Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan

Essay: The Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan: Implications for an Integrated Country

1. Issue
Creation of new provinces in Pakistan is necessity as well as a popular demand. The issue, at the same time, brings political controversies and
raises questions about its impacts on the national unity thus blurring the entire scheme.

2. Voices and Movements for the Creation of New Provinces in Pakistan

– Voice for Creating Saraiki Province in Punjab
– Demand of Creating Mohajir Province in Sindh
– Demand for Creating Pashtun Province in Baluchistan
– Hazara Province Demand in Khyber Pakhtunhawa

3. How Creation of New Provinces can Integrate Pakistan?

– Smaller provinces – Better Administration
– Better administration – National Cohesion
– Giving the People their Territorial Recognition

4. How Creation of New Provinces can Disintegrate Pakistan?

– Politicizing the Issue for Politically motivated objectives
– Creating new provinces on the base of ethnicities
– Resurgence of provincialism
– Divergent provincial priorities

5. The Middle Way

Creation of new provinces should be on administrative grounds not ethnic basis

7. Conclusion

Creation of new provinces remains an important subject of politics in a developing country which has limited available resources. Pakistan is no
exception in this regard. The country has federal structure of government in which there is a central government and several provincial
government depending upon the number of provices. Pakistan is home of four major provinces, one sub-autonomous state of Azad Jammu and
Kashmir and an administrative unit of Gilgit Baltistan which is not a full province yet.

Amid the said scenario, there are demands for the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. These demands are based more of ethnic outlooks
rather than political and administrative grounds. The demand of new provinces in Pakistan become apparent in the form of several movements
destines to attain provincial autonomy.

Creation of new provinces brings several positive as well as negative impacts on the state’s health. In Pakistan the creation is however more
politicized matter thus blurring the distinct pros and cons of creating new provinces. This further brings questions over the integration of
Pakistan with the creation of new provinces as the political parties here lack a unanimous verdict.

Before knowing about the implications of creating new provinces on Pakistan’s integration, it’s wise to learn about the major movements
demanding new provinces in the country. First comes the demand for creation of a new province in the Southern part of the Punjab. This part
of the Punjab is dominated by Saraiki speaking people who recognize themselves as a distinct ethnic group. But the demand of this Saraiki
Province is not mere on the ethnic grounds. Backwardness and low-development levels in the Southern Punjab leads to the demand of this
province. Further, people of Southern Punjab find it difficult to reach the Provincial capital city of Lahore for an administrative task. This
demand finds its grip strengthened arguing that most of the budget of the Punjab province is spent on central areas of the province thus
depriving them of their due right.

Second important demand comes from the Muhajir Community of Karachi. The community asks for the upgradation of Karachi into a separate
province. Karachi is the provincial capital of the Sindh Province. Making it a new province as demanded would be purely ethnic step.

Third is the demand of creating Pashtun Province in Baluchistan. Being the largest area of Pakistan, Baluchistan is the house of Balochs mostly.
Some Northern part of this province is dominated by the Pashtuns who want a separate province there.

Fourth demand of creating a new province sought a vociferous voice recently after the name of NWFP was changed into KPK Province. It is the
Hazara community of the KPK province that demands for creation of a new Hazara Province in KPK. This demand is also on ethnic basis as the
Hazara community distinguishes itself from the Pashtuns of the KPK.

Under the light of the said demands, the implications of creating new provinces on Pakistan’s integration can be evaluated in shape of pros and
cons of taking such a step. Creating new provinces in Pakistan can integrate the country by infusing a sense of confidence in the minds of Siraiki,
Pashtun, Muhajir and Hazarans communities of the country. This can prevent them from taking any drastic steps. Secondly, to demand
autonomous administrative provinces is not an unconstitutional thing. They can forward their reservations over the unjust distribution of

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provincial budgets within various areas of a province. Thus giving them the autonomous provinces can bring them into mainstream national
politics.

Another important implication of creating new provinces on the national integration will come in shape of self-rule. When the people of these
areas will be allowed to exercise provincial autonomy thus ruling themselves, they can better decide their lives keeping in view their resources
and needs. This thing will keep them busy in healthy local politics and prevent sedition.

