Alexei Navalny

Alexei Anatolievich Navalny (Russian: Алексе́й Анато́льевич

Нава́льный, IPA: [ɐlʲɪkˈsʲej ɐnɐˈtolʲjɪvʲɪtɕ nɐˈvalʲni̵j]; Alexei Navalny
born 4 June 1976) is a Russian opposition politician and anti- Алексе́й Нава́льный
corruption activist. He came to international prominence by
organizing demonstrations, and running for office, to advocate
reforms against corruption in Russia, Russian President Vladimir
Putin, and Putin's government. In 2012, The Wall Street Journal
described him as "the man Vladimir Putin fears most".[2]

Navalny was a Russian Opposition Coordination Council member

and the leader of the opposition political Progress Party.[3] In
September 2013, he ran in the Moscow mayoral election, supported
by the RPR-PARNAS party. He came in second, with 27% of the
vote, losing to incumbent mayor Sergei Sobyanin, a Putin appointee.
Navalny claimed election fraud and that he actually received more
votes.[4] Navalny became well known through his LiveJournal blog,
but later switched to YouTube, where he has four million subscribers,
and Twitter, where he has 2.2 million followers.[5][6] Through these
channels he published videos and documents about corruption by
Russian state officials, organized political demonstrations and Navalny in 2017
promoted his campaigns for office. He has also been active in other Leader of Russia of the Future
media. In a 2011 radio interview he described Russia's ruling party Incumbent
United Russia as a "party of crooks and thieves", which became a
popular epithet.[7] He created the Anti-Corruption Foundation in Assumed office
2011. 28 March 2019
Preceded by Himself (as leader of
Navalny has been arrested several times by Russian authorities.[8] He Progress Party)
received two suspended sentences for embezzlement in two cases,
Leader of Progress Party
one in July 2013 and another in December 2014, for five-years and
three-and-a-half-years of imprisonment, respectively.[9][10][11][12] In office
Both cases are widely considered to be politically motivated and to 17 November 2013 – 19 May 2018
bar him from running in future elections.[13][14] According to rulings Personal details
by the European Court of Human Rights, the cases violated Navalny's
Born Alexei Anatolievich
right to a fair trial. In 2013, the Russia-based Memorial Human Rights
Navalny
Center recognized Navalny as a political prisoner.[15] In February
4 June 1976
2014, Navalny was placed under house arrest and restricted from
communicating with anyone but his family.[16] In May 2018, he was Butyn, Odintsovsky
sentenced to 30 days in prison for attending an unsanctioned protest District, Moscow
against Putin in Moscow; he condemned the verdict.[17][18] Oblast, Russian
SFSR, Soviet Union
In December 2016, Navalny tried to run for President of Russia
Nationality Russian
during the 2018 election but was barred by Russia's Central Electoral
Commission in December 2017. The Supreme Court of Russia Political Russia of the Future
rejected his appeal and upheld the ban.[13][19][20] He and his party (since 2018)
supporters have been detained and arrested many times and have Other Progress Party
become victims of attacks on many occasions during the campaign. In political (2013–18)
March 2017, Alexei Navalny and his Anti-Corruption Foundation affiliations Yabloko (2000–07)
created a documentary He Is Not Dimon to You, accusing Dmitry
Medvedev, the prime minister and former president of Russia, of Spouse(s) Yulia Navalnaya
significant corruption.[21] Children 2[1]
Residence Moscow
On 20 August 2020, Navalny was hospitalized and left in a serious
but stable condition after a Novichok poisoning during a flight from Education Peoples' Friendship
Tomsk to Moscow in a possibly politically motivated attack. His flight University of Russia
was diverted to Omsk.[22][23] On 22 August he was transported to Finance University
Berlin on a medical evacuation flight paid for by the German non-
under the
governmental organisation Cinema for Peace.[24] As of 24 August, he
Government of the
remains in an induced coma but with no current acute danger to his
Russian Federation
life.[25]
Yale University (no
degree)

Contents Occupation Lawyer, activist,

politician
Early life and career
Known for Leader of the
Anti-corruption investigations Progress Party
Political activity Anti-corruption
Yabloko campaigner
"The People" movement
Awards Yale World Fellow
Involvement in 2011 parliamentary election and 2011–
13 Russian protests (2010)
New party Website Navalny.com (http://
Moscow mayoral candidacy navalny.com)
RPR-PARNAS and democratic coalition YouTube information
Presidential election 2018 Channel Алексей Навальный
Moscow City Duma elections 2019 (https://www.youtub
Vote on constitutional amendments 2020 e.com/c/АлексейНав
Persecution альный)
Kirovles case Subscribers 3.99 million
Case (27 August 2020)
Conviction and release Total views 797 million
Probation (27 August 2020)
Review of the sentence
Yves Rocher case and home arrest
Case
Home arrest and limitations
Conviction
ECHR
Indemnification
Other cases
Poisoning
Political views
Reception
 Political activities
Approval ratings
Criminal cases
Awards and honors
Family and personal life
See also
Explanatory notes
Exchange rates used in the article
References
Citations
Bibliography
Further reading
External links

Early life and career

Navalny is of Russian and Ukrainian descent.[26] His father is from Zalissia, a village near the border of
Belarus in Ivankiv Raion, Kiev Oblast, Ukraine. Navalny grew up in Obninsk about 100 kilometres (62 mi)
south-west of Moscow, but spent his childhood summers with his grandmother in Ukraine, acquiring a
proficiency in the Ukrainian language.[26][27] His parents, Anatoly Navalny and Lyudmila Navalnaya, own a
basket-weaving factory in the village of Kobyakovo, Moscow Oblast, which they have run since 1994.[28]

Navalny graduated from the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia in 1998 with a law degree. He then
studied securities and exchanges at the Finance University under the Government of the Russian
Federation.[29][30] Navalny received a scholarship to the Yale World Fellows program at Yale University in
2010.[31][32]

Anti-corruption investigations
In 2008, Navalny invested 300,000 rubles in stocks of 5 oil and gas
companies: Rosneft, Gazprom, Gazprom Neft, Lukoil, and
Surgutneftegaz, thus becoming an activist shareholder.[33] As such, he
began to aim at making the financial properties of these companies
transparent. This is required by law, but there are allegations that some
of the high-level managers of these companies are involved in thefts
and are obscuring transparency.[34] Other activities deal with
wrongdoings by Russian police, such as Sergei Magnitsky's case.
Navalny arrested during the 2017
In November 2010, Navalny published[35] confidential documents Russian protests on 26 March 2017
about Transneft's auditing. According to Navalny's blog, about
$4 billion were stolen by Transneft's leaders during the construction of
the Eastern Siberia–Pacific Ocean oil pipeline.[36][37]

In December 2010, Navalny announced the launch of the RosPil project, which seeks to bring to light corrupt
practices in the government procurement process.[38] The project takes advantage of existing procurement
regulation that requires all government requests for tender to be posted online. Information about winning bids
must be posted online as well. The name RosPil is a pun on the slang term "raspil" (wikt:ru:распил) for a
corruption practice of appropriating the money allocated from the state budget.

