Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663

brill.com/arab

A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian:

al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya by al-Ḥasan b. Abī
Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī (fl. First Quarter of the
8th/14th c.)

Maurice A. Pomerantz
New York University Abu Dhabi

Abstract

This article is a description and guide to the contents of al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya by

al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī (fl. first quarter of the 8th/14th c.). The article
begins with a discussion of the life of the author al-Ṣafadī and his works. It provides
evidence for his biography derived from unpublished manuscript sources. The article
then considers features of the authorial context of al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, including
notes found in Laleli MS 1929, and evidence for the dedication of al-Maqāmāt
al-Ǧalāliyya to the famed geographer, historian, and ruler of Hama, al-Malik
al-Muʾayyad Abū l-Fidāʾ (672/1273-732/1332). The remainder of the article provides a
description of al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, its narrative structures, the contents of the
thirty individual maqāmāt, and explores parallels between al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya
and other works of the maqāma genre. The final section includes a sample text of
al-Maqāma l-Tīzīniyya and an accompanying commentary.

Keywords

classical Arabic literature, picaresque, maqāma, Mamlūk, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya,

al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī, al-Malik al-Muʾayyad Abū l-Fidāʾ

* The author would like to express his utmost thanks to Prof. Bilal Orfali (Beirut), Dr. John
Meloy (Beirut) and Prof. Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila (Helsinki) for their comments and sugges-
tions on this article.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.����/�5700585-12341326

632 Pomerantz

Résumé

Cet article est une description et un guide de lecture pour al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya
d’al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī (fl. premier quart du VIIIe/XIVe siècle). L’article
commence par une évocation de la vie de l’auteur al-Ṣafadī et de ses œuvres. Des élé-
ments historiques provenant de sources manuscrites inédites y sont donnés pour sa
biographie. L’article examine ensuite les caractéristiques du contexte d’écriture d’al-
Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, en s’appuyant sur des notes trouvées dans le MS Laleli 1929, et
la dédicace d’al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya au célèbre géographe, historien et gouverneur
de Hama, al-Malik al-Muʾayyad Abū l-Fidāʾ (672/1273–732/1332). Le reste de l’article
fournit une description d’al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, de ses structures narratives, du
contenu de chacune des trente maqāmāt, et explore les parallèles entre al-Maqāmāt
al-Ǧalāliyya et d’autres œuvres du genre des maqāmāt. La dernière section comprend
le texte d’al-Maqāma l-Tīzīniyya et un commentaire d’accompagnement.

Mots clés

littérature arabe classique, picaresque, maqāma, Mamelouks, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya,

al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī, al-Malik al-Muʾayyad Abū l-Fidāʾ

1 Al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī and his al-Maqāmāt

al-Ǧalāliyya

Al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya is a collection of thirty maqāmāt written in the early

8th/14th century. It has heretofore not been included in any general study of
the maqāma genre.1

The work is preserved in two manuscripts:

1.) Istanbul, Laleli collection, MS no. 1929, copied in 727/1327.2

1 For a general overview of this period, see Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila, Maqama: A history of a
genre, Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 2002, p. 328-346; Devin Stewart, “The maqāma”, in The
Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Arabic Literature in the Post-Classical Period, ed.
R. Allen and D.S. Richards, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 145-159.
2 Oskar Rescher, “Über arabische Manuscripte der Lālelī-moschee”, Le Monde Oriental, 7, (1913),
p. 10; see Brockelmann, GAL, S II, p. 208; a microfilm of this work is found in the Institute for
Arabic Manuscripts in Cairo, see Fihris al-Maḫṭūṭāt al-Muṣawwara, ed. Ayman Fuʾād Sayyid,

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 633

2.) Cairo, Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣriyya, Taymūr (adab) 293, copied in 1097/
1685-1686.3

The author of the MǦ is Ǧalāl al-Dīn al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī

l-Barīdī.4 In addition to the MǦ, he also composed a minor chronicle of Egypt
written during the reign of the Egyptian sultan al-Malik al-Nāṣir Muḥammad
b. Qalāwūn (d. 741/1341), Nuzhat al-mālik wa-l-mamlūk.5 Biographical sources
of the Mamlūk period do not mention al-Ṣafadī, and thus, his date of birth and
death are both unknown.6
An outline of al-Ṣafadī’s life can be reconstructed from various notices
that he supplies in his own works as well as contemporary sources. Al-Ṣafadī
traced his lineage seven generations back to the ʿAbbāsid caliph al-Muhtadī
(r. 255/869-256/870).7 He spent his early years in the city of Ṣafad in the Galilee.
After the sultan Baybars (r. 658/1260-676/1275) destroyed the Frankish garrison
that was stationed there in 664/1266, Ṣafad became an administrative center
for the Mamlūk dynasty of Egypt and Syria.

Cairo, Maʿhad iḥyāʾ al-maḫṭūṭāt al-ʿarabiyya, 1954, I, p. 530; see also Hämeen-Anttila, Maqama,
p. 385.
3 Fihris al-maḫṭūṭāt al-muṣawwara fī Dār al-kutub, ed. ʿI. al-Šanṭī, Cairo, Maʿhad al-maḫṭūṭāt
al-ʿarabiyya, 1996, I, p. 75-76.
4 Al-Ṣafadī presented his name in different forms depending on the context; for example, at
the conclusion of his Āṯār al-uwal fī tartīb al-duwal, ed. ʿA. ʿUmayra, Beirut, Dār al-ǧīl, 1989, p. 373,
he states that his name is al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar b. Maḥāsin b. ʿAbd
al-Karīm b. ʿAbd al-Muḥsin b. ʿAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad b. Hārūn b. Muḥammad b. Hārūn
Abī Muḥammad b. ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh b. al-ʿAbbās; in Husām b.
al-ʿAṭṭār, al-Maqāmāt al-Qurašiyya, MS Aya Sofya 4297, f. 219b, al-Ṣafadī states that his name is
al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar al-Hāšimī l-ʿAbbāsī; whereas in his history,
Nuzhat al-mālik wa-l-mamlūk fī muḫtaṣar sīrat man waliya Miṣr min al-mulūk, ed. ʿUmar
al-Tadmurī, Beirut, Ṣaydā, 2003, p. 172, al-Ṣafadī provides al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-Ṣafadī.
5 F. Krenkow and D.P. Little, “al-Ṣafadī, al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh al-Hāshimī”, EI2;
Donald P. Little, An Introduction to Mamlūk Historiography, Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner, 1970,
pp. 38-39.
6 Al-Ṣafadī, Nuzha, p. 6.
7 Al-Ṣafadī emphasizes his ʿAbbāsid lineage enumerating his caliphal ancestors in the opening
of al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 2b: al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar b. Maḥāsin
b. ʿAbd al-Karīm b. ʿAbd al-Muḥsin b. ʿAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad al-Muhtadī bi-Llāh amīr
al-muʾminīn b. Hārūn al-Wāṯiq b. amīr al-muʾminīn Muḥammad al-Muʿtaṣim b. amīr
al-muʾminīn Hārūn al-Rašīd b. amīr al-muʾminīn Muḥammad al-Mahdī b. amīr al-muʾminīn
ʿAbd Allāh al-Manṣūr b. Muḥammad al-Kāmil b. ʿAlī l-Saǧǧād b. ʿAbd Allāh Ḥibr al-Umma
l-ʿAbbās al-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad al-ʿAbbāsī.

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In 685/1285, al-Ṣafadī studied with the Sufi scholar and littérateur Ḥusām
al-Dīn b. al-ʿAṭṭār, who was the commander (isbāsalār) of the fortress of Ṣafad.8
In the year 687/1287, al-Ṣafadī departed Ṣafad, likely heading to Cairo where he
found employ in the Mamlūk administration and postal service.
Al-Ṣafadī was not a prolific author by the standards of his contemporaries
in the Mamlūk period, but several of his works concerning history and politics
have survived:

1. Nuzhat al-mālik wa-l-mamlūk fī muḫtaṣar sīrat man waliya Miṣr min

al-mulūk
ʿUmar al-Tadmurī prepared an edition based on the British Museum manu-
script.9 Although al-Ṣafadī begins his short chronicle with the history of the
Pharaohs, he devotes approximately half of his narrative to events concerning
the Mamlūk Sultanate in Egypt and Syria, concluding his account in the year
717/1317.

2. Al-Āṯār al-uwal fī tartīb al-duwal

This work is extant in one manuscript and has been edited and published. It
focuses on political theory and advice for rulers.10 Al-Ṣafadī quotes several pas-
sages from this work in his MǦ.11

3. Al-Taḏkira l-kāmiliyya fī l-siyāsa l-mulūkiyya

Possibly the same work as #2.

As can be seen from notices in these works, al-Ṣafadī was close to several of the
Mamlūk sulṭāns. In the Nuzhat al-mālik wa-l-mamlūk, al-Ṣafadī states that he
was sent on a mission on behalf of the Mamlūk vizier Faḫr al-Dīn b. ʿUmar b.
al-Ḫalīlī al-Dārī to the village of Fāqūs in the province of al-Šarqiyya in Egypt
in the year 694/1294-5. He describes in detail how he witnessed the gruesome
sight of a woman in the process of cooking her husband’s corpse on account
of the major famine that had befallen the region. Al-Ṣafadī, thus, must have

8 R. Amitai-Preis, “Ṣafad”, EI 2; Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 1b.

9 Al-Ṣafadī, Nuzha.
10 Al-ʿAbbāsī, Āṯār al-uwal fī tartīb al-duwal.
11 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, MS Laleli 1929, the relevant passages are found in
al-Māqama al-Ǧārraḥiyya (ff. 129b-140b). References to the corresponding pages in
al-Āṯār al-uwal fī tartīb al-duwal are cited below in the discussion pertaining to this
maqāma.

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 635

al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, MS Laleli 1929 fol. 2a.

begun his service in the Mamlūk administration as a scribe for Zayn al-Dīn
Kitbuġā al-Manṣūrī (r. 694-696/1295-1297).12
Al-Ṣafadī continued to serve in the state administration during the next
decade. In the introduction to his work, al-Āṯār al-uwal fī tartīb al-duwal, on
the conduct of the ruler, there is a praise poem addressed to the sulṭān Baybars
al-Manṣūrī Ǧašnakīr (r. 708-709/ 1308-1309).13
He also had ties to the sulṭān al-Malik Muḥammad al-Nāṣir (r. 709-741/1309-
1340) whom he praised in a poem quoted in his Nuzhat al-mālik wa-l-mamlūk.14

12 Al-Ṣafadī, Nuzha, p. 172-3.

13 Al-ʿAbbāsī, Āṯār al-uwal, p. 44-45.
14 Al-Ṣafadī, Nuzha, p. 179.

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636 Pomerantz

His relations with the sulṭān may have continued for some time, for Ibn
al-Dawādārī in his Kanz al-Durar mentions that al-Ṣafadī authored a poem for
the ruler later in his reign.15

2 Further Details of al-Ṣafadī’s Biography Drawn from the MǦ and the

Circumstances of its Authorship

Comments in the introduction to the MǦ provide further evidence about

al-Ṣafadī’s identity and the circumstances of the authorship of this collection
of maqāmāt. As noted above, al-Ṣafadī states that he first took an interest in
maqāma composition in 685/1285-1286 when he met with Ḥusām al-Dīn Ḫalīl
b. al-ʿAṭṭār al-Ḥalabī, who was, at that time, the commander (isbāsalār) of the
fortress of Ṣafad:

[. . .] in the months of the year 685/1285-1286, I met with Ḥusām al-Dīn
Ḫalīl b. Muḥammad b. al-ʿAṭṭār al-Ḥalabī, author of maqāmāt and inter-
preter of dreams. He was at that time the ruler of the fortress of Ṣafad. He
had composed fifty maqāmāt and I studied them with him. Among their
number, there were two maqāmāt, the first was a maqāma of pious
exhortation and the second includes the commentary of a schoolteacher.
I left him [viz. Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār] in the year 687/1287. He died after the siege of
Acre [i.e. 691/1291].

