990 and in terms of
central investments, Kerala received 2.9 per cent in 1971-72, 1.6 per cent in 1987-88
(Ramachandran, 1996:212-217). Attributed reasons for lack of industrial investment and
growth are many. Among the often cited causes are, "militant" labour force, large scale
labour migration, lack of industrial entrepreneurship, preference for bureaucratic and other
conventional jobs.

In terms of unemployment, Kerala has the highest rate of unemployment in the country. For
instance, in 1987-88, the proportion of unemployed males (for more than 183 days in a year)
in Kerala was 14.1% in urban areas and 12.5% in rural areas and for females the
corresponding figures were 33.8% in urban areas and 25% in rural areas (Ramachandran,
1996: 218). NSS figures in 1992-93 also confinn that by any measure of unemployment,
Kerala ranks as the highest in telms of unemployment (Ramachandran, 1996). From every
possible parameter of measurement, KeJ'ala has the worst record of unemployment in the
country. With less than 4 percent of India's population Kerala accounts for nearly 16 percent
India's unemployed (Tharamangalam, 1999). In tenns of the relative intensity of
unemployment (ratio of the state's share of the unemployed in the total unemployed in the
country to its population share India's being number one) Kerala's figure of 4.63 is way
above that of any other state (Tharamangalam, 1999). The second highest state, Tamil Nadu,
had a ratio of only 1.2 (Thararnangalam, 1999).

Another impol1ant feature in the history of Kerala is its large number of migratory labour.
In the early part of the century, there was a large scale of inland migration of workers from
Travancore and Malabar to the plantations of the hilly regions of Malabar. The second
stream of migration was of the poor and oppressed caste migrants to other third world
countries like Malaya, Ceylon and Bunna (sec Vi nod, 2002). The third stream of migration
consisted of skilled labour, educated persons, and other professionals to Middle East
countries of Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (vinod, 2002». The
recent figures of migration (1993-94) were estimated between 7000,000 to 800,000 people.
That is to say, one out of four Keralites IS 111 outside Kerala. And among the overseas

79
migration, the migration to Gulf outnumbered the former. A major impact on the labour
market is the reduction of unemployment through migration of unemployed labour forces
(Prakash, 1995: 3210). It was the remittance of this migrant labour from the Gulf which
acted as the backbone of Kerala economy by constituting a whopping 21.5 per cent of the
net domestic product of Kerala. The main investment of the overseas migrant remittance
was in the construction sector and plantations. With the inflow of remittance, the migrant
households began to purchase land resulting in steep increase in land price. This trend
atlracted a lot of speculative investment pushing up the prices fUlther and in this process;
those who invested in land for speculative purposes got windfall gains in income (Prakash,
1998: 3212). The migration has pushed up prices of land, construction matelials, consumer
goods, food 31ticles, rent and charges on health, education, transport etc affecting the non-
migrant households especially those belong to poor, middle class and fixed income groups
(Prakash, 1998 also see Vinod, 2002). On the other hand, the poor, middle class, the fixed
income groups who were in need of land for constructing houses found it to be beyond their
reach to purchase land; the price hike had adversely affected their welfare and purchasing
power (Prakash, 1998: 3212).

f) The Question of Land in Kerala

The widely discussed land reform in Kerala needs to be examined given the backdrop ofthc
communist movement in Kerala. Commun,st Party in Kerala echoed slogans likc "land for
the tillers". Enforcement of ceiling was on land holdings was a distinct character of all the
land reform legislation. Attempts on cciling on large holdings hav« bcen made largely
through three acts of law (Menon, 1984). Firstly, the Agrarian Relations Act, 1961 imposed
a ceiling on existing holdings. It was fixed at 15 acres of double crop paddy land or its
cquivalent. The act exempted Government lands, private forests, plantations etc. from the
purview of this prQvision. While most other provisions of the Act were implemented, the
ceiling provisions were kept in abeyance; secondly, the Land RetornlS Act, 1963 which
superseded the Agrarian Relations Act raised the ceiling limit, increased the categories
exempted and made it clcar that transfers of land effected after December IS, 1957, whether
in contravention of the ceiling provisions or not, could be disregarded. No attempt was made
'.