In May 2011, Navalny launched RosYama (literally "Russian Hole"), a project that allowed individuals to
report potholes and track government responses to complaints.[39]

In August 2011, Navalny publicized papers related to a scandalous real estate deal[40] between the Hungarian
and Russian governments.[41][42] According to the papers, Hungary sold a former embassy building in
Moscow for US$21 million to an offshore company of Viktor Vekselberg, who immediately resold it to the
Russian government for $111 million. Irregularities in the paper trail implied a collusion. Three Hungarian
officials responsible for the deal were detained in February 2011.[43] It is unclear whether any official
investigation was conducted on the Russian side.

In May 2012, Navalny accused Deputy Prime Minister Igor Shuvalov

of corruption, stating that companies owned by Roman Abramovich
and Alisher Usmanov had transferred tens of millions of dollars to
Shuvalov's company, allowing Shuvalov to share in the profit from
Usmanov's purchase of the British steel company Corus.[45][46]
Navalny posted scans of documents to his blog showing the money
transfers.[46] Usmanov and Shuvalov stated the documents Navalny
had posted were legitimate, but that the transaction had not
represented a violation of Russian law. Shuvalov stated, "I
unswervingly followed the rules and principles of conflict of interest. The Levada Center survey showed
For a lawyer, this is sacred".[45] that 58% of surveyed Russians
supported the 2017 Russian protests
In July 2012, Navalny posted documents on his blog allegedly against corruption in the Russian
showing that Alexander Bastrykin, head of the Investigative government.[44]
Committee of Russia, owned an undeclared business in the Czech
Republic. The posting was described by the Financial Times as
Navalny's "answering shot" for having had his emails leaked during his arrest in the previous month.[47]

In March 2017, Navalny launched the campaign "He Is Not Dimon To You", accusing Dmitry Medvedev, the
Prime Minister, of corruption. The authorities either ignored the report produced by Navalny, or commented
that the report was issued by a "convicted criminal" and is not worth commenting on. On 26 March, Navalny
organized a series of anti-corruption rallies in different cities across Russia. In some cities, the rallies were
sanctioned by the authorities, but in others, including Moscow and Saint Petersburg, they were not allowed.
The Moscow police said that 500 people had been detained, but according to the human rights group OVD-
Info, 1,030 people were detained in Moscow alone, including Navalny himself.[48][49][50] On 27 March, he
was fined 20,000 rubles minimum for organizing an illegal protest, and jailed for 15 days for resisting
arrest.[50]

Political activity

Yabloko

In 2000, following the announcement of a new law that would raise the electoral threshold for State Duma
elections, Navalny joined the Russian United Democratic Party Yabloko. According to Navalny, the law was
stacked against Yabloko and Union of Right Forces, and he decided to join, even though he was not "a big
fan" of either organization.[33] In 2001, he was listed as a member of the party.[33] In 2002, he was elected to
the regional council of the Moscow branch of Yabloko.[51] In 2003, he headed the Moscow subdivision of the
election campaign of the party for the parliamentary election held in December. In April 2004, Navalny
became Chief of staff of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, which he remained until February 2007. Also in
2004, he also became Deputy Chief of the Moscow branch of the party. From 2006 to 2007, he was a member
of the Federal Council of the party.[52]

In August 2005, Navalny was incorporated into the Social Council of Central Administrative Okrug of
Moscow, created prior to the Moscow City Duma election held later that year, in which he took part as a
candidate. In November, he was one of the initiators of Youth Public Chamber, intended to help younger
politicians take part in legislative initiatives.[52]

At the same time, in 2005, Navalny started another youth social movement, named "DA! – Democratic
Alternative".[note 1] The project was not connected to Yabloko (nor any other political party). Within the
movement, Navalny participated in a number of projects. In particular, he was one of the organizers of the
movement-run political debates, which soon got resonance in the media.[52] Navalny also organized television
debates via state-run Moscow channel TV Center; two initial episodes showed high ratings, but the show was
suddenly cancelled. According to Navalny, authorities prohibited some people from receiving TV
coverage.[52]

In late 2006, Navalny appealed to the Moscow City Hall, asking it to grant permission to conduct the
nationalist 2006 Russian March. However, he added that Yabloko condemned "any ethnic or racial hatred and
any xenophobia" and called on the police to oppose "any Fascist, Nazi, xenophobic manifestations".[note 2]
Navalny was an observer during the organizing committee meetings; he was named as an organizer for the
march in the media, which he denied.[52]

In July 2007, Navalny resigned from the post of Deputy Chief of the Moscow branch of the party.[52] By then,
he had founded a nationalist movement, "The People" (see below). During a party council in December 2007,
Navalny publicly demanded "the immediate resignation of party chairman and all his deputies, and the re-
election of at least 70% of the Bureau".[52] He was consequently expelled from Yabloko "for causing political
damage to the party; in particular, for nationalist activities".[54] Navalny declared the actual rationale behind
his exclusion was his demanding the resignation of Grigory Yavlinsky, the then leader of the party.[55]

"The People" movement

On 23 June 2007, Navalny co-founded a new political movement, named "The People", which upheld the
positions of "democratic nationalism", defined as a fight for democracy and the rights of ethnic Russians;[52]
according to one of Navalny's biographers, Navalny differentiates the ethnic and social aspects of the term,
highlighting the latter.[56]

In June 2008, the movement joined forces with two other Russian nationalist movements, Movement Against
Illegal Immigration (MAII) and Great Russia, to form a new coalition, Russian National Movement. Navalny
declared the movement would participate in the next parliamentary elections, planning to get a great share of
votes; he added, "up to 60% of the population upholds spontaneous nationalism, but it is not legally
effectuated".[57] Later the same month, the MAII and The People signed a cooperation agreement; at the
procedure, he defined the "new political nationalism" as democratic, "fundamentally and statistically", adding,
"we can teach blatant liberals a thing or two". He also declared he wanted to distance the coalition from the
skinheads, calling for close collaboration with the leftists and the liberals for fair elections the coalition "would
win", and demanded political liberalization and early parliamentary elections in Russia.[58]

In 2011, Navalny admitted the movement "The People" had failed to establish itself as a working structure.[59]

Involvement in 2011 parliamentary election and 2011–13 Russian protests


Navalny at the courthouse, 6
December 2011
In December 2011, after parliamentary elections and accusations of
electoral fraud,[60] around 6,000 people gathered in Moscow to
protest over the contested result, and some 300 were arrested
including Navalny. After a period of uncertainty, Navalny was
produced at court and thereafter sentenced to the maximum 15 days
"for defying a government official". Alexei Venediktov, editor-in-
chief of Echo of Moscow radio station, called the arrest "a political
mistake: jailing Navalny transforms him from an online leader into an
offline one".[61] Navalny was kept in the same prison as several other
activists, including Ilya Yashin and Sergei Udaltsov, the unofficial
leader of the Vanguard of Red Youth, a radical Russian communist
youth group. Udaltsov has gone on hunger strike to protest against the
conditions.[62]

Navalny was arrested on 5 December, convicted and sentenced to 15

days in jail. Since his arrest, his blog has become available in
English.[63]

In a profile published the day after his release, BBC News described
Navalny as "arguably the only major opposition figure to emerge in
Russia in the past five years".[64]

On his release on 20 December, Navalny called on Russians to unite

against Putin, who Navalny said would try to snatch victory in the Navalny at Moscow rally, 10 March
presidential election, which was held on 4 March 2012.[65] 2012

Navalny told reporters on his release that it would be senseless for

him to run in the presidential elections because the Kremlin would not allow them to be fair. But he said that if
free elections were held, he would "be ready" to run.[65] On 24 December, he helped lead a demonstration
much larger than the post-election one (50,000 strong, in one Western-media account), telling to the crowd, "I
see enough people to take the Kremlin right now".[66]