[. . .] annanī fī šuhūr sanat ḫams wa-ṯamānīn wa-sittimiʾa ǧtamaʿtu

bi-Ḥusām al-Dīn Ḫalīl b. al-ʿAṭṭār al-Ḥalabī wa-huwa yawmaʾiḏin isbāsalār
qalʿat Ṣafad al-maḥrūsa ṣāḥib al-maqāmāt al-saniyya wa-muʿabbir
al-manāmāt wa-qad ṣannafa l-maqāmāt ḫamsīn maqāma wa-qaraʾtu
ʿalayhi l-baʿḍ minhā wa-kāna min ǧumlatihā maqāmatān al-ūlā waʿẓiyya
wa-l-ṯāniya tataḍammanu šarḥ muʿallim al-maktab wa-fāraqtuhu fī ṣafar
sanat sabʿ wa-ṯamānīn wa-sittimiʾa wa-tuwuffiya ilā raḥmat Allāh taʿālā
baʿd fatḥ ʿAkkā.16

Al-Ṣafadī then states that he spent the next thirty three years [i.e. until c.
720/1320] in search of a copy of Ibn ʿAṭṭār’s Maqāmāt, until he finally found a
copy in the hands of a nephew of Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār in Gaza:

15 Ibn al-Dawādārī, Kanz al-durar wa-ǧamiʿ al-ġurar, ed. H.R. Roemer, Cairo, Sāmī l-Ḫānǧī,
1960, p. 310.
16 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 1b.

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 637

I kept hoping to find the Maqāmāt of Ibn ʿAṭṭār for thirty three years until
I found them in the possession of his nephew in Gaza. I borrowed them
from him and I copied them in Noble Cairo. Yet I did not find the two
maqāmāt, which had been replaced [in the collection] by two other
maqāmāt, thus completing the fifty [original] maqāmāt. And thus I
remained in sorrow for their loss, and then I sought guidance from God,
and I struck the flints of my mind, and there appeared a flash about a
maqāma concerning the alphabet. So I wove it on his loom, and I fol-
lowed the trace of his speech rather than his literal words. Then God
inspired me after this to author one maqāma after another until with the
help and praise of God, I reached thirty maqāmāt.

Wa-ẓalltu [sic] muddat ṯalāṯ wa-ṯalāṯīn sana atawaqqaʿu ʿalā l-maqāmāt

fa-lammā waǧadtuhā ʿinda walad aḫīhi bi-madīnat Ġazza staʿartuhā
minhu wa-nasaḫtuhā bi-l-Qāhira l-Muʿizziyya fa-lam aǧid al-maqāmatayn
fīhā wa-sudda l-maqāmāt bi-ġayrihimā wa-kulluhā ḫamsīn maqāma
fa-baqītu mutaʾassif ʿalayhimā fa-ʿinda ḏālika staḫartu Llāh taʿālā
wa-qadaḥtu zinād fikrī fa-ẓaharat lī bāriqa fī maʿnā l-maqāma l-muʿǧama
fa-nasaǧtu ʿalā minwālihi wa-qafawtu āṯār maqālihi lā qālihi ṯumma futiḥa
ʿalayya ʿalā aṯarihā bi-waḍʿ maqāma baʿd maqāma ilā an kammaltuhā
bi-ʿawn Allāh wa-ḥamdihi ṯalāṯīn maqāma.17

In addition to these thirty maqāmāt, al-Ṣafadī states that he added twenty five
additional maqāmāt as a supplement (takmila) bringing the total of his collec-
tion to fifty five maqāmāt. These additional maqāmāt do not appear to have
survived. In the conclusion to his introduction, al-Ṣafadī apologizes for the
shortcomings of his collection. He ends with the following lines stating that he
had been busy for some time with his work in the postal service:

For he [the author] was busy with military affairs and engrossed in the
postal service. And this was despite the need to socialize with people he
needed to consort with, of the sort who do not recognize excellence and
cannot “distinguish the flint from the wick,” from those recalcitrant chil-
dren and inimical babes.

Fa-innahu muštaġil bi-ǧundiyya wa-mutawaġġil fī l-waẓīfa l-barīdiyya

hāḏā maʿa muǧālasatihi man lā budda min muǧālasatihi mimman

17 Ibid., f. 2a.

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yaǧhalu l-faḍīla wa-lā yufarriqu bayna l-zinād wa-l-fatīla min al-ʿiyāl

al-aliddāʾ wa-l-aṭfāl al-aʿdāʾ.18

3 Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār and al-Ṣafadī

The scholar Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār with whom al-Ṣafadī studied and whom he men-
tions in his introduction is the Sufi, Abū Isḥāq Ḫalīl b. Abī l-Rabīʿ Sulaymān b.
Abī l-Fatḥ Ġāzī. Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār authored a group of fifty maqāmāt in the style of
al-Ḥarīrī.19 In addition to his maqāmāt collection, Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār also composed
a work of Sufi doctrine, Kitāb Buġyat al-nāhiǧīn fī šarḥ Maqāmāt al-sāʾirīn (The
Desire of those who Travel: Commentary on The Stations of the Wayfarers).20
This work, copied in 688/1288, is a commentary on the famed Manāzil al-sāʾirīn
of Abū Ismāʿīl ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Anṣārī l-Harawī (d. 481/1089).21
A copy of Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār’s al-Maqāmāt al-Qurašiyya is extant in a unicum
manuscript, MS Istanbul, Aya Sofya, 4297. On the title page of this manuscript,
al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, is identified prominently as the copyist and commentator on
this work:

This work was composed by the mendicant slave of God Abū Isḥāq Ḫalīl
b. Abī l-Rabīʿ Sulaymān b. Abī l-Fatḥ Ġāzī b. Abī l-Ḥasan b. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār
b. ʿAbd al-Malik al-Qurašī l-Ḥalabī l-Ḥanbalī known as Ḥusām b. al-ʿAṭṭār.
May God have mercy on him and upon his two parents and all of the
Muslims. The mendicant slave of God Abū ʿAlī l-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad
ʿAbd Allāh b. Abī Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Maḥāsin b. ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Hašimī
l-ʿAbbāsī, known as al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī has copied and commented on it.
And I read the majority of it in the presence of its author in the months
of the 685/1285 in the fortress of Ṣafad in a number of sessions.

Taʾlīf al-ʿabd al-faqīr ilā Llāh Abī Isḥāq Ḫalīl b. Abī l-Rabīʿ Sulaymān b. Abī
l-Fatḥ Ġāzī b. Abī l-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Ǧabbār b. ʿAbd al-Malik al-Qurašī
l-Ḥalabī l-Ḥanbalī l-maʿrūf bi-Ḥusām b. al-ʿAṭṭār ʿafā Llāh ʿanhu wa-ʿan

18 Ibid., f. 3a.
19 Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila, Maqama, p.  328, notes the possible confusion of al-Ḥusayn b.
al-ʿAṭṭār said to have written around 685/1286 with the later maqāma author, Ḥasan
al-ʿAṭṭār (d. 1250/1854). His suspicion is justified, for the name al-Ḥusayn b. al-ʿAṭṭār,
should be read as Ḥusām b. al-ʿAṭṭār.
20 MS Paris, BnF, Arabe 1345.
21 Al-Anṣārī l-Harawī, Manāzil al-sāʾirīn, Beirut, Muʾassassat al-balāġ, 2004.

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wālidayhi wa-ʿan ǧamīʿ al-muslimīn nasaḫahā wa-ʿallaqahā l-faqīr ilā Llāh

taʿālā Abū ʿAlī l-Ḥasan b. Abī Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. Abī Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b.
Maḥāsin b. ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Hāšimī l-ʿAbbāsī ʿurifa bi-l-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī
wa-qaraʾtu ʿalā muṣannifihā akṯarahā fī šuhūr sanat ḫams wa-ṯamānīn
wa-sittimiʾa bi-qalʿat Ṣafad fī maǧālis ʿidda.22

The colophon of this manuscript states that al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī completed this
copy of the al-Maqāmāt al-Qurašiyya in 721/1321 in Cairo, which squares well
with al-Ṣafadī’s report in the MǦ that he found the works of Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār in
720/1320.23 Al-Ṣafadī describes in the colophon of the manuscript how he had
studied with Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār, providing a slightly different version of his search for
the lost manuscript of the Maqāmāt:

From what the copyist says—may God have mercy upon him—I studied
most of these maqāmāt with their author—may God have mercy upon
him—in the fortress of Ṣafat [sic] the safeguarded, while he was its
isbāsalār in the months of the year 686/1286. Then I left him in the month
of ṣafar 687 and I continued to look for them until I found them in the
possession of his son, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn ʿAlī. He is one of the foremost persons
in the army of Gaza.

Mimmā yaqūlu nāsiḫuhā—ʿafā Llāh ʿanhu—annanī qaraʾtu akṯar hāḏihi

al-maqāmāt ʿalā muṣannifihā—raḥimahu Llāh—bi-qalʿat Ṣafat [sic]
al-maḥrūsa wa-huwa isbāsalāruhā fī šuhūr sanat sitt wa-ṯamānīn wa-
sittimiʾa ṯumma fāraqtuhu fī šahr ṣafar sanat sabʿ wa-ṯamānīn wa-sittimiʾa
wa-ẓalltu [sic] atawaqqaʿu ʿalā l-maqāmāt ilā an waqaʿtu bihā ʿinda wala-
dihi ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn ʿAlī wa-huwa aḥad al-muqaddamīn bi-ḥalqat Ġazza.24

In contrast to al-Ṣafadī’s innovative collection, the al-Maqāmāt al-Qurašiyya is

composed of fifty maqāmāt and modeled closely on the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī
(d. 516/1122). Notes in the margins of the manuscript identify the particular
maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī to which each of the maqāmat of Ibn al-ʿAttār are written
in imitation (muqābala).25 The first two maqāmas of this collection are both
modeled on the first maqāma of al-Ḥarīrī, and thus conform to the story that
was told by al-Ṣafadī that he had remembered other maqāmāt having been at

22 Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār, al-Maqāmāt al-Qurašiyya, MS Isyanbul, Aya Sofya, 4297, f. 1b.

23 Ibid., f. 219b.
24 Ibid.
25 For example f. 5a and f. 8b.

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640 Pomerantz

the beginning of the collection, for they do not contain either of the types of
maqāmāt described by the author. Only one of the maqāmāt, number forty
nine, al-Maqāma l-Uṣūliyya (f. 208a-215a) treating topics in ʿilm al-kalām and
philosophy, and uṣūl al-fiqh, is not modeled on the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī.

4 Al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya: The Laleli Manuscript

The Laleli manuscript of the MǦ contains several indications of the circum-

stances and context of its initial reception. On ff. 1a and 1b, there are poems in
praise of the work (taqrīẓāt) from prominent individuals: Ǧamāl al-Dīn Āquš
al-Baysarī, Kamāl al-Dīn al-Ṣafadī, Nāṣir al-Dīn b. Ṣāḥib Šaraf.26 Āquš al-Baysarī
is identified in the manuscript as “one of the rulers of al-ḥalqa l-manṣūra in
Tripoli,” who was “one of the soldiers in Tripoli who composed poetry, amusing
anecdotes, and interesting stories” (wa-lahu šiʿr wa-mulaḥ wa-nawādir).27 Folio
1b contains a long poem in praise of the collection, written by “some of the
eminent rulers and gracious leaders” (baʿḍ al-ruʾasāʾ al-mutafaḍḍilīn wa-l-sāda
l-muḥsinīn).28
The Laleli manuscript lacks a colophon, but there is a note on the final folio
of the manuscript in the handwriting of the author which indicates the date
of the copy as 11 rabīʿ I 727/1327.29 Marginal notes indicate that the copy was
recited aloud in the presence of the author by Ibrāhīm al-Ǧazarī in two locations
in the city of Tripoli: the Mihmānḫāna Ṭarābulus and the Mosque of Qirān [?].30

5 Dedication to Abū l-Fidāʾ, Ruler of Hama (672/1273-732/1332)

There are several indications that this work was dedicated to the famed, Abū
l-Fidāʾ al-sulṭān al-Malik al-Muʾayyad, ruler of Hama (672/1273-732/1332).
In maqāma no. 1 (al-Ḥimṣiyya), Abū l-Fidāʾ is referred to as mawlānā l-sulṭān

26 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 1a.