80
to implement the ceiling provisions in this Act. Thirdly, the Kerala Land RefOlms Act, 1969,
altered the limits and leases of ceiling once again, this time to reduce the limit and take away
many of the exemptions. It was brought into force from January I, 1970. With effect from
that date, no person is entitled to own or hold or possess under a mortgage lands .in the
aggregate in excess of the ceiling limit. The ceiling has been fixed at ilve standard acres in
the case of an adult unmalTied perwn or a family consisting of a sole surviving member and
ten standard acres for a family consisting of two or more members (increased by one
standard acre fOT each member in excess of five). Exemptions have been taken away except
in thc, ease of lUbber, tea and coffee plantations, private forests and patently non-agricultural
lands and lands belonging to religious and educational institutions (Menon, 1984).

Landlords and estate owners took refuge under these provisions. In addition to the licensed
plantations, Benami properties are very common in Kerala. The Benami holders escape
under the 'ceiling of holdings' provisions. The following NSS data (Table 12) is an
indication.

Table 12 -Distribution of household ownership holdings in Kerala

SIZE OF 1961-62 1992 In per

OWNERSHIP cent

HOLDING
Number of Area Number of Area
Households Households

LANDLESS 30.9 0.0 12.8 0.0

0.01-0.99 41.5 12.3 63.5 21.0
1.00-2.49 14.8 18.1 14.4 24.8
2.50-4.99 7.4 20.2 6.1 23.5
5.00-14.99 4.6 27.5 3.0 25.8
OVER 15.00 0.8 21.9 0.2 4.9

Source: National Sample Survey, 17th and 37 th rounds, cited in H R Shamla (1992)

81
January I, 1970 was Ihe dale as of which tenancy legally ceased 10 exist in Ihe state. Looking
at the above' data, il is quite clear that the land reforms have happened at a superficial level
with 76.3 per cent of the Kerala households hold merely 21 per cent of the land; 9.3 per cent
of them own a staggering 54.2 per cent of the land.

The main failure in the refom1s was that the refonns failed to succeed in vesting ownership
of land in the hands of the tiller, succeeding only in transferring il to the intermediary. The
non-tilling absentee cultivators, as we see anywhere in the country, are seen in Kerala also
(Balakrishnan, 1999: 1272). For no state in India-not even the Communist regime in
Kerala-has passed a land refonn or agrarian relations act requiring the cultivators to till,
another factor that could be the reason as to why an adequate land refom1 programme has
nol happened till date (Balakrishnan, 1999: 1272). As far as the caste and land question is
concerned, 77 percent of dalits in agriculture in Kerala are landless, compared to 63 percent
at an all-India level (Omvedt, 1999 and 2000). In other words, land refonns have largely
passed the dalits by because tenants, nol agricultural laborers, have got land and education
has been of little use in giving them an equal opportunity for the few existing jobs (Omvedt,
1999). While on the one hand, the adivasi community has been edged out of the
development of the state on the other hand the community continues to suffer from the ill
effects of land alienation (Omvedt, 1999 and also see Omvedt, 2000).

It was the Communist Party after its election in 1956 that brought about the above attempts
towards agrarian refonns. In its attempts, the Pmty had promised to safeguard tenants'
interests, introduce a ceiling on land holdings, fix fair rents, and redistribute surplus land to
the landless (Nossiter, 1982). Somehow, this attempt was jeopardised with the politics of
the state and centre (with Presidential rule being imposed in 1959) and the modified version
passed latcr by the Congress in 1961, was significantly altered to accommodate landed
interests (Nossiter, 1982: 149-153). The same attempt made by the Communist Pany to
enforce educational refonns was jeopardised by the Catholic Church which saw the Refonn
Bill as an attempt to take away the control of the vast networks of educational institutes that
the Church owned and controlled in the state (Nossiter, 1982: 153-157). The Educational
Reform Bill sought to regulate the appointment and conditions of teachers, ensure propel~
"..~ .....-~

82 #:)I~~
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records, establish local education authorities with official, nominated and elected members
and provide for temporary or pelmanent state takeover of managements which failed to
comply with the act (Nossiter, 1982: 154). This attempt also gotjeopardised because private
religious managements felt threatened by the Bill and the vested interests tlnally prevailed.