Thirdly, creating new provinces can ensure better administration. It is mostly difficult to administer a large province. Thus dividing it into two or
more smaller provinces can help in administering it well. This also brings fortune to the people of that area without transmission of resources
and revenue to the other autonomous parts of the province.

Fourthly, creation of new provinces strengthens national integration by bringing welfare to the state as a whole. When a province of country is
welfare, it will surely add to the strength of the state.

Contrary to the positive implications of creating new provinces on Pakistan, there are certain abnormalities that are attributed with taking such
a step. In general creation of new provinces is a constitutional step which in no way can disintegrate a country. A nation’s integration begins to
deteriorate when the issue about the creation of new provinces is politicized. When the political parties begin to measure the creation of new
provinces according to their peculiar interests, several controversies emerge. Take example of the behavior of Pakistan’s political parties on the
issue of new provinces. Pakistan People’s Party supports the voice for Siraiki province to curb the influence of Pakistan Muslim League (N) in
Punjab. To counter this move, the latter political party supports the Muhajir community in making Karachi a province to contain the influence of
Pakistan People’s Party in Sindh. Thus, this sort of politics keeps on rendering the issues controversial.

Pakistan’s integration will be adversely impacted by the creation of new provinces in case the provinces are created on ethnic lines. A new
province is meant to be created on administrative basis. It is when done in order to favor an ethnic group, the national integration faces a blow.

New provinces if created in Pakistan can weaken country’s integration if provincialism overwhelms the political scene. If the people of a
province pledge to vote only the political party of that province, it will annihilate national cohesion. In the past, the people of Bengal voted for
Awami Muslim League and the Peoples Party won in the West Pakistan. This later proved to be of fatal consequence when the politico-lingual
gaps between the two became so wide that the East Pakistan seceded from the West Pakistan. This sort of provincialism has caused
considerable damage to the national unity in the past.

To cope all such circumstances in Pakistan, a middle way can be adopted. New provinces shall not be created as a first resort but this is
conditioned with the pledge to administer the already existing provinces with just policies for all areas. In case it becomes inevitable to create a
new province, it should be in no way on the ethnic lines. This can lead to dire consequences and sever implications on national integration.

In compact, creation of new provinces can be fruitful if not based on ethnic lines and not subject to abnormal politicization of the issues.
Pakistan integration shall be kept prior before devising any such plan.

Historical Outlook
The administrative system has evolved in India, from the rule of Mughals to East India Company. Modern approach to administration was
introduced by the British to cater for the vast apparatus of the government as a colony. Bureaucracy was introduced to govern and administer
the large territory of British India. The British also followed the Mughal precedent of provinces which was headed by the governors. They
further divided the provinces into small administrative territorial units called districts. An officer was assigned the duty of administration of
each district known as district officer who was assigned the designations of an executive, chief magistrate and a collector of revenue. The British
stretched their network of administration to the gross root level for increased control and governance. The motive behind the division of
provinces into divisions, districts, tehsils and villages was to manage the state affairs and its administration efficiently. Muhammad Usman
Asghar ISSRA Papers 2012 63 In the historical perspective of provinces and their division, Partition of Bengal in 1905 is quite important to
understand the political, religious and social dynamics of that period. It is described that the first partition of Bengal in 1905 was an
administrative initiative to boost good governance in the province. It shows that the administration is a core criterion for the division of
provinces in the greater interest of the nation and the state. A brief description of the provinces and their administration in 1907 is given in the
table as under:2 Province of British India Chief Administrative Officer Burma Lieutenant Governor Bengal Lieutenant Governor Madras
Governor In-Council Bombay Lieutenant Governor United Provinces Lieutenant Governor Central Provinces Chief Commissioner Punjab
Lieutenant Governor Assam Chief Commissioner There were also some small provinces like British Balochistan and NWFP. Partition of Bengal
and then its annulment is also an important development in the history of sub-continent for the recognition of the public demand and its
repercussions in the region. Demand for New Provinces in Pakistan 64 ISSRA Papers 2012 In 1935, British Raj introduced the Government of
India Act 1935, to administer and govern the India in the light of emerging trends of political scenarios. One of the most significant aspects of
the Act was the grant of large scale autonomy to the provinces in British India. Pakistan maintains the same pattern of provinces and their
structure at present. The administrative and political autonomy vested by the British Raj was in prime interest of the federation, for example,
Sindh was separated from Bombay. This was also generally recognized, that the clauses of act relating to the provincial autonomy conferred a
great deal of power and responsibility on local politicians to play their role in the local development. Our neighbour, India started with 14 states
i.e. provinces and at present it has 28 provinces.3