27 Id., Kitāb al-wāfī bil-wafayāt, ed. H. Ritter et al., Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner, 2004, IX,
p. 339-340.
28 Id., al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 1b.
29 See Rescher, “Manuscripte der Lālelī-moschee”, p. 104.
30 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 23a [Mihmānḫāna]; f. 129b [Masǧid Qirān]. For the
ḫāns of Tripoli, see Hayat Salam-Liebich, The Architecture of the Mamluk City of Tripoli,
Cambridge, Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, 1983, p. 169-189; for a survey of the
mosques of the city, see Robert Saliba, Tripoli: The Old City, Beirut, American University in Beirut
Press, 1994. I have not been able to locate either the Mihmānḫāna or the Masǧid Qirān.

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 641

al-Malik al-Muʾayyad ṣāḥib Ḥamāh.31 Maqāma no. 20 (al-Muʾayyadiyya) is a

panegyric addressed to Abū l-Fidāʾ in which both the narrator of the collection
and the trickster meet and address a variety of praise poems to him. In these
poems, he is referred to as “king of the kingdom of Hama” (malik al-mamlaka
l-Ḥamawiyya).32
The use of the title, sulṭān and al-Malik al-Muʾayyad both indicate that
al-Ṣafadī first composed the MǦ after Abū l-Fidāʾ officially received these titles
from al-Malik al-Nāṣir, i.e. post 17 muḥarram 720/28 February 1320.33 Indeed, in
maqāma no. 1 (al-Ḥimṣiyya ), the characters seek Abū l-Fidāʾ in Hama only to
learn that he is on a hunt in Egypt with al-Malik al-Nāṣir. This detail may be a
reference to Abū l-Fidāʾ’s visit to Egypt in the year 721/1321.34

6 Description of the Collection

The MǦ is comprised of thirty maqāmāt that describe the meetings of the nar-
rator Ṯāmir b. Zammām and the trickster character, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī. The
names of the two characters rhyme with those of the two protagonists of the
Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī: Ḥāriṯ b. Hammām and Abū Zayd al-Sarūǧī. According
to Abū l-ʿAbbās al-Šarīšī (d. 620/1222), al-Ḥarīrī chose the names of Ḥāriṯ and
Hammām because, according to a ḥadīth of the Prophet, they were alleged
to be the most “truthful” of names. He explains that every man tills the earth
(yaḥriṯ) in search of acquiring wealth and worries on account of fulfilling his
needs (yahummu bi-ḥāǧatihi). As for Abū Zayd al-Sarūǧī, al-Šarīšī suggested
that the kunya was reference to the work of time and fate (dahr) while his
nisba al-Sarūǧī related to his old age and decrepitude.35 The names of the
characters in the MǦ, such as Ṯāmir b. Zammām (lit. sower son of the one
who bridles) is a meaningful variation on the meaning of Ḥāriṯ b. Hammām.
Similarly, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī resembles Ḥarīrī’s Abū Zayd al-Sarūǧī, exchan­
ging the notion of increase (zayd) for benefit ( fayd). The nisba al-Luǧūǧī both

31 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 21a.

32 Ibid., f. 121a.
33 Enayatollah Reza and Farzin Negahban, “Abū al-Fidāʾ”, Encyclopaedia Islamica, 2012
(http://referenceworks.brillonline/entries/encylclopaedia-islamica/abu-al-fida-COM_
0065, accessed on April 1, 2012).
34 Abū l-Fidāʾ, al-Muḫtaṣar fī aḫbār al-bašar, Cairo, al-Maṭbaʿa l-ḥusayniyya, n.d., IV, p. 90.
35 Al-Šarīšī, Šarḥ maqāmāt al-Ḥarīrī l-Baṣrī, Beirut, al-Maktaba l-ṯaqāfiyya, n.d., I, p. 27; the
relation of the nisba al-Sarūǧī to decrepitude and old age may be through the related
form, surǧaǧ, meaning long-lasting, perduring.

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relates to his recalcitrance (luǧūǧihi) as well as a geographical connection to a

natural spring (nabʿ al-Luǧūǧ) near to the city of Baʿalbakk.36
The itineraries of the characters in the MǦ take place within the area of
Mamlūk rule between Egypt and Syria and roughly describe the borders of
state power and trade, albeit with some anomalous details. Of the maqāmāt
that are named after cities, thirteen are located in Syro-Palestine, four are set in
Egypt, three in the Arabian Peninsula, and three in Iraq. Several of the maqāma
settings such as Taʿizz, Mecca, and Qūṣ map out routes of Mamlūk Red Sea
trade, while the inclusion of Oman is difficult to explain. In the MǦ, the cha­
racters visit the cities of Mosul, Tikrit and Baghdad which lay in the territory
of the Il-Ḫānids, possibly pointing to the existence of trade relations between
these two states.37 To the North, the city of Aḫlāṭ on Lake Van is the setting for
Maqāma no. 29; al-Ḫalāṭiyya features a discussion of the purchase of a slave
girl, which may relate to this city’s importance as way station on the route to
acquire slaves.
Building projects of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad figure prominently in this maqāma
collection.38 One maqāma, no. 25 (al-Muqtaraḥāt al-Nāṣiriyya ), lists the thirty
two mosques built by al-Nāṣir Muḥammad in Egypt and Syria and specifies the
large number of madrasas, ḫānqāhs and ribāṭs constructed during his reign.
Of particular note in this maqāma is the mention of the various hippodromes
(mayādīn) restored and reconstructed by al-Nāṣir Muḥammad, such as the
reconstruction of the Maydān al-Lūq completed in 714/1314, and the al-Maydān
al-Nāṣirī, begun in the same year.39
Although important cities are the settings for the majority of the māqāmāt,
the author of the MǦ also expresses interest in smaller towns and villages as
well. Maqāma no. 12 (al-Damālāṣiyya) begins in the small village of Damāṣ, in
the Eastern Egyptian delta describing the trade in linen, (kattān), which mer-
chants sold in Dalāṣ a city near Banū Suwayf in Upper Egypt.40

36 Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī, Masālik al-Abṣār fī mamālik al-amṣār, ed. F. Sezgin, Frankfurt,
Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science, 1988, III, p. 267, notes the location of
this spring.
37 Reuven Amitai, “Il-Khanids: Dynastic History”, Encyclopaedia Iranica. My thanks to Dr.
John Meloy of American University in Beirut for suggesting this possibility.
38 On al-Nāṣir’s extensive construction programs, see Amalia Levanoni, A Turning Point in
Mamluk History: The Third Reign of al-Nāṣir Muḥammad Ibn Qalāwūn 1310-1341, Leiden,
Brill, 1995, p. 156-173.
39 Ibid., p. 158-160. The absence of mention of the large projects of Siryāqūs built in 723/1323
is evidence for a terminus ante quem for the collection.
40 Yāqūt, Muʿǧam al-buldān, II, p. 459.

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 643

Historical events are also important to the texture of the MǦ. In Maqāma
no. 8 (al-Maʿarriyya), the narrator, Ṯāmir b. Zammām first goes to the city
of Maʿarrat al-Nuʿmān, where he mourns the ruins of that city’s citadel and
the flight of the city’s inhabitants that began with the first siege of the city in
492/1098. Similarly, in Maqāma no. 9 (al-Tīzīniyya), the narrator describes his
visit to the cities of Antioch (Anṭākiyya) and Latakia (Lāḏiqiyya) where he is
lost in lament over the fates of the inhabitants of these locales. While he is in
the midst of this thought, a voice (lisān al-ḥāl) addresses him and describes
the advance of the army of al-Malik al-Ẓāhir Baybars I that lay siege to Antioch
in 665/1268.41 The text vividly describes how the Mamlūk army, “destroyed the
foundations of their churches, killed their priests and monks”(fa-hadamū min
kanāʾisihimā l-arkān wa-qatalū qasāqisahimā wa-l-ruhbān) and tells of how the
Mamluk army removed the crosses and idols from the Christian buildings, cap-
tured great numbers of women and children, and took spoils from the city.42

7 Narrative Structures

Most of the maqāmāt in the MǦ exhibit a common structure. On the whole,

they conform to the main scheme found in the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī (follow-
ing Hämeen-Anttila):43

1. isnād,
2. general introduction,
—link,
3. episode,
4. recognition scene,
5. envoi,
6. finale.

The poetic envoi of the trickster is a very common motif in the collection, pre­
sent in more than half of its maqāmāt.
The MǦ collection is remarkable for its wide range of styles of different
maqāmāt treating a diversity of different topics. Some maqāmāt in the col-
lection resemble those found in other collections such as no. 1 (al-Ḥimṣiyya)
resembles the first maqāma in the collection of the Maqāmāt of Aḥmad b. Abī

41 G. Wiet, “Baybars I”, EI2.

42 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 62a.
43 Hämeen-Anttila, Maqama, p. 152.

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644 Pomerantz

Bakr b. Aḥmad al-Rāzī l-Ḥanafī, in that it treats poems in which each of the
words contain the same letter.44 While maqāma no. 19 (al-Ṭuyūriyya) seems
to be a symbolic allegory using the figures of birds along symbolic lines simi-
lar to al-Suyūṭī’s Maqāmat al-Rayāḥīn.45 Maqāma no. 26 (al-Ḥarrāniyya), in its
description of banquets and food, references the long-standing relationship
between gastronomy and maqāmāt.46
Many of the individual maqāmāt in the MǦ deal with unusual topics that
lend great interest to the entire collection. Maqāma no. 16 (al-Miyāhiyya)
describes how the narrator first observed the various weights of bodies of
water in Mamlūk Egypt and then learned of the magical properties of various
water sources in ways that suggestively juxtapose the act of scientific observa-
tion to the contemplation of the mysterious (ʿaǧāʾib). Similarly, Maqāma no. 7
(al-Taʿbīriyya l-Dimyāṭiyya), treats the topic of dream interpretation. The final
Maqāma that survives from the MǦ, no. 30 (al-Faraǧ baʿd al-šidda), weaves
together several stories of miraculous escape, along the lines of those found
in al-Tanūḫī’s (d. 327/939-384/994) famed work of the same name.47 Taken
as a whole, the collection tends to highlight the great diversity of knowledge
brought together by its author.
Throughout the work, al-Ṣafadī also employs a wide variety of poetic
forms. For example, Maqāma no. 1 (al-Ḥimṣiyya) showcases one long poem in
which each bayt of the twenty nine-line poem is devoted to a particular let-
ter of the alphabet, in which all of the words of the bayt contains the same
letter. Following this poem, there is a series of twenty nine five-line love
poems in which each word again contains the same letter of the alphabet, and
each bayt begins and ends with the same letter.48 Similarly, in Maqāma no. 1
(al-Ḥimsiyya), there is an example of tašǧīr, a praise poem that is written in
the shape of a tree, in which each of the branches completes the same verse of
poetry in different manners.49

44 Devin J. Stewart, “The Maqāmāt of Aḥmad b. Abī Bakr b. Aḥmad al-Rāzī al-Ḥanafī and the
Ideology of the Counter-Crusade in Twelfth-century Syria”, Middle Eastern Literatures, 11
(2008), p. 211-230.
45 Al-Suyūṭī, Maqāmāt al-Suyūṭī, ed. S. al-Durūbī, Beirut, Muʾassasat al-risāla, 1989, I, p. 431.
46 See for instance, Ibrahim Ḫ. Geries, A Literary and Gastronomical Conceit, Wiesbaden,
Harrassowitz, 2002.
47 Al-Ṣafadī, al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya, f. 176b and following.
48 Bakrī Šayḫ Amīn, Muṭālaʿāt fī l-šiʿr al-mamlūkī wa-l-ʿuṯmānī, Beirut, Dār al-ʿilm li-l-
malāyīn, 1986, p. 222.
49 Amīn, Muṭālaʿāt fī l-šiʿr, p. 182, incorrectly states that this style of poetry was not known
prior to the 11th/17th century; for an example, see p. 656.