Agriculture is also another indicator in Kerala's context. As far as share in production is

concemed; Table 13 is an indicator. Table 13 indicatcs that Kerala's share in total
food grains production is the lowest in the country along with Himachal Pradesh and Jammu
and Kashmir. This could be because 70% ofKerala's land is under non-food crops (CMIE,
1993). However, it must be noted that the perfonnance regarding to non-food crops has
been bad (Pillai, 1982). Except during the period from 1960-61 to 1974-75, in all other
periods, the productivity of food crops has been on the decline and the apparent increase in
production of non-food crops is due to extension of area under those crops (Pillai, 1982: 42).
In tcmlS of overall agricultural sector, the share of agriculture has began to decline, it has
declined from 53.4% in 1960-61 to 41.8 per cent in 1976-77), and has continued to decline
(Pillai, 1982: 48-50).

Self sufficiency in foodgrains has not been achieved. This can be gauged by the example of
rice production. The total rice production in Kerala is 871,000 tonnes; however the grain
distributed under the public distribution system (PDS) in the state is 1,608,000 tonnes
(Balakrishnan, 1999). This implies that the grain distributed exceeds domestic production by
close to one hundred per cent (Balakrishnan, 1999). On the other hand, the settlers and
planters, in most cases the absentee cultivators, focused on cash crops than food crops. This
in tum happened because of demand in the global economy (Rammohan, 2000: 1234). As a
result of this flawed cropping pattern, from the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, rubber was the
only crop that showed any increase in output (Kanan and Pushpangadan, 1990). There was a
decline in output for paddy, tapioca, banana, coconut, cashew, and arecenut, and stagnation
in the case of pepper and cardamom. In tlle case of the two main food crops, paddy and
tapioca, the decline was the result of a fall in area planted, while for banana and cashew
production a decline in yield was to blame (Kannan & Pushpangadan, 1990).

83
 Table 13
Share of States in Agricultural Production

% of national production
Rice Wheat Pulses Total Groundnut Sugarca
foodgrains ne

Andhra Pradesh 13.8 --- 5.3 7.4 26.1 5.1

Assam 3.9 0.2 0.4 1.8 --- 0.9
Bihar 8.7 6.7 6.4 6.9 0.1 2.7
Gujarat 1.0 2.0 3.2 2.4 20.0 3.7
Haryana 2.1 11.4 3.2 5.1 _.. 3.0
Himachal Pradesh 0.1 1.0 0.1 0.7 ... ...
Jammu & Kashmir 0.8 0.5 0.2 0.7 ... . ..

Kamataka 3.4 0.3 4.5 4.2 12.2 8.7

Kerala 1.5 ... 02 0.7 0.1 0.3
Madhya Pradesh 6.8 8.8 21.0 9.4 3.7 0.8
Maharashtra 3.3 1.7 13.0 7.4 11.1 13.6
Orissa 7.5 0.1 8.3 4.1 6.2 1.5
Punjab 8.5 22.9 0.9 11.0 0.2 2.9
Rajasthan 0.2 6.9 8.7 5.0 2.6 0.4
Tamil Nadu 8.7 ... 3.0 4.8 15.9 10.9
UtI.r Pradesh 12.5 36.1 19.9 20.3 1.4 44.8
West Bengal 15.3 1.3 1.6 7.0 0.3 0.5
Others 1.9 0.1 0.1 1.1 0.1 0.2
All India 100 ]00 100 ]00 100 ]00

Note: Based on average production during the period 1987-88 to 1989-90.