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Challenge of new provinces
THE debate on creating new provinces in Pakistan is gaining momentum with the proposal approved by the parliamentary commission to create
a new province — ‘Bahawalpur Janoobi Punjab’.

But the fundamental question which needs to be addressed while considering the demand for new provinces is: should the new provinces be
established on an administrative or ethnic basis? The existing four provinces are carved along ethnic lines though the option to redraw
provincial boundaries along administrative lines has been presented.

deepening of political polarisation

It is not only the rationale behind demanding a change in Pakistan’s federal structure that needs to be addressed; the issue that must also be
examined is the potential for violence and conflict if new provinces are created without taking into consideration the interests of ethnic
minorities and other stakeholders.

This is especially true when the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, which rules Punjab, is not on board. One can expect the deepening of political
polarisation and the consequent impact on the election campaign.

While intolerance, extremism, radicalisation and terrorism shape the political landscape of Pakistan today, those demanding the recognition
of their identities have threatened to follow a violent course if their right to a separate provincial identity is not granted.

Three contradictory factors which influenced the issue of creating new provinces in Pakistan were religion, nationalism and centralisation. The
argument that the identity of Pakistan rested with Islam as a major unifying force was exploited by the bureaucratic-military establishment
which wanted to suppress nationalistic forces and establish a unitary instead of federal state.

It was argued that the existence of Pakistan would be in jeopardy if ethnic and lingual identities were given legitimacy in the shape of new
provincial units. The feudal-religious-bureaucratic-military nexus led to the creation of One Unit with the dissolution of the provinces in 1955 in
West Pakistan as a counterweight to East Pakistan which had the demographic edge.

Although the provinces of Balochistan, North-West Frontier Province, Punjab and Sindh were restored according to the legal framework order
proclaimed in 1970, since then no change in the federal map of Pakistan has taken place.

It was only in 2010 and after that the demand for new provinces gained impetus and became part of a serious political discourse. Renaming the
NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) in the 18th Amendment was termed a major shift in the political landscape, and it immediately led to a
reaction in the Hazara division of KP, with demands being made that a provincial status be granted to the division.

The tabling of the 20th Constitutional Amendment Bill by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement last year in the National Assembly, that sought the
creation of new provinces in Punjab and KP, gave impetus to forces seeking recognition of distinct provincial identities.

The question is: why is the redrawing of provincial boundaries limited only to Punjab and KP and why not Sindh and Balochistan?

It is argued by some that when an initiative can be taken in parliament to debate the creation of Bahawalpur, Seraiki and Hazara provinces, a
similar debate should be launched for redrawing the boundaries of Balochistan and Sindh. Why is the parliamentary commission only Punjab-
specific and how can the constitutional requirements to create new provinces be met when the majority of Punjab Assembly members do not
support the division of their province?

Constitutional ambiguity and impediments in the way of creating new provinces in Pakistan aside, perhaps the most important challenge in the
process of redrawing the provincial boundaries is the potential for violence and conflict.

Three major demands for the creation of new provinces centre on Seraiki, Bahawalpur and Hazara provinces. But in all three cases, there is the
likelihood of stakeholders — whether the ethnic majority or minority — not accepting the borders on historical, lingual, economic, political and
ethnic grounds, thus increasing the possibility of conflict.

Even the name given to the new province — Bahawalpur Janoobi Punjab — may not pre-empt resistance from communities, particularly
settlers, who may not feel comfortable in a new provincial set-up.