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It is, however, in the area of popular poetry that the MǦ is particularly inte­
resting. In the Maqāma no. 28 (al-Qūṣiyya), there is a long discussion on vari-
ous types of poetry: al-muḫammas, al-muraṣṣaʿ, al-muraǧǧaz, al-mawāliyyā,
al-dūbayt, kān wa-kān, al-ḫabab, al-ḥammāq, and the various regions famed for
particular forms. Al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī was an older contemporary of the poet, Ṣafī
l-Dīn al-Ḥillī (d. 750/1349) who authored the ʿĀṭil al-ḥālī wa-l-muraḫḫaṣ al-ġālī,
recently described as the first “poetics of Arabic dialect poetry.”50 Al-Ḥillī
wrote the work “some time after 723/1323” i.e. at roughly the same time as the
MǦ. Since the two poets were both attached to the circles of al-Malik al-Nāṣir
and Abū l-Fidāʾ, the account of al-Ṣafadī may provide important further mate-
rial for contextualizing al-Ḥillī’s work.

8 Contents of the Collection

8.1 al-Ḥimṣiyya (ff. 2a-23a)

The narrator, Ṯāmir b. Zammām, after wandering alone in a starless night
arrives in the city of Homs. He passes through the city and asks in the market
who is the most talented of the city’s men of letters. He finally meets a teacher
who has a large number of pupils gathered around him. A young boy, who is
dressed as if he was from the awlād al-nās but has fallen on hard times, is the
first to speak. He recites an alphabetical poem of twenty seven verses in which
every word of each successive verse contains a particular letter of the alphabet
(i.e. every word in verse 1 of the poem is written with an alif, every word in verse
2 of the poem is written with a bāʾ and so forth). When he completes this poem,
the teacher calls on other young men, who, each take turns reciting five-line
poems in which every word contains a particular letter of the alphabet. After
traversing the entire alphabet, the teacher calls upon a Christian boy, named
Ibn Šammās, to recite a poem. When he completes his recitation, the teacher
and Ibn Šammās debate and argue about the relative merits of their verses
until a man dressed in blue arrives on a horse. Having heard the cause of their
discord, the horseman suggests that the only person capable of settling their
disputes is the sulṭān al-Malik al-Muʾayyad, Abū l-Fidāʾ. He then recites a poem
of praise for Abū l-Fidāʾ. Seeking a resolution, the three men hasten to his court
in Hama, however upon arriving, they learn that Abū l-Fidāʾ has gone hunting

50 Margaret Larkin, “Popular Poetry in Post-Classical, Period 1150-1850”, in The Cambridge

History of Arabic Literature: Arabic Literature in the Post-Classical Period, p. 191-242, quote
on p. 202. See Ṣafī l-Dīn al-Ḥillī, ʿĀṭil al-ḥālī wa-l-muraḫḫaṣ al-ġālī, ed. Ḥusayn Naṣṣār,
Cairo, Maṭbaʿat dār al-kutub, 2003.

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in Egypt with the sulṭān al-Malik al-Nāṣir. They then head to Egypt, where they
find Abū l-Fidāʾ. The narrator follows them and learns that the entire plot was
an elaborate hoax: the three men are staying in a inn (bayt funduq) near Bāb
al-Lūq in Cairo where they meet up with the horseman. Ṯāmir recognizes the
horseman as the trickster, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and the teacher and the boy turn
out to be his sons, al-Surayǧī and al-Sarūǧī.

8.2 al-Taʿizziyya (ff. 23a-26b)

The narrator, Ṯāmir, describes how he departed from Cairo, and crossed the
desert, accompanied by a group of excellent scholars who were passing the
time by engaging in edifying conversation. When the group reaches a settle-
ment in the desert, they desire food. They immediately come upon a šayḫ,
dressed in a cloak of camel hair and a young man. The šayḫ welcomes the
group to his home. They display their prowess in literature, and he invites them
to a meal. Following the meal, the šayḫ leads a discussion, asking specific ques-
tions about the Qurʾān which none of the travelers are capable of answering.
A young man, however, speaks up and responds to the šayḫ. Speaking in verse,
the young man relates such details as the number of Meccan and Medinan
verses, the number of verses of prostration, the number of verses concerning
“promise and threat” and so on. When he concludes this long answer, the šayḫ
asks the youth to enumerate the number of times dotted and un-dotted letters
occur in the Qurʾān. When the young man answers correctly, the onlookers are
astonished by his knowledge and eloquence. Ṯāmir decides to follow the two
men and learns that the šayḫ is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī, and the young man is his
son, al-Surayǧī.

8.3 al-Dimašqiyya (ff. 26b-31a)

Ṯāmir describes his poverty and his flight from his home, escaping from his
creditors. While on the road he meets up with some travelers, who, impressed
with his eloquence, offer him fine clothes and a mount. Arriving in Damascus,
Ṯāmir visits the Umayyad mosque, where he sees one particular šayḫ who is
surrounded by a large audience. The šayḫ discusses God’s command and will
(al-amr wa-l-irāda) and then recounts differences between the four schools
of Islamic law. Concluding his lecture, he poses riddles which confound the
audience, save for a youth who solves his puzzles in both prose and in verse.
The šayḫ and youth continue to perform in this manner, until the audience
offers the youth a monetary reward. After this impressive display, Ṯāmir fol-
lows the šayḫ and the youth to their home and discovers that the šayḫ is Abū
Fayd al-Luǧūǧī, and the youth is his son, al-Surayǧī.

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8.4 al-Qadasiyya (ff. 31a-43b)

Ṯāmir b. Zammām states that he was traveling in the mountains of Jerusalem
(bayt al-maqdis) in solitude, attempting to purify himself from sin, when he
encountered a Muslim šayḫ and Christian monk (rāhib) engaging in a reli-
gious debate. He witnesses a Muslim challenging the Christian, stating that he
has wasted most of his life in the practice of a religion that was unbelief. The
Muslim quotes numerous passages from the Qurʾān proving the rectitude of
Islam, until finally, the monk converts. The monk passes away, however, only
three days after his conversion. Upon burying the monk, Ṯāmir discovers that
the Muslim šayḫ is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.5 al-Ṣād Sīniyya (ff. 43b-48b)

Ṯāmir b. Zammām goes to a bathhouse at night where he meets a šayḫ around
whom a large group of men are gathered. The šayḫ raises the topic of diffe­
rences in meanings between words written with the letter ṣād as opposed to
sīn, and ġayn as opposed to rāʾ. A youth answers the old man’s questions in
great detail providing a list of such words. The two men are then rewarded by
the other men at the bath for their eloquence. Ṯāmir follows them outside of
the bathhouse, and learns that the pair is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and his son.

8.6 al-Mawṣiliyya (ff. 48b-52b)

The narrator finds himself in Mosul amidst a group of merchants. He meets a
šayḫ there who narrates the story of his life steeped in the vanities of the world
and his subsequent reform, after which he encourages the audience to reward
him for his eloquence. After the šayḫ recites a kān wa-kān that moves the nar-
rator, he follows the šayḫ and learns that he is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.7 al-Taʿbīriyya al-Dimyāṭiyya (ff. 52b-58a)

The narrator sets out on a boat with a group of travelers heading to Damietta.
While aboard, a youth asks a šayḫ to inform the group about the science of
dream interpretation (ʿilm al-taʿbīr) and he provides a long informative speech.
They reward him with gifts upon their safe arrival on shore. The narrator recog-
nizes the youth and šayḫ as Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and his son, ʿUbayd al-Surayǧī.

8.8 al-Maʿarriyya (ff. 58a-62a)

The narrator arrives in Maʿarrat al-Nuʿmān and laments the destruction of the
city. He then visits the tomb of Yūšaʿ b. Nūn where he sees people from the city
listening to a preacher. The preacher delivers a ḫuṭba lacking dots and a long
poem concerning moral behavior. Moved by the preacher’s performance, the

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648 Pomerantz

audience offers him money. The narrator follows him to his home and disco­
vers that he is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.9 al-Tīzīniyya (ff. 62a-65a)

The narrator visits the cities of Anṭākiyya and Lāḏiqiyya and mourns the
destruction of these cities by the Mamlūk armies. He then travels to the village
of Tīzīn, near the city of Hama, where he listens to an eloquent šayḫ preaching.
He so moves the audience with his words that they offer him material rewards.
Upon following the šayḫ, he discovers that it is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.10 al-Ḥalabiyya (ff. 65a-68a)

The narrator travels to the city of Aleppo, where he enters a hospital. He is then
treated by a doctor from his illness which is described as having been caused
by his profligate lifestyle. Cured by the doctors, he visits the markets and the
area beneath the city’s citadel (qalʿa). There, he comes upon a display of a šayḫ
and a youth engaging in a contest of paranomastic expressions, in which one
deciphers the speech of the other. Ṯāmir finally discovers that the pair are Abū
Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and his son.

8.11 al-Baġdādiyya (ff. 68a-75a)

The narrator visits the city of Baghdad and explores the city. He joins a group
of people listening to a šayḫ preaching to a youth. The šayḫ accuses the youth
of disloyalty, while the youth pleads his innocence by swearing oaths of loyalty.
The audience attempts to intercede on the youth’s behalf by offering money to
the šayḫ, which he accepts. The šayḫ and youth then head to another location,
where another group gathers around the šayḫ, impressed by his mastery of
paranomasia (ǧinās). They encourage him to relate stories concerning the ages
of those men who have lived long lives (muʿammarūn), among other to­pics.
His student then recites a list of the originators (awāʾil) of various arts and sci-
ences. The audience rewards them both, and the narrator learns that they are
Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and his son.

8.12 al-Damālāṣiyya (ff. 75a-78a)

The narrator is traveling with a group of linen merchants from Damāṣ, in the
eastern delta, to Dalāṣ, a village near Banī Suwayf in Egypt. When the group is
preparing to leave, a šayḫ warns them of the potential evils of trade. The nar-
rator meets with the šayḫ, whom he discovers to be Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and
addresses a poem to him.

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8.13 al-Nābulusiyya (ff. 78a-83a)

The narrator is traveling with a group of young men when he encounters a
group of young slave girls by a spring. One of the girls recounts that she had
been the daughter of a king, but was taken captive when her city was sacked.
The narrator, however, hears a voice which tells him to repent of his own sins.
He then leaves Nablus and travels until he reaches a mosque, whereupon he
meets a šayḫ. The šayḫ is confronted by a young man completely bare, save
a wrap made of camel wool, who asks him about the reason that man wor-
shipped fire and idols prior to Islam. The šayḫ then answers with a history of
fire and idol worship composed in muzdawaǧ verse. This proves so eloquent
that the audience showers him with gold and silver, which is collected by the
young boy. When the narrator discovers the pair to be Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī and
his son, the former recites a poem on the theme of the disappearance of for-
mer rulers and peoples.

8.14 al-Sarūǧiyya (ff. 83a-86a)

The narrator sets out from Baghdad in a caravan in which there is a beautiful
woman whom he describes in verse. He then comes across a group of travel-
ers from Aleppo whom he accompanies to Sarūǧ, whereupon he sees a group
ga­thered around a šayḫ reciting a riddle (luġz) to a young man in verse, the
young man answers him, astonishing the onlookers who offer them both
rewards. When the narrator confronts the šayḫ, the šayḫ recites to him a
muwaššaḥa that delights him.

