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Nescafe en Turkia
Nescafe en Turkia
www.emeraldinsight.com/1755-750X.htm
Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to investigate the introduction of Nescafé, a brand of the Swiss multinational
company Nestlé, into the Turkish market and examines the formative period (1952-1987) before it succeeded
to become the most popular and leading coffee brand in Turkey. By that it aims to draw attention to Turkey
as an interesting case in point for the study of the history of marketing practices in a non-Western context.
Design/methodology/approach – This study deploys a variety of largely unexplored material ranging
from archival sources to newspaper reports and advertisements. In the first part, archival sources provided by
the Nestlé archives (AHN) will be analyzed to present the company’s marketing strategy. As the amount on
advertisements between 1952 and 1984 remained modest, the second part is devoted to the analysis of
Turkish media reports to discuss Nescafé’s public perception.
Findings – The paper demonstrates that during the period under consideration the instable political and
economic environment was pivotal for Nescafé’s marketing. Nestlé in the early years used similar strategies
as in the West advertising Nescafé as a premium product for the upper middle-class. Due to import
restrictions, it was a scarce and high-priced product. Nescafé succeeded to become a highly esteemed and
sought-after product because it stood for Western modernity and prosperity. The study argues that it was not
primarily Nestlé’s marketing that resulted in Nescafé’s considerable brand recognition but its public
“visibility” through media reporting.
Research limitations/implications – This study is a preliminary attempt to investigate the history of
instant coffee and its marketing in a non-Western market. The paper is mainly focused on Nescafé because it
was and still is the most important brand in Turkey. Further, this paper brings into spotlight a country with
distinct sociopolitical and cultural particularities which distinguish it from Western countries and allow to
scrutinize how marketing practice and thought may develop in a non-Western setting. Further research is
needed as Turkey's specific marketing environment is far from being thoroughly investigated.
Originality/value – By focusing on Turkey, this paper provides an insight into the specific ways Nescafé
was marketed, consumed and perceived in a non-Western market. By that it allows to consider how
multinational companies responded and adapted to a culturally, politically and economically challenging
environment.
Keywords Marketing history, Branding history, Consumption history, Turkey,
Ottoman empire, Nescafé
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Nescafé, a brand of instant coffee developed by the Swiss multinational Nestlé company in
1938, made its debut in Turkey in 1952. Nescafé remained a scarce product in Turkey Journal of Historical Research in
Marketing
through most of the second half of the twentieth century, while it reached ever-wider Vol. 11 No. 3, 2019
pp. 295-316
segments of societies in the Western world but also in Japan in the same period (Fenner, © Emerald Publishing Limited
1755-750X
2015). The fact that Turkey was not one of the main markets for Nescafé has so far DOI 10.1108/JHRM-03-2018-0012
JHRM discouraged researchers to study the brand’s history in the country. The Swiss historian
11,3 Thomas Fenner has recently conducted a study on the global history of Nescafé, presenting,
for the first time, a comprehensive overview of the brand’s global expansion; yet, he
mentioned Turkey only in passing by referring to the period after 1990 (Fenner, 2015,
pp. 336-337). In fact, the historical adventure of the Nescafé brand in Turkey is worth
studying, as it provides valuable insights into how a globally distributed brand attempted to
296 penetrate in the peripheral Turkish market.
This paper attempts to unearth the history of Nescafé in Turkey between 1952 and 1987,
the years it was on everyone’s lips, yet consumed only by a few. To portray the brand in its
“formative period” in Turkey, it uses the material from the corporate archives of Nestlé as
well as Turkish newspaper reports of that period.
This study aims to draw attention to Turkey as an interesting case in point for the study
of the history and development of marketing practices in a non-Western context. Further, by
presenting the history of Nescafé’s trajectory in Turkey, it hopes to show that it is
worthwhile, to look at marketing environments that on the one hand are different from
Western contexts but on the other hand also share some common characteristics. It is
Turkey’s specific “in between”-setting that shall enable interesting perspectives to the
historical study of marketing.
“Waiting for better days”: foreign companies enter the Turkish market
It is against this background that Nestlé decided to widen its activity in Turkey. At first, the
decision to launch Nescafé in September 1952 appeared to be promising, as the then new
government had announced a liberal economic policy. Just a few months ago in February,
Turkey had become full member of NATO.
Yet, this encouraging timing did not meet the expectations of the company. As many
other Western companies, Nestlé, too, repeatedly coped with the difficult economic, but more
so with the political situation. In his examination of Unilever’s business activity in Turkey
between 1950 and 1980, Geoffrey Jones draws a similar conclusion: “The major problem, Introduction of
which got worse over time, was the government” (Jones, 2013, p. 165). Following statement Nescafé into
of a Nestlé manager he made after his visit of the Turkey branch in 1964 illustrates the
Turkey
problem: “In conclusion we can say that Turkey continues to remain the enfant terrible as
we know it. Political instability is masked by the occult power of the army, which is the only
real strength of the nation”[1] (AHN Dossier 8100-86, 1964).