In March 2012, after Putin was elected president, Navalny helped lead an anti-Putin rally in Moscow's
Pushkin Square, attended by between 14,000 and 20,000 people. After the rally, Navalny was detained by
authorities for several hours, then released.[67]

On 8 May, the day after Putin was inaugurated, Navalny and Udaltsov were arrested after an anti-Putin rally at
Clean Ponds, and were each given 15-day jail sentences.[68] Amnesty International designated the two men
prisoners of conscience.[69] On 11 June, Moscow prosecutors conducted a 12-hour search of Navalny's home,
office, and the apartment of one of his relatives. The searches were undertaken, according to the RT television
network, as part of a broader investigation into the clashes between opposition activists and riot police that
happened on 6 May.[70] Soon afterwards, some of Navalny's personal emails were posted online by a pro-
government blogger.[47]

New party

On 26 June 2012, it was announced that Navalny's comrades would establish a new political party based on e-
democracy; Navalny declared he did not plan to participate in this project at the moment.[71] On 31 July, they
filed a document to register an organizing committee of the future party; the party was named "The People's
Alliance".[72] The party was declared to be centrist; one of the then-current leaders of the party and Navalny's
ally Vladimir Ashurkov explained this was intended to help the party get a large share of voters. However, the
party did not yet have a comprehensive ideology. The party would limit the number of its members to 500.

Logo of the People's Alliance,
used in 2012–2014
Navalny said the concept of political parties was "outdated", and added
his participation would make maintaining the party more difficult.
However, he "blessed" the party and discussed its maintenance with its
leaders. They, in turn, stated they wanted to eventually see Navalny as a
member of the party.[73] The party planned to use the activity of its
members in the media and the Internet as a massive advantage.
Ashurkov said he expected the party to get an official registration during
spring 2013.[74]

On 15 December 2012, the party held its founding congress; Navalny

expressed his support of the party, saying, "The People's Alliance is my
party", but again refused to join it, citing the criminal cases against him.
The party announced it planned reforms on judiciary and law
enforcements, a partial transfer of presidential powers to the parliament,
Logo of Progress Party, used and limiting migration into the country.[75] On 10 April 2013, the party
since 2014 filed documents for the official registration of the party.[76] On 30 April,
the registration of the party was suspended.[77] The party held the
second congress to correct the violations proclaimed by the Ministry of
Justice. On 5 July, the party was declined registration; according to Izvestia, not all founders of the party were
present during the congress, even though the papers were signed by their autographs.[78] Navalny reacted to
that with a tweet saying, "[...] A salvo of all guns".[79] (On the same day, he also spoke his last words before
the Kirovles trial.) Following the mayoral election, on 15 September, Navalny declared he would join and,
possibly, head the party.[80] On 17 November, the party held another founding congress;[81] Navalny was
elected as the leader of the party.[82]

In November 2013, the registered party "Homeland", led by Andrei

Bogdanov, changed its name to "The People's Alliance"; on 30
November, the Ministry of Justice recognized the renaming as
legal.[83] On 8 January 2014, Navalny's party filed documents for
registration for the second time.[84] On 20 January, registration of the
party was suspended;[85] according to Russian laws, no two parties
can share a name.[86] On 8 February 2014, Navalny's party changed
its name to "Progress Party".[87] On 25 February, the party was
registered.[88] At that moment it had six months to register regional
branches in at least half of the federal subjects of Russia; the time Navalny meeting with supporters in
period could be prolonged if the party was appealing from a court Sokolniki Park in Moscow, 25 August
judgment of denial of registration of a branch in at least one 2013
subject. [note 3] According to Dmitri Krainev, member of the main
board of the party, the party had 15 registered regional branches on 22
August, and the party informed the Ministry of Justice the term would be prolonged, citing suspension of
registration or trials regarding registration of regional branches. On 24 September, it informed the ministry
about another prolongation of the term. On 26 September, the party declared it had registered 43 regional
branches.[90] An unnamed source of Izvestia in the ministry said registrations completed after the six-month
term would not be taken into consideration, adding, "Yes, trials are taking place in some regions [...] they
cannot register new branches in other regions during the trials, because the main term is over". Navalny's blog
countered, "Our answer is simple. A six-month term for registration has been legally prolonged ad interim
prosecution of appeals of denials and registration suspensions".[90]

On 2 October 2014, the party filed documents of registration of 44 regional branches; according to Krainev,
from that moment, the party should have been added to the list of structures eligible for participation in
elections. The party tried to appoint candidates for municipal elections in two towns in Moscow Oblast, but
was denied the right to do so, because it was not added to the said list. After that, the party tried to challenge
 the non-inclusion in the list in courts; however, the standing has been
supported by every subsequent court the party addressed, with the
latest being Moscow City Court on 30 March 2015.[91] On 1
February, the party held a convention, where Navalny stated the party
was preparing for the 2016 elections, declaring the party would
maintain its activity across Russia, saying, "We are unabashed to
work in remote lands where the opposition does not work. We can
even [work] in Crimea". The candidates the party would appoint were
Navalny's election campaign in 2013
to be chosen via primary elections; however, he added, the party's
candidates may be removed from elections.[92] On 17 April, the party
initiated a coalition of democratic parties.[93]

On 28 April 2015, the party was deprived of registration by the Ministry of Justice, which stated the party had
not registered the required number of regional branches within six months after the official registration.[94]
Krainev claimed the party could only be eliminated by the Supreme Court, and he added not all trials of
registration of regional branches were over, calling the verdict "illegal twice". He added, the party would refer
to the European Court of Human Rights, and expressed confidence the party would be restored and admitted
to elections.[95] The next day, the party officially challenged the verdict.[96]

Moscow mayoral candidacy

On 30 May 2013, Sergey Sobyanin, the mayor of Moscow, argued an elected mayor is an advantage for the
city compared to an appointed one,[97] and on 4 June, he announced he would meet President Vladimir Putin
and ask him for a snap election, mentioning the Muscovites would agree the governor elections should take
place in the city of Moscow and the surrounding Moscow Oblast simultaneously.[98] On 6 June, the request
was granted,[99] and the next day, the Moscow City Duma appointed the election on 8 September, the national
voting day.[100]

On 3 June, Navalny announced he would run for the post.[101] To become an

official candidate, he would need either seventy thousand signatures of
Muscovites or to be pegged for the office by a registered party, and then to
collect 110 signatures of municipal deputies from 110 different subdivisions
(three quarters of Moscow's 146). Navalny chose to be pegged by a party,
RPR-PARNAS (which did peg him, but this move sharpened relations within
the party; after one of its three co-chairmen and the original founder, Vladimir
Ryzhkov, had left the party, he said this had been one of the signs the party was
"being stolen from him").[102] Among the six candidates who were officially
registered as such, only two (Sobyanin and Communist Ivan Melnikov) were
able to collect the required number of the signatures themselves, and the other
four were given a number of signatures by the Council of Municipal
Formations, following a recommendation by Sobyanin,[103] to overcome the Navalny, in front of his
requirement (Navalny accepted 49 signatures, and other candidates accepted electorate, asking
Muscovites to vote for him
70, 70, and 82).[104]
in August 2013
On 17 July, Navalny was registered as one of the six candidates for the
Moscow mayoral election.[105] However, on 18 July, he was sentenced for a
five-year prison term for the embezzlement and fraud charges that were declared in 2012. Several hours after
his sentencing, he pulled out of the race and called for a boycott of the election.[106] However, later that day,
the prosecution office requested the accused should be freed on bail and travel restrictions, since the verdict
had not yet taken legal effect, saying they had previously followed the restrictions, Navalny was a mayoral
candidate, and an imprisonment would thus not comply with his rule for equal access to the electorate.[107] On
his return to Moscow after being freed pending an appeal, he vowed to stay in the race.[108] The Washington
Post has speculated that his release was ordered by the Kremlin in order to make the election and Sobyanin
appear more legitimate.[4]