8.15 al-Lubnāniyya (ff. 86a-90a)

The narrator sets out after feeling distressed on a long journey where he ends
up on the Ǧabal Lubnān and falls asleep under a tree. When he awakes, he
is surrounded by a group of the poor men, and some sons of amīrs who ask
him the reason for his arrival in this location. The group then prays together,
and a šayḫ appears. The group of men then ask the šayḫ to explain the diffe-
rence between al-rūḥ and al-nafs. Following the šayḫ, who is accompanied by
a young boy, the narrator discovers that the šayḫ is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī, who
recites a poem to him, encouraging his repentance. The narrator is moved by
this poem, which is followed by another poem by his son.

8.16 al-Miyāhiyya (ff. 90a-97b)

The narrator states that when he was in Syria he began to think about water,
so one day he went to the Orontes river. He bent down and touched and tasted
its waters, and then weighed a measure of it on a scale. When he went to Egypt
he did the same with the Nile river. He then did the same at the Euphrates,

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650 Pomerantz

the Luǧūǧ spring in Baʿlabakk as well as water sources in Aleppo, in Tripoli,

in Nablus, and in Damascus. The narrator then goes to Cairo where he comes
across a šayḫ mentioning the wonders of water. The šayḫ recites a poem
describing the flooding of the Nile, Baḥr Yūsuf in the Fayyūm, Dayr Arǧinus
[Dayr Ǧarnūs], the Hijaz, ʿUyūn al-Qāṣab (a location on the ḥaǧǧ route from
Egypt), ʿAyn al-Silwān in Jerusalem, a cave in the Ǧabal ʿĀmil, a hot spring
in Tiberias, a cold stream in Baʿlabakk, the course of the Orontes river, the
waterwheels at Homs and Hama, the Sāǧūr River, the course of the Euphrates,
the mineral spring of Ra⁠ʾs al-ʿAyn, and other wonders related to water. After
being recognized by the narrator, the šayḫ, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī, recites a poem
encouraging repentance.

8.17 al-Iskandarāniyya (ff. 97b-102b)

The narrator begins questioning many aspects of his existence. He recites a
poem beseeching the Prophet Muḥammad for aid. After this, he encounters
a šayḫ who accompanies him to Alexandria. The two men pray, and the šayḫ
recites a muwaššaḥa in praise of the Prophet. The audience is moved by the
eloquence of his words and offer him money, however the narrator follows him
and discovers that he is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.18 al-Ḥamawiyya (ff. 102b-110a)

The narrator is in the outskirts of Homs near the water wheel (nāʿūra) enjoy-
ing worldly pleasures of wine, women, and song, when suddenly an unspeci-
fied act causes him to leave the group and set out on his own. He travels to
Hama where he meets a šayḫ who counsels him to lead a more pious life. The
šayḫ then gives several long metaphorical descriptions of piety using terms
derived from medicine, chancery, and the military arts. The audience moved
by his eloquence rewards him and the narrator learns that the šayḫ is Abū Fayd
al-Luǧūǧī.

8.19 al-Ṭuyūriyya (ff. 110a-118a)

The narrator is among a group of men of different ages (šayḫ, kahl, šābb) and
characteristics (amrad, ḫādim) and composes verses. The verses liken each of
the individuals who are each holding bows, to different planets (šayḫ=Jupiter,
kahl=Mars, šābb=Mercury, amrad=Moon, ḫādim= Saturn). At this point, the
narrator notices a šayḫ to speak to them about the importance of archery. He
recites an urǧūza concerning hunting. The poem includes a description of vari-
ous birds, as well as accompanying illustrations. When the šayḫ concludes, the
narrator recognizes him to be Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

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8.20 al-Muʾayyadiyya (ff. 118a-126b)

The narrator begins with the conventional theme lamenting the loss of lite­
rary cultivation in his time which forces him to set out on travels. He describes
his delight at learning of the presence of Abū l-Fidāʾ as the ruler of Hama. He
recites an urǧūza in praise of Abū l-Fidāʾ when he comes across a šayḫ as he
is in the Ġūṭa outside of Damascus. This šayḫ responds with a mawāliyyā, a
dūbayt mardūf, a muwaššaḥ, and a kān wa-kān of his own in praise of Abū
l-Fidāʾ. The two men then seek out the ruler, who is first in Egypt, and then
returns to Hama, where the two men finally reach him. The narrator finally
identifies the šayḫ as Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.21 al-ʿAsqalāniyya (ff. 126b-130b)

The narrator falls in among a group of thieves who are attempting to rob the
home of the ruler (wālī), but they are apprehended by a group of guards. The
narrator escapes from this scene only to find himself on the shore amidst
a group of anxious merchants who are about to board boats, and when the
weather changes, heads to ʿAsqalān. When they arrive in the city, they meet a
šayḫ, who tells them that he once was a wealthy man. He describes how he was
once on a boat, and the waves overtook it, and everyone on it, except for him,
drowned. He lived for a while by foraging for food, until one day, miraculously
he was saved and brought to this city. When they hear the tale of this man, the
audience is moved to generosity. Ṯāmir b. Zammām then follows him and dis-
covers that he is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.22 al-Ǧārraḥiyya (ff. 130b-141b)

Ṯāmir b. Zammām meets a šayḫ in a garden who recites a poem about spring-
time. The poem astonishes Ṯāmir and upon closer inspection he recognizes
that the poet is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī. As the two men are talking, suddenly, a
troop of horsemen surrounds them, and the two are taken to see the ruler of
the territory. They are informed that the king loves to hunt, however his favorite
hunting birds have fallen ill, and for this reason he is upset. Abū Fayd informs
the ruler that he is knowledgeable about the treatment of hawks. The king asks
Abū Fayd for a description of the types of birds of prey.51 The king questions
Abū Fayd which animals’ flesh is licit to consume.52 Abū Fayd then continues

51 F. 132b is identical to al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, al-Āṯār al-uwal, p. 262-263.

52 F. 133a is identical to al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, al-Āṯār al-uwal, p. 265-266, lacking the final ḥadīṯ
on p. 266 related on the authority of al-Nasāʾī.

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652 Pomerantz

to speak about hunting and kingship,53 and to describe various animals used
in the hunt,54 and recites a poem on hunting dogs. The final section concerns
birds of prey (ǧawāriḥ min al-ṭayr), advice concerning hunting,55 and the ill-
nesses that befall birds of prey.56 At the conclusion of the speech, the king asks
Abū Fayd to remain at his court, however, Abū Fayd complains of having to
return to his children. The king generously rewards him with a cloak of honor
and gold and silver. The narrator and Abū Fayd leave together, and the narrator
asks him to share some of his wealth, Abū Fayd tells him to accompany him to
al-Luǧūǧ, whereupon he recites a poem in which he refuses to share any of his
wealth with the narrator. The two men part company.

8.23 al-ʿUmāniyya (ff. 141b-147b)

Ṯāmir b. Zammām leaves the city of Maʿarrat al-Nuʿmān and finds himself tra­
veling among a group of merchants (tuǧǧār) who are entertaining one another
through the recitation of poetry. The group eventually reaches Oman, where
they search for wise and learned men. Ṯāmir visits the central mosque where-
upon he sees a šayḫ reciting a poem surrounded by a large group of students.
A youth then emerges who asks the šayḫ questions, such as the number of
breaths a person takes in the course of a day and a night, the size of the sun,
and how many stars there are in the sky. The šayḫ answers these questions in
verse. Astonished by the display, the onlookers offer both money. Still curious,
the narrator follows the pair whereupon he discovers that they are Abū Fayd
al-Luǧūǧī and his son. The narrator tells Abū Fayd that he has not given an
answer about the number of stars in the sky. Abū Fayd replies that every calcu-
lation in astrology is made for the sake of gaining money from the ignorant. He
then encourages him consider writing a risāla on astrology.

8.24 al-Makkiyya (ff. 147b-149b)

The narrator mentions sins he committed as a youth. He describes how he tra­
veled to Mecca on the hajj in order to repent of his transgressions. When he
arrives in Mecca, he meets a šayḫ who appears to sense the sincerity of his
repentance and accompanies him. On the return trip, the narrator suddenly

53 F. 133a-b is drawn from al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, al-Āṯār al-uwal, p. 267-268.

54 FF. 133b-134b are identical to Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, al-Āṯār al-uwal, p. 270-271 with several altera-
tions and additions. See esp. the poem on the leopard (fahd), p. 271, which is altered and
expanded from 2 verses to 7 on f. 134b.
55 FF. 135b-136a is drawn from al-Ṣafadī l-Barīdī, al-Āṯār al-uwal, p. 275 and following.
56 F. 139b.

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falls asleep. When he awakes, the caravan in which he was traveling has disap-
peared. In the midst of his confusion, the šayḫ appears to him again, and recog-
nizes him as the narrator, Ṯāmir b. Zammām. The šayḫ tells Ṯāmir that he will be
saved on the condition that he goes to his neighbor and takes his white rooster
with a blue comb, roasts it, and then eats it. Ṯāmir is then returned to his cara-
van and tells his friend nothing of this strange encounter. Returning to his vil-
lage, he visits his neighbor’s home, in order to take the rooster. As he is about to
eat the rooster, someone screams that the daughter of the house has been kid-
napped, and he is blamed. The narrator travels on the hajj a second time. When
he arrives to the same place where the šayḫ appeared to him before, he sees
the neighbor’s daughter there with another man. The man informs the narra-
tor that he loved the young woman, however the rooster prevented them from
meeting one another. When the narrator killed the rooster, it became possible
for them to meet. The man then asks the narrator to recite verses from Kor 85,
and upon hearing them, he disappears. The narrator returns to his home with
the young woman. The narrator then visits the neighbor and he forgives him.
The narrator states that the story had remained in his heart until he revealed it
to the trickster, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī at the Umayyad mosque.

8.25 al-Muqtaraḥāt al-Nāṣiriyya (ff. 149b-153a)

Ṯāmir describes how he has wandered all over the earth and has seen the
monu­ments of every ruler prior to his arrival in Cairo. He meets a man who
leads him to the area of Bayn al-Qaṣrayn. There he sees a šayḫ preaching who
begins to applaud the wonderful architectural works of al-Malik al-Nāṣir and
his contemporaries, listing each of these monuments by name first in Cairo,
then in al-Šām. He then lists all of the schools (madrasas), lodges (ḫānqāhs)
and a hospital (bīmāristān) founded in the days of al-Nāṣir as well as those
buildings which were renovated. He describes the īwān constructed by al-Nāsir,
the maydāns, such as Maydān al-Lūq in which he planted trees from al-Šām,
his construction of the horse market, the tower of happiness (Burǧ al-saʿāda). He
finally recites several long poems in praise of al-Nāṣir and his building projects.
Ṯāmir then follows the šayḫ, and discovers that he is Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.26 al-Ḥarrāniyya (ff. 153a-162b)

Ṯāmir recounts how after some misfortune, he arrived in the city of Ḥarrān.
As he is wandering the streets in a state of despair, poverty and hunger, he
sees a large group of men invited to a feast and follows them. A šayḫ emerges
who addresses the audience “on behalf” of the host, named Zayn al-Dīn, in a
pompous fashion. When Zayn al-Dīn asks the šayḫ to be quiet in private, the

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654 Pomerantz

guest says that the host has just given him the task to describe the foods at
the banquet. The guest then proceeds to recite a list of euphemistic expres-
sions for the various foods in a long speech. When he concludes, Zayn al-Dīn
is even angrier, slaps the šayḫ, and orders him to leave the house at once. The
šayḫ then leaves and walks to the house of a qāḍī whom he promptly invites
to the banquet along with the legal witnesses, scribes, and other functiona­
ries. The group of 180 men arrive at Zayn al-Dīn’s home, and he realizes to
his great embarrassment that he does not have enough food, and orders his
servants to get more from the market. Meanwhile, Zayn al-Dīn again sends
the guest him from his home. The guest then goes to the home of the ruler
of the city (wālī l-madīna) and the same scene is replicated once again. Zayn
al-Dīn finally asks the reason for the šayḫ’s behavior and the šayḫ explains
that it was the man’s initial refusal to let him speak which drove him to these
actions. Finally Ṯāmir follows the guest home and discovers that he is Abū
Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.27 al-Takrītiyya (ff. 162b-168a)

Ṯāmir describes how he traveled in a group to Tikrit seeking literary know­
ledge. He describes how the city of Tikrit had been ravaged by war. He then
states that he went to the main mosque of the city where he listened to a
šayḫ enumerating qualities which should be prohibited for a man, and quali-
ties that should be fostered. After this, a young man stands up and praises the
šayḫ, making an invocation (duʿāʾ). He then asks the šayḫ to recite a ḫuṭba in
which one word is made up of letters that are dotted and the following entirely
lacking in dots, which he does. The šayḫ continues by pronouncing a blessing
(taḥmīd) completely lacking in dotted letters. Ṯāmir reports how a scribe at
the ruler’s court learned of šayḫ’s eloquence and the ṣāḥib dīwān invites him
to the court. He recites a poem. However, the ṣāḥib does not immediately pro-
vide the šayḫ with a gift. The šayḫ, who is revealed to be Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī,
persists until he receives his reward.