After the first military coup in 1960, the army acted as the defender of Kemalist
principles and held the real power in the state for the coming decades (Zürcher, 2017).
299
Consequently, Nestlé sought ways to cooperate with the army to get their support in
receiving import authorizations for production machinery and in finding local finance
partners. For that, in 1968 Nestlé intended to provide the army with their locally produced
chocolates and imported Nestea and Nescafé (AHN Dossier 8100-30, 1968).
A document in the Republican Archive of the Prime Ministry in Ankara (Cumhuriyet
Basbakanlık Ars ivi, CBA) confirms that Nestlé had managed to send the army caramel
sweets, chocolate, as well as 567 packages of Nescafé (each 1.8 gram) and 600 Nestea
packages. The document states that the import of these goods was to be exempt from
customs duty. The fact, that for this relatively minor matter the 23-member committee of
ministers including the ruling prime minister Süleyman Demirel and the president Cevdet
Sunay had to sign the document attests eloquently the bureaucratic hurdles foreign
companies had to overcome (CBA, 1968, 30-18-1-2/225).
Companies like Nestlé or Unilever were permanently confronted with state interventions
and therefore seeking ways to circumvent them to minimize the high costs of such
interferences (“nous l’avons pu constanter nous coûtent très cher”, AHN Dossier 8100-86,
1964). Business making in Turkey between 1950 and 1980s demanded from foreign
companies to be tenacious. Besides establishing local business networks and management,
they were forced to relentlessly build contacts with state elites and the government. And of
course, the foreign companies had to promote and market their goods.
Figure 1.
“Nestlé vous
présente,” Brochure,
introducing Nescafé,
1952. Despite the
somewhat
“anachronistic”
orientalist image[13]
of the front page, the
following two pages
show drawings that
illustrate upper
middle-class settings
(such as a coffee
party of well-to-do
women or a family
picnic with a luxury
car in the
background)
Introduction of
Nescafé into
Turkey
301
Figure 2.
One, two, three –
instruction, 1952
From the start, Nestlé has been actively promoting its products on fairs for local goods.
Even though it was a Switzerland-based company, Nestlé was able to advertise the
chocolates and candies produced in its Istanbul factory as local goods. To appeal to potential
consumers other than with advertisements, Nescafé was also offered at promotional stands
during special occasions such as conferences. For example, in April 1959, Nestlé had a
tasting stand for its product range at the Third Conference of the Turkish Pediatrics in
Ankara. Nestlé’s appearance at the conference was important because its visitors included
some high-ranking government officials and bureaucrats such as the health minister Lütfi
_
Kırdar and Ihsan ramacı, the director of the Hacettepe Hospital in Ankara. It seems that
Dog
Nestlé spared neither costs nor efforts to promote its product in this specific event. The
expenses for a three-day promotion amounted to 18,950 TL, a sum many times higher than
the company had generated from the sales of Nescafé for years. However, the high cost of
marketing was counterbalanced in the eyes of company managers by the possible rewards it
offered. For instance, the company used the image of Kırdar posing at the camera and
holding a cup of Nescafé for marketing purposes in the following years (Figure 5). In other
words, considering the pivotal importance of contacts with the government officials and
political elites it was considered to be a reasonable investment for future business (AHN
Dossier publicité Turquie, 1959).
JHRM
11,3
302
Figure 3.
“If you really in a
hurry,”
advertisement, 1952
Introduction of
Nescafé into
Turkey
303
Figure 4.
“Don’t lose time – be
with your guests,”
advertisement, 1952
JHRM
11,3
304
Figure 5.
Nescafé for the
Turkish Health
Minister Lütfi Kırdar,
1959
In addition to these activities, since the late nineteenth century, Nestlé had been working
with doctors, especially with pediatricians, sending them regularly circulars with product
samples and asking them to confirm the quality of their products with testimonials which
were later used as advertisements in the local media and medical journals (Köse, 2010,
pp. 304-306, AHN Dossier Publicité Turquie, 1952).
Despite these efforts in 1959, Nestlé Turkey appears to have spent overall less money for
advertisement expenses than elsewhere, but the company considered this as a problem for
the future when the competition would grow. Three years later they concluded that sales
were realized mainly through the sales organization, indicating that advertisements still
played a minor role. But to hold that level in the future, it would be necessary to advertise
the brand Nestlé more actively because otherwise “our brand won’t be sufficiently brought
to the attention of the consumer” (AHN Dossier 8100-70, 1959, 1962).