Ratings of Sobyanin and Navalny Navalny's campaign was based mainly on fundraising:
among those who said they would vote, out of 103.4 million rubles (approximately $3.09 million
according to Synovate Comcon polls
as of the election day[rates 1]), the total size of his electoral
Time Sobyanin Navalny Ref
fund, 97.3 million ($2.91 million) were transferred by
29 August–2 September 60.1% 21.9% [109]
individuals throughout Russia;[117] such a number is
22–28 August 63.9% 19.8% [110]
unprecedented in Russia.[118] It achieved a high profile
15–21 August 62.5% 20.3% [111] through an unprecedentedly large campaign organization

8–14 August 63.5% 19.9% [112] that involved around 20,000 volunteers who passed out
leaflets and hung banners, as well as several campaign
1–7 August 74.6% 15.0% [112]
rallies a day around the city;[119] they were the main
[113]
25–31 July 76.2% 16.7% driving force for the campaign.[120] The New Yorker
18–24 July 76.6% 15.7% [114] described the resulted campaign as "a miracle", along

11–16 July 76.2% 14.4% [115] with Navalny's release on 19 July, the fundraising

[115]
campaign, and the personality of Navalny himself.[121]
4–10 July 78.5% 10.7%
The campaign received very little television coverage and
27 June–3 July 77.9% 10.8% [115]
did not utilize billboards. Thanks to Navalny's strong
campaign (and Sobyanin's weak one[119]), his result grew
over time, weakening Sobyanin's, and in the end of the campaign, he declared the runoff election (to be
conducted if none of the candidates receives at least 50% of votes) was "a hair's breadth away".

The largest sociological companies predicted (Levada Center was the only one not to have made any
predictions; the data it had on 28 August, however, falls in line with other companies') Sobyanin would win
the election, scoring 58% to 64% of the vote; they expected Navalny to receive 15–20% of the vote, and the
turnout was to be 45–52%.[122] The final results of the voting showed Navalny received 27% of the vote,
more than candidates appointed by the parties that received second, third, fourth, and fifth highest results
during the 2011 parliamentary elections, altogether. Navalny fared better in the center and southwest of
Moscow, which have higher income and education levels.[4] However, Sobyanin received 51% of the vote,
which meant he won the election. The turnout was 32%.[123] The companies explained the differences arose
from the fact Sobyanin's electorate did not vote, feeling their candidate was guaranteed to win.[122] Navalny's
campaign office's measures predicted Sobyanin would score 49–51%, and Navalny would get 24–26% of
votes.[122]

Many experts said the election had been fair, that the number of
irregularities had been much lower than those of other elections held
within the country, and that the irregularities had had little effect on
the result.[124][125] Dmitri Abyzalov, leading expert of Center of
Political Conjuncture, added low turnout figures provide a further sign
of fairness of the election, because that shows they were not
overestimated.[124] However, according to Andrei Buzin, co-
chairman of the GOLOS Association, State Departments of Social
Security added people who did not originally want to vote to lists of
those who would vote at home, with the number of such voters being Navalny's meeting at Bolotnaya
5% of those who voted, and added this did cause questions if Square in Moscow, 9 September
Sobyanin would score 50% if this did not take place.[125] Dmitry 2013
Oreshkin, leader of the "People's election commission" project (who
did a separate counting based on the data from election observers;
their result for Sobyanin was 50%), said now that the runoff election was only 2% away, all details would be
looked at very closely, and added it was impossible to prove "anything" juridically.[126]
On 9 September, the day following the election, Navalny publicly
denounced the tally, saying, "We do not recognize the results. They
are fake". Sobyanin's office rejected an offer of a vote recount.[127]
On 12 September, Navalny addressed the Moscow City Court to
overturn the result of the poll; the court rejected the assertion. Navalny
then challenged the decision in the Supreme Court of Russia, but the
court ruled that the election results were legitimate.[128]

RPR-PARNAS and democratic coalition

Following the mayoral election, Navalny was offered a position of a

fourth co-chairman of RPR-PARNAS.[129] However, Navalny made
no public reaction.

In early 2014, Russia's political landscape changed dramatically:

Following the Euromaidan demonstrations and civil unrest in Kiev,
which resulted in establishment of a new pro-EU president and Percentages of Muscovites who
government, a countering wave of protests and civil unrest started in voted for Navalny during the election
Southern and Eastern Ukraine, and in Crimea, a "volunteer force of
self-defense of Crimea" announced a referendum, the question for
which eventually was, whether Crimea should join the Russian Federation or not. (Later, Putin publicly
declared the self-defense forces were composed of Russian military.) Following the referendum, Crimea de
facto became a part of Russia. The sociological center marked the fact Putin's rating was skyrocketing: it was
just 29% (among all respondents, including those who were unsure or would not vote) in January 2014, but
rose to 49% in April 2014, a figure that would transform to 81% if those who were unsure or not willing to
vote were excluded.[130]

On 14 November 2014, the two remaining RPR-PARNAS co-chairmen, Boris Nemtsov and former Prime
Minister of Russia Mikhail Kasyanov, declared it was the right moment to create a wide coalition of political
forces, who favor the "European choice"; Navalny's Progress Party was seen as one of the potential
participants.[131] However, on 27 February 2015, Nemtsov was shot dead. Prior to his assassination, Nemtsov
worked on a project of a coalition (in which Navalny and Khodorkovsky would become co-chairmen of RPR-
PARNAS; Navalny declared merging parties would invoke bureaucratic difficulties and question the
legitimacy of party's right to participate in federal elections without signatures collecting[132]); the murder
accelerated the work, and on 17 April, Navalny declared a wide discussion had taken place among Progress
Party, RPR-PARNAS, and other closely aligned parties, which resulted in an agreement of formation of a new
electoral bloc between the two leaders.[93] Soon thereafter, it was signed by four other parties and supported
by Khodorkovsky's Open Russia foundation.[133] Electoral blocs are not present within the current law system
of Russia, so it would be realized via means of a single party, RPR-PARNAS, which is not only eligible for
participation in statewide elections, but is also currently not required to collect citizens' signatures for the right
to participate in the State Duma elections scheduled for September 2016 thanks to the regional parliament
mandate previously taken by Nemtsov. The candidates RPR-PARNAS would appoint were to be chosen via
primary elections.[134]

The coalition claimed to have collected enough citizens' signatures for registration in the four regions it
originally aimed for. However, in one region, the coalition would declare some signatures and personal data
have been altered by malevolent collectors;[135] signatures in the other regions have been rejected by regional
election commissions.[136][137][138] Сomplaints have been issued to the Central Election Commission of
Russia, after which the coalition has been registered as a participant in a regional election in one of the three
contested regions, Kostroma Oblast. According to a source of Gazeta.ru "close to the Kremlin", the
presidential administration saw coalition's chances as very low, yet was wary, but the restoration in one region
occurred so PARNAS could "score a consolation goal".[139]
According to the official election results, the coalition scored 2% of
votes, not enough to overcome the 5% threshold; the party admitted
the election was lost.[140]