Source: Statistical Outline oflndia, 1992-93.

Apart from the state of agriculture, the state of the environment is a good indicator for the
question of sustainabiJity. Present policies with regard to the envirorunent are being spurred
on by the neo-liberal forces of globalisation. The government of Kerala is throwing the
state's natural resources open to exploitation by the agents of globalisation, ignoring the
people's demand for the protection of the environment and the maintenance of sustainability
(Korakandy, 2000: 1801). The total forest area of the state has come down from 11,241.97
hectares in 1994 to 11, 236.06 ha in 1996 (Korakandy, 2000: 1801). This shows that close to
10 hectors of forestland is lost every day. Large scale illegal felling of trees by private estate
owners and others is a critical issue which the media in the state have reported umpteen

84
times (see Korakandy, 2000). The main source of income for estate owners appears to be
from felling of trees" (Korakandy, 2000). It is the nexus between the planters, the revenue,
forest depm1ment officers and the politicians that operate in the massive scale deforestation
in Kerala (Korakandy, 2000). Large scale destruction of forests and trees is rep0l1ed to have
resulted in soil erosion, change in climate patterns, movements of the wild animals leading
to increasing conflict between man and animals, disappearance of rare and endangered l10ra
and fauna, and even the recently seen phenomena like, red rain, series of tremors,
submergence of wells in earth, increased number oflandslides, etc (Korakandy, 2000).

g) Suicide

One of the biggest negative factors of Kerala society is suicide. The figures are so drastic
that it threatens the very social fabric of Kerala society. Kerala has the highest suicide rate
in the country and equals the highest in the world (Kumar, 1995). As per the 1992
estimates, the natiQnal average of death by suicide is 9.2 per hundred thousand population
per year, in Kerala, it is 27.3, i.e. almost three times the national average (Kumar, 1995). In·
fact, more than this, it is the increase in the rate of suicide in Kerala that is alarming, for it
has increased from 17 to 27 per hundred thousand, in a span of just four years (1994-95)
(Kumar, 1995). Between April, 1992 and March 1997, there were 41,397 suicides in Kerala
(Krishnakumar, 2000:97). In the 22 months preceding April, 1998; about 15,200 people
ended their lives (Krishna kumar, 2000:97). Suicides are so rampant that cel1ain villages
have gained fame because of the extremities in the suicide rate. For instance, Noornad, a tiny
village in Allapuzha district is well known because an average of 50 suicides occur there
each year and similarly another tiny village in North Kerala in Kozhikode district; Panangad
attracted similar attention as it recorded 227 suicides in the period 1995-2000
(Krishnakumar, 2000:97). Another factor that goes unreported is that of attempted suicides.
There is no way of knowing how many actually attempt to commit suicide but estimates are
that on an average, 135 to 217 people peT hundred thousand population make an attempt on
their lives every year (Kumar, 1995). Other estimates state that for cvery 24 people who
commit suicide daily in Kerala, about 100 on the average make unsuccessful suicide
"
attempts (Krishnakumar, 2000:97). James (2001) has pointed out the

85
suicides after the globalisation. Due to the fall in the price of agriculture produce, and the
inability to pay the debts, suicides of family heads and the entire family was looked upon as
the only 'rescue' for lower-middle and middle class agriculture families (James, 2001). In a
village, Alakkode, Kannur district, in a span often days, 28 suicide deaths were reportcd and
this was attributed to the price fall in agriculture produce and the inability to repay the debts
(James, 2001). The rate of psychopathology is also belicved to have increascd through
similar intluences according to menial health professionals in Kerala (Halliburton, 1998:
2341). In one of the studies on suicide in Kerala by .lames Vadackumchery, 39 survivors of
unsuccessful suicide attcmpts were interviewed (cited in Halliburton, 1998). It was found
that the most common social factors for trying to commit suicide were: (I) undesirable
conditions at home including "intoxication, quarrels, family contlicts and tensions, deviant
family relations, poor quality of parent-child, sibling-sibling, husband-wife relationships and
conservative attitudes (2) exposure to consumerist culture through the visual media,
specifically film, TV serials and pulp fiction (cited in Halliburton, 1998: 2341). The degree
of alienation is very high among the people of Kerala.