The new fashion: Nescafé in public perception Introduction of
Between 1952 and 1984, Nescafé clearly was not a bestseller. Only a relatively small Nescafé into
segment of Turkish consumers could afford this expensive product. Consequently, its
advertising was limited to a restricted number of medias, places and events. It was sold only
Turkey
in upscale shops that offered foreign goods. In 1971, Nestlé broadened its sales network in
Istanbul by distributing their products via the Switzerland-based supermarket chain Migros
that had entered Turkey already in 1954 (AHN Dossier 8100-30, 1971).
Nestlé also catered for hotels that were hosting foreign visitors and tourists like Istanbul 305
Hilton, which opened in 1951, and for touristic resorts (Wharton, 2015). Beginning in the
1950s and especially in the 1960s Turkey tried to develop its tourism sector. Tourism, it was
hoped, would bring currency and thereby offset the payment deficit, which was a
continuous problem of the Turkish economy (Akog lu, 1965, Çoruh, 1983; Yüzgün, 1983;
Akçura, 2012).
Tourists brought in not only the desperately needed currency but also consumer goods.
Between 1950 and 1960, international trade fairs in Turkey, the most famous one being in
Izmir, regularly exhibited Western consumer goods to “Turkish audiences who were
inexperienced, yet willing participants in a growing culture of consumption” as Emre
Gönlügür notes (2015, p. 86). Especially for American consumer goods the demand was so
high that by the late 1950s local shops opened to sell these imported goods. One of the
reasons for the constantly rising popularity of imported goods like American cigarettes and
alcohol among Turkish consumers must have been also the fact that the quality of the
TEKEL – the Turkish tobacco and alcoholic beverages company – products was very low.
Consumers complained about the inferior quality of Turkish cigarettes, matches and
alcoholic beverages. By 1967, the sale of American cigarettes was customary (Hürriyet,
1967, 8.08). In an article in the daily Hürriyet from 1956, the author criticizes that local
traders started to label local products of low quality as American to profit from the
increasing demand. According to the report, American tourists themselves started to bring
along increasing numbers of consumer goods from the USA; the trade seems to have
reached “epidemic” dimensions (Hürriyet, 1956, 14.01). The problems with imported filter
cigarettes and existing black markets have been continuously debated in the Turkish press
(Cumhuriyet, 1974, 1.03).
Topics concerning tourists, their leisure practices and Western consumer goods soon
became publicly known via an increasing coverage in the Turkish press. Reports about high
society events taking place in touristic resorts or hotels like the Hilton were regularly on the
pages of Turkish dailies. Even the appearance of Nescafé was worth a headline. In
December 1957, the daily Aks am in its rubric “Gossip is a very sweet thing” published a
short article entitled “New fashion”: “Nowadays there is a Nescafé fashion. A married
woman receives her actor friend after the staging, or rather at midnight. Together they drink
Nescafé and gossip about the theater” (Aks am, 1957, p. 2, 20.12). The setting is clearly
bourgeois which conforms to the potential consumer group. The fact that a married woman
welcomes a man in the middle of the night – even if we assume that her husband was
present – seems to be the actual message, indicating that social norms started to change
based upon Western standards (Is ın, 2013; Baydar and Özkan, 1999).
As mentioned above current themes around tourism were popular in the local media.
Often, the lacking standards concerning hospitality and convenience in touristic places were
reported. Again, in the daily Aks am, Esin Talu gave several examples of bad behavior in
touristic resorts. In one incident, a group of Talu’s friends together with foreign guests
entered a hotel and ordered “alafranga kahve,” that is Western coffee. She also noted: “For
instance I also like ‘Nescafé’ very much if it is available. Yet, our (hotel) director hates it and
JHRM doesn’t want it to be liked, so he let the waiter know: ‘We are in Turkey. If they drink
11,3 Turkish coffee, they should get one.’” (Talu, 1961, p. 4). Bodrum, one of the most prominent
touristic places in the present-day Turkey, was on the eve of becoming a touristic hot spot
for foreign tourists in the 1960s. But as Hasan Yılmaer in an article in the daily Milliyet made
clear, the statements by state officials that tourism would save Turkey would not
correspond with the local realities, which were too often far from being ideal. The author
306 added: “You do not need to be a prophet to predict that offering the tourists a double
Turkish coffee with a lot of water instead of Neskafe [sic] will not go beyond good
intentions” (Yılmaer, 1966, p. 5).
It seems that even for hippies, Turkish coffee was not always their first choice. In the
1960s, Istanbul was the first stop along the so-called “hippie trail” to Kathmandu. In the
historic center, near the Sultan Ahmed Mosque and the Hagia Sophia, a small patisserie
called Lâle Pastanesi became by then the first meeting point of the hippies who renamed it
the “Pudding Shop.” The place provided a basic touristic infrastructure and offered a
noticeboard for the travelers, helping them to exchange all sorts of information considering
their stay in Turkey and the travel routes to the East. One of the owners Adem Çolpan
conceded that they were thankful to the hippies “because they taught us how to make
Nescafé,” and added “the hippies didn’t want to drink Turkish coffee” (MacLean, 2007,
p. 23).