8.28 al-Qūṣiyya (ff. 168a-173b)

Ṯāmir states that he has been occupied with seeking knowledge for a long time.
While he is in the midst of this search, he hears that an excellent preacher lives
in the city of Qūṣ in Upper Egypt. Thus, he decides to travel up the Nile on a
boat (šaḫtūr). On the way, he listens to the captain speaking in sailor’s argot.
Upon arriving in Qūṣ, Ṯāmir disembarks to find the šayḫ whom he had sought
out. After finding the šayḫ and listening to him, a boy from the audience asks
the šayḫ to lecture on adab. The šayḫ provides a comprehensive account of

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A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 655

various types of Classical and colloquial poetry. When they hear the excellence
of his speech the audience showers him with gold and silver. Ṯāmir then fol-
lows the preacher as he leaves the scene, and learns that he is also the chief
sailor. In the final envoi, the captain/preacher reveals that he is none other
than the trickster Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī.

8.29 al-Ḫalāṭiyya (ff. 173b-177b)

Ṯāmir relates how he became enamored with singing girls while he was in the
city of Aḫlāṭ. Soon, he sees a young woman with whom he falls in love and
desires to find out whether she is a free woman or a slave. He learns that she
is a free woman from one of the wet nurses of the city. He then confesses that
he does not have adequate money to pay the bride price. A wet nurse agrees
to invite him to see the singing girl, and at a nightly gathering she performs
music for him with such elegance that he falls even more deeply in love. In the
midst of his rapture, however, a man comes in with a scale and demands him
to pay 20 dīnārs for the wine and other accoutrements of the evening perfor-
mance. He pays money to this man, and stays until the call to prayer sounds
as he agreed with the man leaving from the girl without achieving his “aim.”
He returns night after night until he is destitute. He then wanders the streets
until he comes across a šayḫ. The šayḫ recites a poem in which he describes the
many other men who had been deceived by the same singing girl. Moreover, he
learns that the man who performed the call to prayer was, in fact, being paid
by the singing girl. In despair, Ṯāmir then goes to the Ǧazīra where he is in a
mosque, after falling asleep he meets a šayḫ who attempts to discuss Shiʿite
thought with him. He states that he is a Sunnī. Finally, Abū Fayd al-Luǧūǧī
appears and recites a poem in favor of Sunnism.

8.30 al-Faraǧ baʿd al-šidda (ff. 177b-179b)

Ṯāmir recounts how he once was traveling on a very hot day through the de­sert.
While he was lost in thought, a ferocious lion appears in his path. Fearing for
his life, Ṯāmir flees to a nearby cave and the lion follows him such that he is
situated right outside of the cave opening. The lion attacks but is not able to
reach Ṯāmir. However, when Ṯāmir turns toward the opening of the cave he
sees two gigantic snakes that are carrying a hydra (šuǧāʿ). The hydra wraps
himself around the body of Ṯāmir, but instead of killing him, it bites the lion
instead. The hydra then kills the lion and then mounts the two snakes and
leaves. Shaken, but unharmed, Ṯāmir manages to escape to a city after a jour-
ney of two days. Wandering through the ruins of the city, he encounters a dying
man, whose wounds accidentally spray him with blood. He is then arrested

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656 Pomerantz

for the murder of the man. He is only saved from execution by the miraculous
story of his escape delivered in verse, for which he is handsomely rewarded.

al-Maqāmāt al-Ǧalāliyya MS Istanbul, Laleli, 1929, f. 20b

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‫ ‪9‬‬ ‫‪Text of al-Maqāma al-Tīzīniyya‬‬

‫اسعة تُ ْع َر ُف بال ِت ّ ِزي ِينيَّة‬ ‫قامة الت ّ ُ‬ ‫ا َمل ُ‬

‫زمامٍ‪:‬‬ ‫ِ‬
‫قال ثام ُر بن ّ‬ ‫َ‬
‫س‬ ‫دت ِم َن اجلُال ِ‬ ‫اس َوان ْ َف َر ُ‬ ‫كُنْ ُت يف غالِ ِب أوقاتي ُأغالِب ُخرافاتي وقَ ْد انْع َزل ْ ُت ع ِن النّ ِ‬
‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬
‫ينت‬ ‫ِ َ ٍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫قيم مبد َ‬ ‫رب الربيّة على كُ ّل أ ْمر وقضيّة وأنا ُم ٌ‬ ‫واستَعنْ ُت ب ّ‬ ‫وقَ َن ْع ُت ب ُص ْح َبة اجلَالّس ْ‬
‫قد ِر‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬
‫باكية لا َح َّل ب ِهم م َن األم ِر امل ُ َّ‬ ‫ٌوع ُيوني ٌ‬ ‫ود ُموعي على أهليهما واكفة ُ‬ ‫الالّذقيّة وأنطاكية ُ‬ ‫‪5‬‬

‫حال ْم‬ ‫حالم وما كانوا عليه وافْتكرت كَثة أو ِ ِ‬ ‫الكا ِئن واخلطَر املُسطَّ ِر احلائِ ِن َفف َّكرت يف ِ ِ‬
‫ُ ْ َ ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬
‫لقال‪:‬‬ ‫لقيل وا ِ‬ ‫يان ا ِ‬ ‫سان ِ‬ ‫وكُفْ ِر ِهم وما ركَنوا إليه فجاوبين لِ‬
‫وخاطبين بَ ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫احلال‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ َ‬ ‫ْ َ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫احلر ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬
‫وحادثات‬ ‫مان‬ ‫أيُّها امل ُ َف ّك ُر يف تقلُّبات األيّا ِم ون َ َكبات ا َأل ْعوا ِم َو َغ َدرات ا ّلزمان ُوم ْو َجبات ْ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ٍ ٍ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬
‫وج ٍال‬ ‫وج ٍال َ َ‬ ‫حاب هذه املَديْنتني َأ ْرباب ن ْعمة بَديْنة وز ٍين َ‬ ‫َ‬
‫اللّيايل ونائبات التَّوايل قَ ْد كانوا أ ْص ُ‬
‫وش ْه ٍو و َأ َر ٍب َو َغفْ ٍلة‬ ‫وأحوال َوم َر ٍح َو َف َر ٍح وهل ْ ٍو وط ََر ٍب َ‬ ‫وخ ُيول وبغال ومواشي ْ‬
‫وأموال ُ ٍ ِ ٍ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ٍ‬
‫ومال‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫س ور ٍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ئس ُ ٍ‬ ‫وع ٍ‬ ‫ُغيان وتفن ٍد ِ‬ ‫وحيلة وهل َ ٍع ومتر ٍد وط ٍ‬ ‫ٍ‬
‫هبان وقد‬ ‫وصلبان وقَ َسائ ٍ ُ‬ ‫صيان وكنا ٍ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َوول ٍع‬
‫تني َو َص َّر َف ُهم يف َأ ْر ِض ِه َو َأ ْو َس َع هلم ِس َعتَ ْ ِي َفل َ َّما َج َح ُدوها‬ ‫عمة نِعم ِ‬
‫َْ‬
‫أنعم اهلل عليهم فو َق ا ِلن ِ‬
‫َْ ّ‬ ‫َْ َ ُ‬
‫األحدي ّ ِة‬ ‫ِ‬
‫املأجورة ْ َ‬
‫ِ‬
‫احملمديّة وا ّلدساك َر ُ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ورة‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ن‬‫َ‬ ‫امل‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ط علَيهم ا ِ‬
‫لعساك‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫وس‬
‫َ‬ ‫ي‬‫ْ‬ ‫ع‬
‫َ‬ ‫فة‬ ‫َر‬
‫ْ‬ ‫ط‬ ‫يف‬ ‫بوها‬ ‫سِ‬
‫ل‬ ‫ُ‬
‫ومساء ُهما ْأر ًضا وطُوهلُما‬ ‫وقاطنهما ِ‬
‫جافل َ ُهما‬ ‫سافلَهما ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫يف ا َّلد ْولة الظّاهري ّة َف َج َعلُوا عاليهما ُ‬
‫نامهما‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ساقسهما والرهبان ون َ َّكسوا َ‬
‫أ‬ ‫عر ًضا فهدموا ِمن كَنا ِئس ِهما األركان وقتلُوا ق ِ‬
‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ َ ََ َ‬ ‫َ ْ ََ َ ُ‬
‫‪15‬‬

‫الد ُه ْم ون َ َهبوا‬ ‫َ‬

‫نساء ُه ْم َو ْأو َ‬ ‫وسل َ ُبوا َ‬ ‫واستَأ َسروا كا َفتَ ُه ْم واستأصلوا شأفتَ ُه ْم َ‬ ‫لصلبان ْ‬ ‫وا ُّ‬
‫داد ُه ْم ون َ َز َل علي ِهم ال َقضاء ِبا َص َد َر ِمنْ ُه ْم فيما َم َضى {فهذا جزاء الكافرين}‬ ‫تاع ُه ْم وكُ َ‬ ‫َم َ‬
‫(‪ )٩:٢٦‬يف هذه ا ُّلدنيا الفانية الثّانية األوىل َو َلُ ْم يف اآلخرة َأ َش ّد ا َلع َذاب يف اهلاو ِية‪.‬‬

‫‪Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663‬‬

‫‪658‬‬ ‫‪Pomerantz‬‬

‫شرارة من نا ِر ِهم َفركَ ْض ُت‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ية ْأن تَلْفحين‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬

‫َفعنْ َد ذلك َخ َر ْج ُت منْها هاربًا م ْن ديا ِرهم َخش َ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ب ُت‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫األرض ب َق َد َمي َوقَط َْع ُت ا َلع ْمق ب ِر ْجلي وأنا َأ ْمشي وأنني إىل ْأن‬
‫وصلت إىل تزيين َفع َ ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪20‬‬
‫َّ‬ ‫َّ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫املتوسني‬‫اعةً من ّ‬ ‫يت فيه مجاعةً من املُتَ َع ّممني وربَ َ‬ ‫وأتبارك فرأ ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫بارك ُألصلّي فيه‬ ‫اجلامع امل ُ َ‬
‫َ‬
‫س ٍ‬
‫حنيف‬ ‫ضعيف ون َ َف ٍ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫س‬‫يقول ِحب ٍ‬ ‫ِِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬
‫هو على ظ َْهره ُملقى وهو ُ ّ‬ ‫وبينهم َشيْ ٌخ قد أنْقى وما أب ْ َقى َو َ‬
‫أحوايل َفن َه َض إليه‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫لكالم واستوفوا َمقايل واستعفوا م ْن ْ‬ ‫واسعوا م ّن ا َ‬ ‫أجل ُسوني بسال ٍم ْ‬ ‫ْ‬
‫ط حاج ِب ِيه ُبرفادة‬ ‫قاده َربَ َ‬ ‫ساعة فلَما استوى جالِسا من ر ِ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫اجلماعة َو َأق ْ َعدوه يف‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َر ْه ٌط من‬
‫ُ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫َّ‬
‫ياء لفْ ِظ ِه‬‫بعصابة [كذا] ولبس خلق ِجلبابِه ثم أشار إىل القو ِم متك ِلما واستنار ِبض ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫وشدها‬
‫ًّ ْ َ‬ ‫ّ َ َْ‬ ‫َ ََ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪25‬‬