Presidential election 2018

On 13 December 2016 Navalny announced his entry into the

Protesters marching along Moscow's
presidential race.[141][142]
Tverskaya Street, 26 March 2017
On 8 February 2017, the Leninsky district court of Kirov repeated its
sentence of 2013 (which was previously annulled after the decision of
ECHR, which ruled that Russia had violated Navalny's right for a fair trial, see the Kirovles case) and charged
him with a five-year suspended sentence.[143] This sentence, if it comes into force and remains valid, might
prohibit the future official registration of Navalny as a candidate. Navalny announced that he will pursue the
annulment of the sentence that clearly contradicts the decision of ECHR. Moreover, Navalny announced that
his presidential campaign will proceed independently of courts decisions. He referred to the Russian
Constitution (Article 32), which deprives only two groups of citizens of the right to be elected: those
recognized by court as legally unfit and those kept in places of confinement by a court sentence. According to
Freedom House and The Economist, Navalny was the most viable contender to Vladimir Putin in the 2018
election.[13][144]

On 26 March 2017, Navalny organized a series of anti-corruption rallies in different cities across Russia. This
appeal was responded to by the representatives of 95 Russian cities, and four cities abroad: London, Prague,
Basel and Bonn.[145]

On 27 April 2017, Navalny was attacked by unknown assailants outside his office in the Anti-Corruption
Foundation. They sprayed a mixture of brilliant green, possibly with other components into his face (see
Zelyonka attack). He reportedly lost 80 percent of the sight in his right eye.[146][147] Navalny accused the
Kremlin of orchestrating the attack.[148][149]

On 7 July 2017, he was released from jail after spending 25 days of

imprisonment. Before that, he was arrested in Moscow for
participating in protests and was sentenced to 30 days in jail for
organizing illegal protests.[150]

On 6 September 2017, Human Rights Watch accused Russian police

with systematic interference with Navalny's presidential campaign.
"The pattern of harassment and intimidation against Navalny's
campaign is undeniable," said Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central
Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Russian authorities should let
Navalny campaign rally in
Navalny's campaigners work without undue interference and properly
Yekaterinburg, 16 September 2017
investigate attacks against them by ultra-nationalists and pro-
government groups."[151]

On 21 September 2017, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe invited Russian authorities, in
connection with the Kirovles case, "to use urgently further avenues to erase the prohibition on Mr. Navalny's
standing for election".[152]

On 2 October 2017, Navalny was sentenced to 20 days in jail for calls to participate in protests without
approval from state authorities.[153]
In December 2017, Russia's Central Electoral Commission barred Navalny from running for president in
2018, citing Navalny's corruption conviction. The European Union said Navalny's removal cast "serious
doubt" on the election. Navalny called for a boycott of the 2018 presidential election, stating his removal
meant that millions of Russians were being denied their vote.[20]

Navalny filed an appeal against the Russian Supreme Court's ruling on 3 January 2018.[154] On 6 January, the
Supreme Court of Russia rejected his appeal.[155]

Navalny led protests on 28 January 2018 to urge a boycott of Russia's 2018 presidential election. Navalny was
arrested on the day of the protest and then released the same day, pending trial. OVD-Info reported that 257
people were arrested throughout the country. According to Russian news reports, police stated Navalny was
likely to be charged with calling unauthorized demonstrations.[156] Two of Navalny's associates were given
brief jail terms for urging people to attend unsanctioned opposition rallies. Navalny stated on 5 February 2018
the government was accusing Navalny of assaulting an officer during the protests.[157] Navalny was among
1600 people detained during 5 May protests prior to Putin's inauguration; Navalny was charged with
disobeying police.[158] On 15 May, he was sentenced to 30 days in jail.[159] Immediately after his release on
25 September 2018, he was arrested and convicted for organising illegal demonstrations and sentenced to
another 20 days in jail.

Moscow City Duma elections 2019

During the 2019 Moscow City Duma election Navalny supported independent candidates, most of whom
were not allowed to participate in the elections, which led to mass street protests. In July 2019, Navalny was
arrested, first for ten days, and then, almost immediately, for 30 days. On the evening of 28 July, he was
hospitalized with severe damage to his eyes and skin. At the hospital, he was diagnosed with an "allergy,"
although this diagnosis was disputed by Anastasia Vasilieva, an ophthalmologist who previously treated
Navalny after a chemical attack by an alleged protester in 2017.[160] Vasilieva questioned the diagnosis and
suggested the possibility that Navalny's condition was the result of "the damaging effects of undetermined
chemicals".[161] On 29 July 2019, Navalny was discharged from hospital and taken back to prison, despite the
objections of his personal physician who questioned the hospital's motives.[160][162] Supporters of Navalny
and journalists near the hospital were attacked by the police and many were detained.[161]

Vote on constitutional amendments 2020

Navalny campaigned against the vote on constitutional amendments that took place on 1 July, calling it a
"coup" and a "violation of the constitution".[22] He also said that the changes would allow President Putin to
become "president for life".[163][164] After the results were announced, he called them a "big lie" that did not
reflect public opinion.[165] The reforms include an amendment allowing Putin to serve another two terms in
office (until 2036), after his current term ends.[22]

Persecution

Kirovles case

Case
On 30 July 2012, the Investigative Committee charged Navalny with
embezzlement. The committee stated that he had conspired to steal
timber from Kirovles, a state-owned company in Kirov Oblast, in
2009, while acting as an adviser to Kirov's governor Nikita
Belykh.[45][166] Investigators had closed a previous probe into the
claims for lack of evidence.[167] Navalny was released on his own
recognizance but instructed not to leave Moscow.[168]

Navalny described the charges as "weird" and unfounded.[167] He

Navalny in court as part of the
stated that authorities "are doing it to watch the reaction of the protest Kirovles trial
movement and of Western public opinion [...] So far they consider
both of these things acceptable and so they are continuing along this
line".[45] His supporters protested before the Investigative Committee offices.[166]

In April 2013, Loeb&Loeb LLP issued "An Analysis of the Russian Federation's prosecutions of Alexei
Navalny", a paper detailing Investigative Committee accusations. The paper concludes that "the Kremlin has
reverted to misuse of the Russian legal system to harass, isolate and attempt to silence political
opponents".[169][170]

Conviction and release

The Kirovles trial commenced in the city of Kirov on 17 April 2013.[171] On 18 July, Navalny was sentenced
to five years in jail for embezzlement.[9] He was found guilty of misappropriating about 16 million rubles'[172]
($500,000) worth of lumber from a state-owned company.[173] The sentence read by the judge Sergey Blinov
was textually the same as the request of the prosecutor, with the only exception that Navalny was given five
years, and the prosecution requested six years.[174]

Later that evening, the Prosecutor's Office appealed Navalny and

Ofitserov jail sentences, arguing that until the higher court affirmed
the sentence, the sentence was invalid. The next morning, the appeal
was granted. Navalny and Ofitserov were released on 19 July,
awaiting the hearings of the higher court.[175] The prosecutor's
requested decision was described as "unprecedented" by experts.[176]