The case of the proposed Hazara province is further complicated because the bureaucracy in that division is Pakhtun-dominated whereas
demographically there is an ethnic overlap. There is the threat of resistance on the part of the non-Hindko-speaking population of Hazara if
minorities, namely the Pakhtuns, are marginalised in the proposed province.

In May 2012, PML-N members in the KP Assembly submitted a resolution in the provincial assembly secretariat asking the government to
amend the constitution to create Hazara province composed of six districts of KP. Can those supporting the creation of a Hazara province get
two-thirds majority in the assembly for the fulfilment of their demand?

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There are two options to successfully deal with the potential outbreak of conflicts if new provinces are created or the status quo is maintained.

The first is to hold a referendum in areas where there is lack of consensus among the stakeholders — particularly in Hazara, Bahawalpur and
Seraiki-speaking areas — to determine what the local people want. Second, instead of being created on an ethnic basis, new provinces could be
established along administrative lines so that the threat of ethnic violence is averted.

The future parliament of Pakistan needs to seriously probe the fault lines when it comes to meeting the demand for new provinces.

POLITICS OF NEW PROVINCES IN PAKISTAN: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES

Abstract

Pakistan despite being a federal state has not fully evolved the spirit of federalism. Demands for greater provincial autonomy and distribution
of resources continue to raise their head and have been contentious issues between the center and provinces. The recent clamour for new
provinces adds a new dimension to challenges already faced by the federation. Though both opponents and proponents of the demand have
valid arguments in their support, the creation of new provinces is a complex issue. New provinces can only be created through constitutional
means and national consensus.

Introduction he constitution defines Pakistan as a federal state, a state where power is shared between the federal government and the
federating units. Pakistan inherited the federal system from British India and has been practising it, at least in name, throughout its turbulent
constitutional history. However, the true spirit of federalism could not be evolved. Mistrust exists between the centre and provinces and among
provinces themselves over the distribution of resources. The current debate to create new provinces was sparked by government decision to
rename the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). This name has an ethnic connotation that the non-Pashtun
population of the province opposes and wants a Hazara province of their own. The demand seems to have caught on and now major political
parties, the media and social activists espouse or oppose it. The National Assembly passed a resolution in favour of a new province in South
Punjab and also asked the Punjab Assembly to take necessary measures in that regard. The Punjab Assembly on its part added to that its own
resolution to grant provincial status to the former princely state of Bahawalpur. Both the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim
League (N) have agreed to establish a national commission to demarcate the boundaries of the proposed provinces.

Why New Provinces?

The demand to have new provinces has been raised from time to time; sometimes on ethnic grounds, sometimes on the basis of distribution of
resources and sometimes on socio-economic backwardness of the areas.

The Case for South Punjab The case for South Punjab has been presented on socio-economic grounds. It is commendable that the proposed
new province has been named as South Punjab and not as the Seraiki Province which has been the popular demand. The rationale for the
decision is the dispersed demography of the Seraiki speaking population which is scattered over 23 districts, stretching from Mianwali, Bhakkar,
and DG Khan, Multan and Bahawalpur in Punjab to DI Khan and some parts of Lakki Marwat in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The Seraiki province thus
would have become another unmanageably big province and its economic deprivation issue blamed on Punjab’s large size would have
remained unsolved. Whether the proposed administrative set up is going to solve the problems and hardships of the people of South Punjab is
a question that needs knowledge about the socio-economic conditions of the region. According to a PILDAT Discussion Paper, South Punjab
comprises around 48.5 per cent of the total area and 31.57 per cent of the population of the present province of Punjab.1 It has three divisions
subdivided into eleven districts. The allocation of funds through Annual Development Programme (ADP) was 17.76 per cent in 2006 that was
increased to 29.02 per cent in 2010. The social indicators in education, health, labour and employment sector also present a poor picture: 43.11
per cent people live below the poverty line compared to 27.69 per cent in Punjab.2 South Punjab has an agrarian economy and lacks Central
Punjab’s industrial and urban development. Its industry comprises small units and the agrarian economy is largely controlled by big landlords
who have their ancestral seats in the parliament. They have occupied the highest executive posts but have done nothing for the development
of the area. Will their priorities change in the new set up in which they will monopolize power?