‫مج ًما وقال‪:‬‬ ‫جا وأنار بسن ِاء وع ِظه ُم ِ‬ ‫ُم َتْ ِ ً‬
‫َ َ َ َ ْ َ‬
‫وعوا‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫وب ا ِ‬
‫لواعية والنُّ ُف ِ‬ ‫ول ا ّلش ِام ِلة وال ُقل ُ ِ‬ ‫لكام ِلة والن ُق ِ‬ ‫ول ا ِ‬ ‫يا ذوي الع ُق ِ‬
‫اسعوا ُ‬ ‫وس ا ّلداعية ْ َ‬ ‫ُّ‬ ‫ُ‬
‫ْفروا َو َتاوزوا‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫واص ُبوا تَظ ُ‬ ‫وانْتَفعوا وأنْف ُعوا وأقْل ُعوا تُنْ َفعوا َوصلوا تَصلوا واتَّض ُعوا تُرفعوا ْ‬
‫واس ِع ُفوا تُ ْس َع ُفوا وال تَ ْع ِس ُفوا تُ ْع َسفوا‬ ‫واع ُفوا تُ ْع َر ُفوا ْ‬
‫ِ‬
‫صدقُوا تَلْتَ ُقوا و َأنْف ُقوا تُ ْل َ ُفوا ْ‬ ‫تُ ْ َرزوا َوتَ َّ‬
‫ناص ُحوا تَفْل َ ُحوا َف َم ْن َز َر َع َح َص َد‬ ‫وال تن ِدموا تندموا و ِيسروا وال تع ِسروا وساحموا تربوا و ِ‬
‫َُ ّ َ َ ُ ََُْ َ‬ ‫َُ ّ َْ َ َ ّ‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫شرا يره}(‪)٩٩:٧-٨‬‬ ‫ومن فرش رقد {فمن يعمل ِمثقال ٍ‬

‫ذرة ًّ‬ ‫ذرة خريا ً يره ومن يعمل مثقال ّ‬ ‫َ ّ‬ ‫ََ ْ َََ َََ ََ ْ‬
‫لسة العلَماء ا ِ‬ ‫اورة الصاحلني والنفق ِة يف ا ِلدي ِن وما ِ‬ ‫ليقني وم ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫لعاملني‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ّْ َ ُ‬ ‫َََ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫باد اهلل ُحب ْس ِن ا ِ ُ‬ ‫فعليكم ع َ‬
‫أصل ُ ُه ِم َن ال ِطّني ثُ َّم ِم ْن املاء امل َ ِهني ثُ َّم َخل َ َق َك يف‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬
‫َو ُمرا َف َقة ا ُملْسنني َو ُمالَطَة املَساكني فيا َم ْن ْ‬
‫ْمت ِه يا ِم ْسكني َو َأ ْخ َر َج َك بَ َش ًرا َس ِويًّا َو َج َعلَك‬ ‫طيف ِحك ِ‬ ‫شاء ج ِنني ودبر َك بِل َ ِ‬ ‫ظُلمات ا َألح ِ‬
‫َ َ َ َّ َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬
‫ِِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِم َن امل ُ ْس ِل ِمني َفهذه ِم ْن تَ َن ُّو ِع نِ َع ِم اهلل عليْ َك بتمكني‬
‫فاعبد َرب َّ َك َوكُن م َن ا َّلشاكرين َوال تَغْ َتَّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫‪35‬‬

‫ب على َعزائ ِم ا ُألمو ِر‬ ‫وال واإلنعا ِم واإلفضال والسعة وا َّلدعة ْ ِ‬ ‫باإلمهال والرفاه ِة وا َألم ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫واص ْ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َّ َ‬
‫ط وإن‬ ‫ط لك يف ال ِ ّرزق ال تَ ْشتَ ْ‬ ‫ط وإن بُ ِس َ‬ ‫عليك يف ِر ْز ِق َك ال تَقْ َن ْ‬ ‫ت َ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫وإن قُ ّ َ‬ ‫تَظْ َفر بال َف َر ِج واحل ُ ُبور ْ‬

‫‪Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663‬‬

‫‪A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian‬‬ ‫‪659‬‬
‫ِ‬
‫واخل َ ْع ِر َداء‬ ‫ب ِبَ ْن َم َضى تَ َ‬
‫لق ا ِ ّلرضى ْ‬ ‫وإن حاسبت نَفْس َك ال تَغْل َ ْ ِ‬
‫ط واعتَ ْ‬ ‫َ َ‬ ‫تسخط ْ‬ ‫بت ال َ‬ ‫ُعوق َ‬
‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫الط ََّم ِع َوال تَ َق ْع يف ا َّلز َم ِع واعتم ْد على هذه ا َألبيات وما فيها من ا َلوصيّات فإن ّي ّ‬
‫مسيتُها ا ُلع ْمدة‬
‫َلينْ َجلي بها ُص َدأ املعدة ّثم متايل ط ََربًا وأنشد ُمط ِربًا وقال‪[ :‬من البسيط]‬ ‫‪40‬‬

‫ِإي َاك يغْ ِر َ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫يك با َألط َْما ِع َم ُ‬
‫غرور‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ور‬‫يَا طَال َب ا ِ ّلر ْزق َع ْسفًا َو ْه َو َمقْ ُه ُ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ف ا َّلس ِب ُيل ِإ َل َما لَيْ َس تُقْ َس ُم ُه‬
‫طور‬ ‫َغ ْ َي الذي قَ ْد ُر ُه ف الل َّ ْو ِح َم ْس ُ‬ ‫كَيْ َ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫َ ِ‬
‫هور‬ ‫ِ‬
‫َوأن ْ َت ف قَ ْب َضة ال َق َّهار َمقْ ُ‬ ‫ف تُ ْد ِركُ ُه‬ ‫تَ ُر ُوم بِاجل َ ْه ِل َأ ْم ًرا كَيْ َ‬
‫ْ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫ما َل ْ يَك ُْن لَكْ َوإ َّن ا ِ ّلر ْز َق َمأ ُ‬
‫مور‬ ‫ن ا ُلع ْم ِر ُملْتَ ِم ًسا‬ ‫ِ ِ ِ‬
‫أفْ َنيْ َت باحل ْرص كَ ْ َ‬
‫َ‬

‫ودة ِسيَّ َما َما ِف ِيه تَ ْس ِخيـ ُـر‬ ‫َمْ ُم ٌ‬ ‫احل ْر ُص يف طَل َ ِب ال َفانِي َع َو ِاق ُب ُه‬‫ما ِ‬ ‫‪45‬‬

‫شور‬ ‫لَع َّل يأْتِ َ ِ‬ ‫اح َر ْص ِ َب ْز ٍم َعلَى ا َلب ِاقي َو َح ِ ّصل ْ ُه‬
‫يك بامل َ ْسمو ِح َمنْ ُ‬ ‫َ َ‬ ‫ْ‬
‫زور‬ ‫َدعْ َعنْ َك ْز َين َة ُدن ْ َيا كُل ُّ َها ُ‬ ‫ِإ ْن كُنْ َت تَأْ َم ُل ِف ا ُأل ْخ َرى كَ َر َامتَ َها‬
‫َف ِإ َّنَـا ِهـي َت ْ ِيي ٌـل َوتَ ْص ِـوي ُـر‬ ‫َو َش ْه َوتَ َها‬ ‫ا ُّلدن ْ َيا‬ ‫َعنْ َك‬ ‫َو َخ ِّل‬
‫َ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫َع َسى يَك ُْن ل َ َك ِإ ْن ُوفّقْ َت تَأْث ُري‬ ‫اجتَ ِه ْد َما ُد ْم َت ُمقْتَ ِد ًرا‬‫اع َم ْل َوقُ ْم َو ْ‬
‫َو ْ‬
‫َو َأن ْ َت تَ ْ َت َأ ِدي ِم‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ا َأل ْرض َمقْ ُ‬
‫بور‬ ‫م ْن قَ ْب ِل َأ ْن تَ ْر َج َع ا َأل ْع َض ُاء بَال َيةً‬ ‫‪50‬‬

‫تَقْ ِدي ٌـم َوتَأْ ِخي ُـر‬ ‫َفامل َ ْو ُت َما ِف ِيه‬ ‫َفا ْغ َن ْم َح َياتَ َك َوالتَّقْ َوى تَ َز َّو ْد ُه‬
‫ـور‬
‫احل َ ُـال َم ْست ُ‬ ‫ُرطُوبَ ٌة َو َعلَيْ َك‬ ‫ان بِ ِه‬ ‫ِ‬
‫يك بَ َقايا َوالل ّ َس ُ‬ ‫َما َد َام ِف َ‬
‫وف تَقْ ِص ُري‬ ‫وال يرى ل َ َك ِف املَعر ِ‬
‫ُْ‬ ‫َ َ َُ‬ ‫ات تَل ْ َق ِر ًضا‬ ‫واجهد علَى سب ِل الطَّاع ِ‬
‫َ‬ ‫َ َْ ْ َ ُُ‬
‫يص َوتَك ِْفي ُـر‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫َففي امل َ َقادي ِر َتْح ٌ‬
‫ِ‬ ‫يبات ا َّلد ْه ِر ُمْتَ ِسبًا‬ ‫واص ِب علَى نَا ِ‬
‫َ ْ ْ َ‬
‫لص ْ ِب َت ْ ِر ُير‬ ‫ودع َ ِي ِ‬
‫يء ف َش َر ِاب ا َّ‬
‫ْ‬ ‫َ َ‬ ‫لص ْ ِب كَأْ ًسا َفا ِّلش َف ُاء بِ ِه‬ ‫ِ‬
‫اش َر ْب م َن ا َّ‬ ‫َو ْ‬ ‫‪55‬‬

‫‪Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663‬‬

‫‪660‬‬ ‫‪Pomerantz‬‬

‫ـور‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ش َأ ْو َع َد ُه ْم‬ ‫العر ِ‬ ‫لصابِ ِر َين ِإل َ ُه‬

‫وح امل َ ْـر ُء َم ْشك ُ‬ ‫هنئَةً َويَ ُر ُ‬ ‫َْ‬ ‫َفا َّ‬
‫يَأْتِيه ِم َن ا َلغيْ ِب َأ ْم ٌر ِف ِيه تَيْ ِسيـ ٌـر‬ ‫َأ ْم ٌر َأن ْ َت تَ ْ َذ ُر ُه‬ ‫ان‬
‫يَا طَا َلَا كَ َ‬
‫رور‬ ‫ويأْتِ ِه بِنجا ِح ا ِ‬ ‫قَد يد ِر ُك ا ِ‬
‫لص ْب َم ْس ُ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ََ‬ ‫ََ‬ ‫اجتَ ُه‬
‫ُور َح َ‬‫لصاب ُر امل َ ْشك ُ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ْ ُْ‬
‫ِ‬
‫سور‬ ‫ْ‬
‫ول َو َمأ ُ‬ ‫ِف َو ْرطَة اهلَ ِّم َمك ُْب ٌ‬ ‫َو َم ْن يَك ُْن َح ِر ًجا ُم ْستَ ْع ِجال ً َأبَدا ً‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫دور‬‫حالَن ُ ُه َواحلُك ُْم َمقْ ُ‬ ‫يد ُ ْ‬
‫يُف ُ‬ ‫َص ّر ْف َع ِن ال َقل ْ ِب َه ًّما َما ْ‬
‫استَط َْع َت َفما‬ ‫‪60‬‬