These then were some indicators which give an overall picture of Kerala. It .is a picture of
contradictions. On the one hand, some in-dicators match up to the best in the world and
some to the worst. This aspect of contrasting indicators has probably come about because
basic issues have still to be addressed in Keralite society. Caste is an example in this regard.
It is the defining variable in Kerala's polity and this is inspite of all social refonns and
influences. The influence of caste is all pervasive; whether it is with regard to land access;
social relations or even media habits. Even though Some might say that Dalits have seen
larger mobility, the spaces are limited as social relations (such as marriage) are strictly
regulated. The proportion of Dalit population below the poverty line is the highest among all
communities (Krishnakumar, 2006:23). Moreover, the socio-economic condition of the
tribals and the lowest castes is still at the bottom. One could state that caste is a factor that
negates the achievements ofthc 'Kerala model'.

Similarly, the high rate of suicide is a retlection of a chain of linked factors such as neglect
of the economy which leads to lack of industrial entrepreneurship in tum leading to lack of

86
employment. Other factors like education and alienation has resulted in unfulfilled
aspirations which may also be responsible for the high suicide rate. As is often stated, Kerala
can be cited as the "model" wherein progressive development indicators in the crucial fields
of health, literacy, demography have all been achieved inspite of having very Jess economic
growth. Its achievements in certain sectors have been exemplary but the entire process has
stopped at that.

One of the factors that is striking in Kerala is the influence of the Communist movement in
the last seven decades. It has seen social democratic movements but at the same time seen
radical departures from it. The failure of the land refonn movement as spelled out earlier in
this chapter also indicates that there has been a lack of political will. This is not the failure
of the peoples' movement in Kerala but rather because of the larger political forces at play,
primarily the two main political parties: the CPM led Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the
Congress led United Democratic Front (UDF). The present economic policies based on neo-
liberalisation as well as IMF led 'economic refonns' being carried out by the CPM led LDF
has consensus at the level of the ruling political class. This has led to the opening of Special
Economic Zones (SEZ) as well as privatisa tion drives in other sectors. Global and national
policies dictate the situation in Kerala. For instance, in a small district of Kerala, Wayanad,
fanners lost Rs. 5000 crores between 2001-2005 due to the world wide crash of prices of
coffee, pepper, ginger etc (Radhakrishnan, 2008 af As per the National Sample Survey of
2003, this has resulted in KeraJa facing the highest fanner indebtedness after Punjab. The
indebtedness of the average fanner family in Kerala is at Rs. 33,907 which is thrice the
national average of Rs. 12,585 (Radhakrishnan, 2008 a). This resulted in 11,516 fanners
committing suicide in Kerala between 1997 and 2005 (Radhakrishnan, 2008 a). Policies at
the national level post 1991 have customised itself to global policies and trends in tenns of
neo-liberalisation and f1ll1her opening up of markets to private and foreign capital.

The other striking contemporary factor in Kcrala is the growing presence of the RSS and
Hindutva (see also Shaji, 2008). The growth of the RSS under the banner of Hindutva has
seen its rapid growth in India post 1989 and since then have concentrated their efforts in the

87
Southern region where they have been traditionally weak; that situation may be changing as
the RSS has a major presence in every district in Kerala today (see also Shaji, 2008). Today
the RSS branches in the state are among the highest in the country (Radhakrishnan, 2008 b).
The growth of Fascism in Kerala has come with its inroads into the traditional bastions of
the CPM and the Congress Party. What comes out from all of the above is the present
situation in Kerala has resulted as a consequence of the mismatch between social reality and
popular expectations and thus indicates a deep structural crisis (see also Panicker, 1998).
From this overview of the Kerala situation, the next chapter would focus on the concepts of
decentralisation, planning and development.

88