Probation

The prison sentence was suspended by a court in Kirov on 16 "Enough of fake cases". The protest
October 2013, still being a burden for his political future.[12] against the verdict in Moscow, 18
July 2013

Review of the sentence

On 23 February 2016, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Russia had violated Navalny's right to
a fair trial, and ordered the government to pay him 56,000 euros in legal costs and damages.[177]

On 16 November 2016, Russia's Supreme Court overturned the 2013 sentence, sending the verdict back to the
Leninsky District Court in Kirov for review.[178]

On 8 February 2017, the Leninsky district court of Kirov repeated its sentence of 2013 and charged Navalny
with a five-year suspended sentence.[179] Navalny announced that he will pursue the annulment of the
sentence that clearly contradicts the decision of ECHR.
Yves Rocher case and home arrest

Case

In 2008, Oleg Navalny made an offer to Yves Rocher Vostok, the Eastern European subsidiary of Yves
Rocher between 2008 and 2012, to accredit Glavpodpiska, which was created by Navalny, with delivering
duties. On 5 August, the parties signed a contract. To fulfill the obligations under the agreement, Glavpodpiska
outsourced the task to sub-suppliers, AvtoSAGA and Multiprofile Processing Company (MPC). In November
and December 2012, the Investigating Committee interrogated and questioned Yves Rocher Vostok. On 10
December, Bruno Leproux, general director of Yves Rocher Vostok, filed to the Investigative Committee,
asking to investigate if the Glavpodpiska subscription company had damaged Yves Rocher Vostok, and the
Investigative Committee initiated a case.[180]

The prosecution claimed Glavpodpiska embezzled money by taking duties and then redistributing them to
other companies for lesser amounts of money, and collecting the surplus: 26.7 million rubles ($540,000) from
Yves Rocher Vostok, and 4.4 million rubles from the MPC. The funds were claimed to be subsequently
legalized by transferring them on fictitious grounds from a fly-by-night company to Kobyakovskaya Fabrika
Po Lozopleteniyu, a willow weaving company founded by Navalny and operated by his parents.[181][182][183]
Navalnys denied the charges. The brothers' lawyers claimed, the investigators "added phrases like 'bearing
criminal intentions' to a description of regular entrepreneurial activity". According to Oleg Navalny's lawyer,
Glavpodpiska did not just collect money, it controlled provision of means of transport, execution of orders,
collected and expedited production to the carriers, and was responsible before clients for terms and quality of
executing orders.[180]

Yves Rocher denied that they had any losses, as did the rest of the witnesses, except the Multiprofile
Processing Company CEO Sergei Shustov, who said he had learned about his losses from an investigator and
believed him, without making audits. Both brothers and their lawyers claimed Alexei Navalny did not
participate in the Gladpodpiska operations, and witnesses all stated they had never encountered Alexei
Navalny in person before the trial.[180]

Home arrest and limitations

Following the imputed violation of travel restrictions, Navalny was placed under house arrest and prohibited
from communicating with anyone other than his family, lawyers, and investigators on 28 February
2014.[16][184] Navalny claimed the arrest was politically motivated, and he filed a complaint to the European
Court of Human Rights. On 7 July, he declared the complaint had been accepted and given priority; the court
compelled the Government of Russia to provide answers to a questionnaire.

The home arrest, in particular, prohibited usage of Internet; however, new posts were released under his social
media accounts after the arrest was announced. A 5 March post claimed the accounts were controlled by his
Anti-Corruption Foundation teammates and his wife Yulia. On 13 March, his LiveJournal blog was blocked in
Russia, because, according to the Federal Service for Supervision of Communications, Information
Technology, and Mass Media (Roskomnadzor), "functioning of the given web page breaks the regulation of
the juridical decision of the bail hearing of a citizen, against who a criminal case has been initiated".[185]
Navalny's associates started a new blog, navalny.com, and the LiveJournal blog was eventually abolished,
with the last post published on 9 July.

The home arrest was eased a number of times: On 21 August, Navalny was allowed to communicate with his
co-defendants;[186] a journalist present in the courthouse at the moment confirmed Navalny was allowed to
communicate with "anyone but the Yves Rocher case witnesses".[187] On 10 October, his right to
communicate with the press was confirmed by another court, and he was allowed to make comments on the
case in media (Navalny's plea not to prolong the arrest was, however, rejected).[188] On 19 December, he was
allowed to mail correspondence to authorities and international courts. Navalny again pleaded not to prolong
the arrest, but the plea was rejected again.[189]

Conviction

The verdict was announced on 30 December 2014. Alexei Navalny was given 3½ years of suspended
sentence, and Oleg Navalny was sentenced to 3½ years in prison and was arrested after the verdict was
announced;[190] both had to pay a fine of 500,000 rubles and a compensation to the Multiprofile Processing
Company of over 4 million rubles.[191] In the evening, several thousand protesters gathered in the center of
Moscow. Navalny broke his home arrest to attend the rally and was immediately arrested by the police and
brought back home.[192]

Both brothers filed complaints to the European Court of Human Rights: Oleg's was communicated and given
priority; Alexei's was reviewed in the context of the previous complaint related to this case and the
Government of Russia had been "invited to submit further observations".[193] The second instance within the
country confirmed the verdict, only releasing Alexei from the responsibility to pay his fine. Both prosecutors
and defendants were not satisfied with this decision.[191]

ECHR

On 17 October 2017, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Navalny's conviction for fraud and
money laundering "was based on an unforeseeable application of criminal law and that the proceedings were
arbitrary and unfair." The Court found that the domestic court's decisions had been arbitrary and manifestly
unreasonable. ECHR found the Russian courts' decisions violated articles 6 and 7 of the European Convention
on Human Rights.[194][195] On 15 November 2018, the Grand Chamber upheld the decision.[196]

Indemnification

After the Yves Rocher case, Navalny had to pay a compensation of 4.4 million rubles. He declared the case
was "a frame up", but he added he would pay the sum as this could affect granting his brother parole.[197] On
7 October 2015, Alexei's lawyer announced the defendant willingly paid 2.9 million and requested an
installment plan for the rest of the sum.[198] The request was granted, except the term was contracted from the
requested five months to two,[199] and a part of the sum declared paid (900,000 rubles; arrested from
Navalny's banking account) was not yet received by the police; the prosecutors declared that may happen
because of inter-process delays.[200]

Later that month, Kirovles sued Navalny for the 16.1 million rubles declared pecuniary injury; Navalny
declared he had not expected the suit, as Kirovles did not initiate it during the 2012–13 trial.[201] On 23
October, a court resolved the said sum should be paid by the three defendants.[201] The court denied the
defendants' motion 14.7 million had already been paid by that point; the verdict and the payment sum were
justified by a ruling by a Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation.[202] Navalny declared he
could not cover the requested sum; he called the suit a "drain-dry strategy" by authorities.[201]

Other cases

In late December 2012, Russia's federal Investigative Committee asserted that Allekt, an advertising company
headed by Navalny, defrauded the Union of Right Forces (SPS) political party in 2007 by taking 100 million
rubles ($3.2 million) payment for advertising and failing to honor its contract. If charged and convicted,
Navalny could be jailed for up to 10 years. "Nothing of the sort happened—he committed no robbery",
Leonid Gozman, a former SPS official, was quoted as saying. Earlier in December, "the Investigative
Committee charged [...] Navalny and his brother Oleg with embezzling 55 million rubles ($1.76 million) in
2008–2011 while working in a postal business". Navalny, who denied the allegations in the two previous
cases, sought to laugh off news of the third inquiry with a tweet stating "Fiddlesticks [...]".[8]