‫َم َق ِادي ُـر‬

‫ِف كُ ِّل َما َر َام ِإ ْذ َحل َّ ْت‬ ‫َف َك ْم تَ َق ِاد َير َضل َّ ْت َع ْن ُم َق َّد ِر َها‬
‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬
‫ذور‬
‫َم ْع ُ‬ ‫اف‬‫ط َف َما ال َقانطُ ا َّلس َّر ُ‬‫تَقْ َن ْ‬ ‫َو َسل ّ ِم احل َ َال لل ْ َم ْو َل ال َك ِري ِم َوالَ‬
‫ظ َم َقالِـي َف ْه َـو تَ ْذي ُـر‬ ‫وصي َك َها َأبَ ًدا‬ ‫َفه ِذ ِه عمدة ُأ ِ‬
‫اح َف ْ‬‫ن َف ْ‬‫ُ َ َّ‬
‫ب‬ ‫ُ ْ ٌَ‬ ‫َ‬
‫صور‬
‫يس َمْ ُ‬ ‫وطَعمها َذ َاك ِف التَّع ِك ِ‬ ‫َم ْن الَ َذ َاق ل َ َّذتَ َها‬ ‫َوالَ يَ ُغ َّر َك‬
‫ْ‬ ‫َ ََْ‬
‫والَ تُرى ِع ْبة لِلنَّ ِ‬
‫اس تَ ْع ِب ُري‬ ‫با‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َوكُ ْن ِبَ ْن قَ ْد‬
‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َم َضى م ْن قَ ْب ُل ُم ْعتَ ً‬ ‫‪65‬‬

‫ثور‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ادتِ ِه‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫ف ن ُ ْصحي َف ْه َو َم ْع ُ‬ ‫َو َم ْن ُيَال ُ‬ ‫قَ ْول م ْن َس َع َ‬ ‫َف َم ْن تَ َدب َّ َر‬

‫قال ِ‬
‫ثام ُر بن َز َّمامٍ‪:‬‬ ‫ ‬

‫آفاقهم‬ ‫آماق ِهم وتَ سرت قلوب اجلمو ِع اجملتمعون ِمن ِ‬ ‫فتحدرت دموع املُستم ِعني ِمن ِ‬
‫ْ َ َّ َ ْ ُ ُ ُ ُ‬ ‫َ َ َّ ْ ُ ُ ْ َ َ‬
‫اس َم ْش ُغ ْوفون بِه ُحبًا‬ ‫ِِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِِ‬
‫رت ُز ِبقاله َو َيْ َ ِت ُز على نَفْسه أن َي ْ ُر َج َع ْن َأقْواله والنّ ُ‬ ‫َو َج َع َل كُ ٌّل يَ ِ َ‬
‫وه إفضاال ً َحتَّى‬ ‫دواء ِعظَته ِط ّباً هذا‬ ‫ومستوفون ِمن ِ‬
‫وأو َس ُع ُ‬ ‫وه نواال ً ْ‬ ‫أس َع ُف ُ‬
‫والقوم قد ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪70‬‬

‫وداع ا َأل ِح َّب ِة َو َص َد َع قُلُوبَ ُهم بِتَ ْم ِك ِني احمل َ َّب ِة َفت ِب ْعتُ ُه‬
‫القوم َ‬ ‫ُمل َئ ِجرابُ ُه َو َ‬
‫حان َذهابُ ُه َو َو َّد َع َ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ِ‬
‫فقلت أبا‬ ‫كل تغريش ُ‬ ‫الغ ِريش وإمام ّ‬ ‫ألتّ َذ معه َع ْه ًدا و ُأ َوك ّ َد َم َع ُه ُو ًّدا فإذا هو أبو فيد َ‬
‫املوه َب َة َو َه َّذبَ َك بِهذه الت َّ ْه ِذبَ ِة َأ َأن ْ َت ِبا َص َد َر ِمنْ َك ُمشتَ ِبه أم َغ َري‬ ‫فيد ِبن َأوهب َك هذه ِ‬
‫َْ ََ‬
‫اجملتث]‬
‫ّ‬ ‫ُمنْتَبه فقال‪[ :‬من‬

‫‪Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663‬‬

A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 661

ْ‫اشـة‬
َ ‫ا َلب َش‬ ‫َو َخ ِّـل‬ ‫ُب‬
ْ ‫َواقْط‬ ‫ون ا َلغ َر ِاشـة‬ َ ‫ُف ُن‬ ‫إع َم ْل‬
ْ
ِ ‫ِم ْن‬ ‫ظ َو َح ِ ّد ْث َو ْار ِخـي‬ ْ ‫َو ِع‬
ْ‫ـاشـة‬
َ ‫ْارت َع‬ ‫َر َاحتَيْ َك‬ 75

‫اشـه‬
َ ‫احل ُ َش‬ ‫ِف َيما تُ ِذي ُـب‬ ‫اعة‬َ ‫لص َن‬
ِ
ّ ‫شراك ا‬
َ ‫َوان ْ ُص ْب‬
‫ال َف َر َاشه‬ ‫َش ِبي َـه‬ ‫َوكُ ْن‬ ‫وع اجل َ َو ِامد‬
َ ‫اج ِر ا ُّلد ُم‬ ْ ‫َو‬
‫اشـه‬ ِ ‫َو ِإ ْن َوقَ ْع ل َ َـك ُخ ٌّش‬
َ ‫َفاك ْ ُش ْب َو َح ّص ْل قُ َم‬
‫اشـه‬ َ ‫ُع َم‬ ‫ُمقْلَتَيْ ِـه‬ ‫ِفـي‬ ‫َغـ ِريبًـا‬ ‫َر َأي ْ َت‬ ‫َو ِإ ْن‬

َ َ‫بِـري‬
‫ـاشـه‬ ‫احتَـ ِر ْم‬ ْ ‫َف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫اسـا‬َ ‫َس‬ ‫ِول ْ ِد‬ ‫ِم ْن‬ ‫َف َذ َاك‬ 80

‫ـاشـه‬ َ ‫َش‬ ‫بِتَقْ ِطيـ ِع‬ ‫ِمنْ ُه‬ ‫َم ْك ٌـر‬ ‫ورك‬
َ ‫َ ُي‬ ‫اح َذ ْر‬
ْ ‫َو‬
‫اشـه‬َ ‫َم َع‬ ‫يَ ْب ِغـي‬ ‫ه َذ َاك‬ ‫ِمث ْ ِلـي‬ ‫ـان‬َ َ‫ك‬ ‫َم ْن‬ ‫َفك ُُّل‬
‫ِف َـر ِاشـه‬ ‫َف ْـو َق‬ ‫يَ َن ُام‬ ‫َو ٍان‬ ‫ِمث ْ َـل‬ ‫تَ ُك ْـن‬ َ‫َفال‬
‫اشـه‬
َ ‫ُم َش‬ ‫احل َ ِلي ِـب‬ ‫ِم َن‬ ‫يَل ْ َقـى‬ ‫ا ِ ّلر ْز َق‬ ‫َويَطْل ُ ُب‬
‫وودعتُه‬ ُ
ّ ‫بت عن خياالته وفارقتُه وفارقين‬
ُ ‫وحتج‬
ّ ‫بت من أحبوالته‬
ُ ‫فتعج‬
ّ ‫زمام‬
ّ ‫قال ثامر بن‬ 85

.‫وودعين‬
ّ

10 Commentary on al-Maqāma l-Tīzīniyya

The edition reproduces the vowels of the text of the Maqāma as it is found in
MS Laleli 1929 to preserve rhyme and metre. In the commentary are noted vari-
ous deviations from Classical Arabic, as well as other irregularities.

l. 4 ‫ اجلَّالس‬is the plural of ‫ اجلَلْس‬which means “rugged ground or land” see

E.W. Lane, Lexicon, London, Williams and Norgate, 1863, II, p. 80.

l. 9 ‫ هذه املدينتني‬is common in Middle Arabic texts, see Joshua Blau, A Handbook
of Early Middle Arabic, Jerusalem, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2002, p. 42.

Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663

662 Pomerantz

l. 9 ‫ قد كانوا‬is common in Middle Arabic texts.

l. 11 ‫ كنائس؛ قسائس‬are diptotes. However, both are marked with tanwīn in the
Laleli MS; see Wolfdietrich Fischer, A Grammar of Classical Arabic transl.
J. Rodgers, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2002, p. 63.

l. 13 ‫صورة احملمد ُية‬ ِ

ّ ُ ْ‫ العساك ُر املن‬is a reference to the forces of al-Malik al-Ẓāhir Baybars I
that lay siege to Antioch on 4 ramaḍān 666/19 May, 1268. The author here is
mistaken concerning Latakia, which was not taken by Muslim forces at the
same time as Antioch, but twenty years later in 5 rabīʿ I 686/20 April 1287.

l. 17 ‫ كُدادهم‬is that which remains in the pot after cooking, see al-Zabīdī, Tāǧ
al-ʿarūs, sub radice K.D.D.

l. 18 ‫األولة‬
ّ appears to be a mistake for ‫األوىل‬, common in Middle Arabic texts.
l. 20 ‫ تزيين‬is described by Yāqūt, Muʿǧam al-buldān, s.v. “tīzīn” as a large village
in the vicinity of Aleppo.

l. 24 ‫ رفادة‬a support (?) is unclear; see Reinhart Dozy, Supplément aux diction-
naires arabes, Leiden, Brill, 1881, I, p. 539. 

l. 39 ‫ الزمع‬is literally according to Lane, Lexicon, III, p. 417 “a certain excrescence

behind the cloven hoof,” is also used to signify by extension “the lowest, basest
refuse of mankind.”

ٌ ‫ با‬appears to be a mistake for ً‫بالية‬.

l. 50 ‫لية‬

l. 68 ‫ اجملتمعون‬for ‫اجملتمعني‬.

ll. 72 and 74 ‫الغراشة؛ التغريش؛ الغريش‬: these terms are found in the Qaṣīda Sāsāniyya
of Ṣafī l-Dīn al-Ḥillī (d. 749/1348), see C.E. Bosworth, The Medieval Islamic
Underworld: The Banū Sāsān in Arabic Society and Literature, Leiden, Brill, 1976,
II, p. 302: “Ghursh (thus vocalised in manuscript B) ‘beggar chiefs’ could be the
plural of something like aghrash; in vv. 12, 23, we have the abstract ghursha
(again thus vocalised in manuscript B) ‘trick, stratagem’.”

l. 74 ‫خل البشاشة‬
ّ lit. make your happy expression sour, is perhaps a reference to
the scowling demeanor of the preacher.

Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663

A Maqāma Collection by a Mamlūk Historian 663

l. 77 ‫ الدموع اجلوامد‬may be understood here in the sense of “false tears”.  ‫الفراشة‬

perhaps is an invitation to be as unsteady and flighty as the moth.

l. 78 (poem v. 5) MS reads ‫ ُخ ّش‬. This is possibly ‫ ُخ ْشين‬/‫ ُخ ْشن‬pl. ‫ أخشان‬which appears

frequently in the poems of both Abū Dulaf and Ṣafī l-Dīn al-Ḥillī, see Bosworth,
Medieval Islamic Underworld, II, p. 247, for a discussion of the term. The singu-
lar in Abū Dulaf’s Qaṣīda Sāsāniyya (v. 69) is ‫ ُخشين‬and only the plural is found
in Ḥillī’s poem. The line does not scan properly and seems beyond repair.

l. 79 ‫ عماشة‬is here “bleariness of the eyes”; see Lane, Lexicon, V, p. 442.

l. 84 ‫ ُمشاشة‬is the “best part of”; see Lane, Lexicon, VII, p. 244.

Arabica 61 (2014) 631-663