Restoration of Bahawalpur Province

It is noteworthy that the demand for granting provincial status to Bahawalpur is not based on linguistic, ethnic or cultural bases. The
Bahawalpur division is the largest division of Punjab in terms of area. Being a part of South Punjab, the majority of people do not support the
demand for Seraiki province because they fear that by supporting the Seraiki Province they will be giving up their claim on Bahawalpur
province.

Bahawalpur, the largest of the states that joined Pakistan, was given the status of province by an agreement signed on April 30, 1951 between
Government of Pakistan and the Ruler of Bahawalpur under Government of India Act 1935 regarding administrative and legislative matters.5
Under the agreement the Ruler of Bahawalpur agreed that central subjects (defence, communication and foreign affairs) listed under list one of
Government of India Act 1935 were to be administered by the centre while the provincial matters would continue to be administered by the
Bahawalpur province. Henceforth, the state was to be treated as a province but at the same time it was made clear that this pattern will not be
applicable to other states that joined Pakistan.

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The provincial status of Bahawalpur ended with the formation of “One Unit.” But it was not restored when One Unit was folded despite
frequent demands by the people. Its merger with Punjab led to widespread protests. The movement for restoration of Bahawalpur Province
was started but with the passage of time it lost its momentum, though not the people’s sense of lack of political representation and economic
deprivation.

Future of FATA (Federally Administered Tribal Area)

The debate to revisit the status of existing provinces has renewed the concerns about the future of FATA, the federally administered tribal
areas. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly passed a unanimous resolution asking the Parliament to give representation to the people of FATA
though within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly and with the consent of the people of the region.7 The representatives of tribal areas convened
Jirgas to make recommendations about the future of the tribal areas. Of the two Grand Jirgas held in May, the first Jirga organized by FATA
Grand Alliance demanded that FATA be given the status of a separate province. The participants of the Jirga ruled out any possibility to merge
FATA with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as desired by the provincial government. The demands by the jirga included introducing the local government
system, establishment of FATA Council (representing each tribal agency to administer FATA and oversee all matters that provincial cabinet does
in provinces),8 and separate judicial system.9 The establishment of industrial zone, a new economic system and an end to drone attacks and
military operations in the tribal areas were also part of the demands made by the Jirga.10 Given the unique status of FATA in the constitution of
Pakistan, its future status has to be decided keeping in view many complex issues. Fata is part of the federation of Pakistan but has a different
political and administrative structure that has been defined in Article 247 of the 1973 constitution according to which the governor of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa being a representative of the President administers FATA through political agents. Officers and staff are sent from Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa to all tribal agencies of FATA.11 Article 247 rules out any possibility of extending jurisdiction of the Parliament and the higher
judiciary (Supreme Court or High Court) to FATA. Parliamentarians are elected from FATA but it has no provincial assembly or local body
governing structure like other parts of the country. The proponents of FATA’s merger into the province support their arguments on the basis
that it already depends on Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for services and administration. They share a common Governor and the area has geographical
proximity with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa which justifies merger.12 These views have been challenged on grounds that having lived under different
political and judicial systems for a long time it will be difficult for the people to adopt a new system or let the law of the land extended to the
tribal area. Any change should be preceded by introduction of reforms and the empowerment of people. It should then be left to the people of
the tribal area to decide their future as a separate province or merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

The Case for Hazara Province

Renaming of NWFP as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa by the 18th Amendment triggered violent protests in Hazara Division demanding a separate Hazara
province. The Hazara Division of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa consists of six districts: Haripur, Abbotabad, Mansehra, Battagram, Kohistan and since
January 2011, Torgrah.13 The population of Hazara is not homogenous in terms of ethnicity, culture and language. The dominant language in
Haripur, Abbotabad and Mansehra is Hindko, while people of Kohistan speak their own Kohistani language. The people of Battagram and
Torgrah speak Pashto.14 Supporters claim that Hazara will be economically viable as the region is rich in minerals and natural resources.
Tourism can be further developed in Hazara to generate revenues and more hydroelectric projects like the Khanpur Dam can be built to
generate employment and royalty for the province. The Pashtun dominated districts of Hazara demand a separate division for themselves
named as “Abaseen.” The representatives of these Pashto speaking areas defend their case on socio-economic grounds. Their claim is also
based on the distance of their area from Abbottabad, the future provincial headquarter.