In April 2020 Yandex search engine started artificially placing negative commentary about Navalny on the top
positions in its search results for his name.[203] Yandex declared this was part of an "experiment" and returned
to presenting organic search results.[204][205][206]

Poisoning
On 20 August 2020, Navalny fell ill during a flight from Tomsk to Moscow and was hospitalised in the
Emergency City Clinical Hospital No. 1 in Omsk (Russian: Городская клиническая больница скорой
медицинской помощи №1), where the plane had made an emergency landing. The change in his condition
on the plane was sudden and violent, and video footage showed crewmembers on the flight scurrying towards
him and him crying in pain loudly.[207]

Afterwards, his spokeswoman said that he was in a coma and on a ventilator in the hospital. She also said that
Navalny only drank tea since the morning and that it was suspected that something was mixed into his drink.
The hospital said that he was in a stable but serious condition, and after initially acknowledging that Navalny
had probably been poisoned, the hospital's deputy chief physician told reporters that poisoning was "one
scenario among many" being considered.[207]

A plane was sent from Germany to evacuate Navalny from Russia for treatment at the Charité in Berlin, after
the doctors treating him in Omsk had initially declared he was too sick to be transported[208] but later released
him.[209][210] On 24 August, the doctors in Germany announced they had confirmed that Navalny had been
poisoned with a cholinesterase inhibitor, with further tests determining the type of poision.[211]

On 25 August 2020, the Kremlin rejected the accusations against Putin that he was involved in the poisoning
of Navalny.[212]

On 2 September 2020, the German government announced that Navalny was poisoned with a Novichok nerve
agent, from the same family of nerve agents that was used to poison Sergei Skripal and his daughter. Officials
said that they have obtained "unequivocal proof" from toxicology tests. It called on the Russian government
for an explanation.[213][214][215]

Political views
In February 2011, in an interview with the radio station finam.fm, Navalny called the main Russian party,
United Russia, a "party of crooks and thieves".[7] In May 2011, the Russian government began a criminal
investigation into Navalny, widely described in Western media as "revenge", and by Navalny himself as "a
fabrication by the security services".[7][216][217] Meanwhile, "crooks and thieves" became a popular nickname
for the party.[218]

On 4 June 2012, Navalny was ordered by Moscow's Lyublinsky District Court to pay 30,000 rubles ($900) as
compensation for "moral harm" to United Russia State Duma Deputy Vladimir Svirid, after Svirid filed
charges against Navalny for comments he made in an article written for Esquire magazine about the United
Russia party: "In United Russia, there are people I come across that I generally like. But if you have joined
United Russia, you are still a thief. And if you are not a thief, then you are a crook, because you use your
name to cover the rest of the thieves and crooks." Svirid had originally sought one million rubles in the
case.[219]

In 2011, Navalny stated he considered himself a "nationalist democrat".[220] International media have often
commented on his ambiguous but non-condemnatory stance toward ethnic Russian nationalism.[221][222] He
also has been a co-organizer of the "Russian march",[223] which Radio Free Europe describes as "a parade
uniting Russian nationalist groups of all stripes" and noted that Navalny had also endorsed a nationalist-led
campaign called Stop Feeding the Caucasus to end federal subsidies to the Caucasian republics.[224] In 2011,
Navalny defended his attendance at the march, where BBC News reported that racist slogans were chanted,
saying to reporters that the rally was an outlet for anger at the government.[225][226]

Early in 2012, Navalny stated on Ukrainian TV, "Russian foreign policy should be maximally directed at
integration with Ukraine and Belarus… In fact, we are one nation. We should enhance integration."[227]
During the same broadcast Navalny said that he did not intend "to prove that the Ukrainian nation does not
exist. God willing, it does". He added, "No one wants to make an attempt to limit Ukraine's
sovereignty".[227][228]

He also said that Russian government should stop "sponsoring the war" in Donbass.[229] Navalny has strongly
criticized Vladimir Putin's policies in Ukraine: "Putin likes to speak about the 'Russian world' but he is actually
making it smaller. In Belarus, they sing anti-Putin songs at football stadiums; in Ukraine they simply hate us. In
Ukraine now, there are no politicians who do not have extreme anti-Russian positions. Being anti-Russian is
the key to success now in Ukraine, and that is our fault".[230]

With regard to Russia's annexation of Crimea, Navalny shortly after the annexation urged further sanctions
against officials and businessmen linked to Putin and proposed a sanctions list for Western countries, saying
that previous US and EU sanctions were "mocked".[231] In October 2014, Navalny said in an interview that
despite Crimea being illegally "seized", "the reality is that Crimea is now part of Russia". When asked if he
would return Crimea to Ukraine if he became president, he said "Is Crimea some sort of sausage sandwich to
be passed back and forth? I don't think so". He also said that a "normal referendum" would need to be
held.[226][229]

He is currently the only political leader in Russia in favor of the legalization of same-sex marriage.[232]

Reception

Political activities

In October 2010, Navalny was the decisive winner of on-line "Mayor

of Moscow elections" held by Kommersant and Gazeta.ru. He
received about 30,000 votes, or 45%, with the closest rival being
"Against all candidates" with some 9,000 votes (14%), followed by
former First Deputy Prime Minister of Russia Boris Nemtsov with
8,000 votes (12%) out of a total of about 67,000 votes.[233]

The reaction to Navalny's mayoral election result in 2013 was mixed: Navalny, his wife Yuliya and Russian
opposition politician Ilya Yashin, 12
Nezavisimaya Gazeta declared, "The voting campaign turned a
June 2013
blogger into a politician",[120] and following an October 2013 Levada
Center poll that showed Navalny made it to the list of potential
presidential candidates among Russians, receiving a rating of 5%,
Konstantin Kalachev, the leader of the Political Expert Group, declared 5% was not the limit for Navalny, and
unless something extraordinary happened, he could become "a pretender for a second place in the presidential
race".[234] On the other hand, The Washington Post published a column by Milan Svolik that stated the
election was fair so the Sobyanin could show a clean victory, demoralizing the opposition, which could
otherwise run for street protests.[235] Putin's press secretary Dmitry Peskov stated on 12 September, "His
momentary result cannot testify his political equipment and does not speak of him as of a serious
politician".[236]

When referring to Navalny, Putin never actually pronounced his name, referring to him as a "mister" or the
like;[236] Julia Ioffe took it for a sign of weakness before the opposition politician,[237] and Peskov later stated
Putin never pronounced his name in order not to "give [Navalny] a part of his popularity".[238] In July 2015,
Bloomberg's sources "familiar with the matter" declared there was an informal prohibition from the Kremlin
for senior Russian officials from mentioning Navalny's name.[239] Peskov rejected the assumption there is
such a ban; however, in doing so, he did not mention Navalny's name either.[240]

Approval ratings

According to polls conducted by the Levada Center in 2013,

Navalny's recognition among the Russian population stood at
37%.[241] Out of those who were able to recognize Navalny, 14%
would either "definitely" or "probably" support his presidential
run.[242]

The same pollster showed Navalny's presidential ratings in March and

April 2014 were 1% and "<1%".[130]

The Levada Center also conducted another survey, which was Rally concert in support of Navalny,
released on 6 April 2017, showing Navalny's recognition among the 6 September 2013
Russian population at 55%. Out of those who recognized Navalny,
4% would "definitely" vote for him and 14% would "probably" vote
for him in the presidential election.[243] However, in a poll conducted by the same pollster between 21 and 24
April 2017, which did not name any candidates but asked respondents to volunteer a candidate on their own,
Navalny only got the preferences of 1% of those who were polled.[244]

Criminal cases

Within Russia, reaction to Navalny's criminal cases varied with political views of commentators: Those who
supported Navalny and/or his activities generally declared he was not guilty, while his political opponents
generally claimed the opposite.