Prospects and Challenges

Amendment of Constitutional Provisions

The creation of new provinces will not be an easy task. Apart from political and economic implications, constitutional amendments will also
have to be made, as the constitutional mechanism to create new provinces under Article 239 requires an amendment bill originated in either
house of parliament to be approved by two third majority of both the Houses. The consent of the Provincial Assembly is also compulsory for
changing the status of any province. According to clause (4) of Article 239, “A bill to amend the constitution which would have the effect of
altering the limits of a province shall not be presented to the president for assent unless it has been passed by Provincial Assembly of that
province by the votes of not less than two thirds of its total membership.”15 The article makes it obligatory to get the approval of Provincial
Assembly for any demarcation of provincial boundaries. These legal requirements would be difficult to meet in a coalition government.

Conflicts on Distribution of Resources

In the present structure, revenues are collected by the centre and redistributed among provinces. This redistribution has been a contentious
issue among the federation and the federating units.16 Provinces in Pakistan have always been demanding greater political autonomy and
larger share in resources and income. There has been disagreement over National Finance Commission Awards and river water distribution. The
main reason for demanding new provinces has been the unequal distribution of developmental funds between metropolitan cities and remote
areas of the provinces.17 To take a decision about new provinces the government has to come up with comprehensive recommendations to
overcome technical, administrative and procedural impediments.

Economic Implications

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The creation of new provinces will have impact on the economy as well. Proponents of new provinces believe that new provincial governments
will have their own budgets and will be in a position to allocate more resources for under-developed areas that have been denied their due
share. In this regard, it will be important to explore the economic potential of these areas. For example South Punjab as the major producer of
cotton can have textile industries and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa can develop hydroelectric projects with its water resources. Yet the creation of new
provinces is going to increase non development expenditure. It will burden the taxpayers and put strains on the already meager economy.

Rise of Ethnic and Linguistic Identities

It is commonly argued that provinces created on ethno-linguistic basis will do no harm. Scholars argue that the existing provinces have strong
ethnic identities. Pakistan inherited the provinces as they were at the time of independence. Ever since, only Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has been
renamed on ethnic basis and has enhanced the identity consciousness of the people of Hazara. It already has started a chain reaction
motivating other ethnic groups to demand new units on linguistic or ethnic basis. Keeping pace with these developments, a movement for a
Mohajir Province was started with wall chalking in Karachi and Hyderabad. It was intensified by demonstrations by the leaders of the
movement.18 This was followed by further demands for the division of Sindh, and creation of a South Sindh province. In response, a Sindh
lovers rally was held on May 22, 2012 against the division of Sindh that came under fire and more than a dozen people were killed. Then a Sindh
Solidarity Conference was convened on May 30, 2012 that was attended by mainstream and nationalist political parties and adopted a
unanimous resolution against division of Sindh.19 Such movements that support the demarcation of new units on linguistic or ethnic basis have
the potential to escalate into an ethnic clash that will ultimately weaken the state by promoting sub-nationalism.

Conclusion

The issue of new provinces has been taken up by political parties as a political stunt and lacks the people’s will. It seems an agenda item for
political point scoring while ignoring the underlying problems of the people. New provinces may not produce the desired results, but it may
generate new problems as the real problem has been the centralization of power and for long provinces have been demanding greater
provincial autonomy that has been denied to them and this demand has been a cause of friction between the centre and the provinces. The
solution lies not in creating new provinces but to devolve power at local level, to give people access to justice at the door step and to provide
them with social security. The decision to create new provinces cannot be taken in haste; there is need to make a national commission, to
develop studies, to achieve agreement on distribution of resources and most importantly to consider the aspirations of the people of the area
who will constitute the new province. Holding of referendum will be the best option to know their opinion. The earlier mistake of renaming of
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa without consulting the people of Hazara has to be avoided this time. The ultimate objective should be the strengthening
of the federation.„