During and after the Kirovles trial, a number of prominent people expressed support to Navalny and/or
condemned the trial. The last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev called it "proof that we do not have
independent courts".[245] Former Minister of Finance Alexei Kudrin stated that it was "looking less like a
punishment than an attempt to isolate him from social life and the electoral process".[246][247] It was also
criticized by novelist Boris Akunin,[247] and jailed Russian oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who called it
similar to the treatment of political opponents during the Soviet era.[246]

Other prominent Russians had different reactions: Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the nationalist LDPR,
called the verdict "a direct warning to our 'fifth column'", and added, "This will be the fate of everyone who is
connected with the West and works against Russia".[246] Duma Vice-Speaker Igor Lebedev stated that he did
not understand the "fuss about an ordinary case". He added, "If you are guilty before the law, then whoever
you were—a janitor, a homeless man or a president—you have to answer for your crimes in full accordance
with the Criminal Code."[248]

A variety of officials from the Western countries condemned the verdict. United States Department of State
Deputy Spokesperson Marie Harf stated that the United States was "very disappointed by the conviction and
sentencing of opposition leader Aleksey Navalniy".[249] The spokesperson for European Union High
Representative Catherine Ashton said that the outcome of the trial "raises serious questions as to the state of
the rule of law in Russia".[246][250] Andreas Schockenhoff, Germany's Commissioner for German-Russian
Coordination, stated, "For us, it's further proof of authoritarian policy in Russia, which doesn't allow diversity
and pluralism".[251] Western media were also critical: in particular, The New York Times proclaimed in
response to the verdict, "President Vladimir Putin of Russia actually seems weak and insecure".[245]

The verdict in the case of Yves Rocher caused similar reactions. According to Alexei Venediktov, the verdict
was "unfair", Oleg Navalny was taken "hostage", while Alexei was not jailed to avoid "furious reaction" from
Putin, which was caused by the change of measure of restraint after the Kirovles trial.[252] A number of
deputies appointed by United Russia and LDPR found the verdict too mild.[253] Experts interrogated by BBC
Russian Service expressed reactions close to the political positions their organizations generally stand on.[254]
The spokesperson for EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini stated the same day that the sentence was
likely to be politically motivated.[192]

Public opinion varied over time: According to Levada Center, 20% of people thought the Kirovles case had
been caused by an actual violation of law, while 54% agreed the rationale beyond the case was his anti-
corruption activity in May 2011. In May 2013, the shares of people who held these opinions were 28% and
47%, correspondingly; however, in September 2013, the shares were 35% and 45%. The organization
suggested this had been caused by corresponding coverage in media.[255] By September 2014, the percentages
had undergone further changes, and equaled 37% and 38%.[256] The center also stated the share of those who
found the result of another criminal case against him was unfair and Navalny was not guilty dropped from
13% in July 2013 to 5% in January 2015, and the number of those who found the verdict was too tough also
fell from 17% to 9%. The share of those who found the verdict to be either fair or too mild was 26% in July
2013, and has exceeded 35% since September 2013.[256]

Awards and honors

Navalny was named "Person of the Year 2009" by Russian business newspaper Vedomosti.[257]

Navalny was a World Fellow at Yale University's World Fellows Program, aimed at "creating a global
network of emerging leaders and to broaden international understanding" in 2010.[258]

In 2011, Foreign Policy magazine named Navalny to the FP Top 100 Global Thinkers, along with Daniel
Domscheit-Berg and Sami Ben Gharbia of Tunisia, for "shaping the new world of government
transparency".[259] FP picked him again in 2012.[260] He was listed by Time magazine in 2012 as one of the
world's 100 most influential people, the only Russian on the list.[261] In 2013, Navalny came in at No. 48
among "world thinkers" in an online poll by the UK magazine Prospect.[262]

In 2015, Alexei and Oleg Navalny were chosen to receive the "Prize of the Platform of European Memory
and Conscience 2015". According to the Platform's statement, "The Members of the Platform have voted this
year for the Navalny brothers, in recognition of their personal courage, struggle and sacrifices for upholding
fundamental democratic values and freedoms in the Russian Federation today. By the award of the Prize, the
Platform wishes to express its respect and support to Mr Oleg Navalny whom the Platform considers a political
prisoner and to Mr Alexei Navalny for his efforts to expose corruption, defend political pluralism and
opposition to the mounting authoritarian regime in the Russian Federation".[263]
In June 2017, Navalny was included Time magazine's list of the World's 25 Most Influential People on the
Internet.[264]

Family and personal life

Navalny is married to Yulia Navalnaya and has two children, daughter
Daria, currently an undergraduate student at Stanford University, and son
Zakhar.[64][265] Since 1998 he has lived in a three-room apartment in
Maryino District in southeast Moscow.[266]

Alexei Navalny is a Russian Orthodox Christian.[267]

See also
2013 Moscow mayoral election
2017–2018 Russian protests
2019 Moscow protests
Anna Politkovskaya
Boris Nemtsov
Zelyonka attack
Navalny and his wife Yulia

Explanatory notes
1. The Russian word "да" (da) means "yes".
2. Argued as following: "It is clearly stated in the preamble of our declaration that the Yabloko
Party thoroughly and sharply opposes any national and racial discord and any xenophobia.
However, in this case, when we know [...] that the Constitution guarantees to us the right to
gather peacefully and without a weapon, we see that in these conditions the prohibition of the
Russian March as it was announced, provokes the organizers to some activities that could end
not so well. Thus we appeal to the Moscow City Hall [...] for permission".[53]
3. Article 15, section 7: "Terms, as provided by sections 4 and 6 of the present article, are
prolonged if a territorial body has passed a verdict of suspension of state registration of a
regional branch of a political party, as provided by section 5.1 of the present article, or a verdict
of denial of state registration of a regional branch of a political party has been challenged to a
court and, as of the day of expiration of the said terms, has not gone into effect."[89] The
following section is given as in force as on 2 April 2012 (the section had not changed by 1 May
2015).

Exchange rates used in the article

1. According to the exchange rates[116] set by the Central Bank of Russia for 8 September 2013.

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Bibliography
Michnik, Adam; Navalny, Alexei (2015). Диалоги [Dialogues] (in Russian). Novoye Izdatel'stvo.
ISBN 978-5-98379-198-5. OCLC 1166734566 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1166734566).

Further reading
Jan Matti Dollbaum (2020) "Protest trajectories in electoral authoritarianism: from Russia's 'For
Fair Elections' movement to Alexei Navalny's presidential campaign (https://www.tandfonline.c
om/doi/abs/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750275)". Post-Soviet Affairs.

External links
Media related to Alexey Navalny at Wikimedia Commons
Navalny's site (http://navalny.ru/) (in Russian)
Navalny's page for the Yale World Fellows Program (http://www.yale.edu/worldfellows/fellows/
navalny.html)

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