Interestingly, Nescafé is also mentioned in texts about political topics. For example, the
journalist Hulûsi Turgut in an article about his visit to Kurdistan (north of Iraq) in 1968
wrote his astonishment of finding out that the Peshmerga (Kurdish military forces) offered
him Nescafé in their retreat (Turgut, 1968, p. 5). Another newspaper report from 1975
addresses the visit of the US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to Ankara and his stay at
Ankara Hotel. The author together with the hotel staff is dazed to see that the visitors even
brought along their own beverages including Nescafé (meaning certainly Maxwell House) to
the hotel (Öymen, 1975, p. 6).
However, in the 1970s, the worsening economic situation figured most prominently in
newspaper articles, which often referred to Nescafé, too. Information on prices of imported
consumer goods can be found in these articles (Milliyet, 1972, p. 9, 23.02). For example, in an
article about black markets for filter cigarettes, the author regarded the 12 March 1971
military coup responsible for Nescafé getting into the Turkish market: “12 March opened the
doors for Nescafé. Does this country have no other worries?” (Cumhuriyet, 1974, p. 5, 1.03). It
is unclear if there was an increase in Nescafé sales as there is no archival evidence and,
according to the general situation, it is unlikely that the imported quotas were high.
Furthermore, Nestlé’s archival material confirms that the company had hard times during
the 1970s. Their relationship to the Turkish officials was often fragile, and, as the reports
imply, the local production capacity reached its limits due to problems with importing the
necessary production facilities (AHN Dossiers 8100-80, 8100-30). Moreover, the company
was confronted with an ever-active competition in the chocolate sector. Nevertheless, a
Nestlé manager after his return from Turkey in 1977 stated: “The quality of locally produced
products is certainly not comparable to that of other European countries, but I think that,
given the country's situation, it is quite acceptable and in any case, it is much better than
that of our competitors” (AHN Dossier 8100-80, 1977, 16.02).
In the 1970s, the most urgent problem regarding imported consumer goods such as coffee
was their scarcity and the presence of black markets for such goods (Arpad, 1979, p. 2). In
these years, tourists kept bringing Western consumer goods to Turkey. But more and more
frequently Turkish labor migrants (Gastarbeiter) from Germany and other western
European countries took, along with other consumer goods, Nescafé with them when they
visited their homeland in summer vacations. Again, in the early 1970s, we see the greatest Introduction of
local glass manufacturer (S is
ecam) advertising coffee sets for Nescafé (Milliyet, 1973, p. 3, Nescafé into
8.01). Nonetheless, due to increasing living costs, Nescafé remained affordable only to a
small segment of the Turkish population, and for tourists. Shortly after the 1971 military
Turkey
coup, living costs increased by 19 per cent, in April 1972 by 15.6 per cent. Even though a
year later they fell to 12.2 per cent, it again increased by 15.7 per cent at the end of 1973
(Özgüner, 1974, p. 6). The economic report prepared by the Turkish Industrialists and
Businessmen’s Association (TÜSIAD) _ in 1976 demonstrates that despite a growth rate 307
ranging between 7 and 9 per cent; the country between 1970 and 1976 experienced serious
economic and social problems, “including a rapidly expanding population, high
unemployment, galloping inflation and chronic foreign trade deficit” (TÜSIAD, _ 1976, p. 7).
According to Yalman Özgüner, within the globally worsening economic situation, Turkey
took the lead in terms of inflation rate (Özgüner, 1974, p. 6).
In those crisis-ridden years, Nestlé came under criticism for its controversial marketing
for infant food in developing countries (Schwarz, 2000). Multinationals like Nestlé were also
criticized for giving support to authoritarian regimes like the one in Uganda by purchasing
their commodities (coffee beans). Civil society groups called for a boycott of Nestlé products,
especially in countries like Great Britain and the USA, and the call for boycotts aimed at
Nescafé (Fenner, 2015, pp. 281-284). In Turkey, where call for boycotts in the 1970s targeted
mainly US companies, Nescafé was not condemned like for instance Coca-Cola, yet,
doubtlessly it was a well-known product.
Following the period of the September 12, 1980 coup d’état, the Turkish state, to attract
foreign exchange, allowed the duty-free import of consumer goods for private individuals. In
1982, 1 kg of Nescafé was added to the list (Milliyet, 1982, p. 14, 22.05). A year later, the state
monopoly TEKEL decided to import 1 million bottles of whisky and with them 2,500 cans of
Nescafé (100 g for 1,300 TL (5 $), 200 g for 2,600 TL (10 $), 2 g for 25 TL and 6,500 bottles of
Maxwell House (100 g 1,000 TL, 200 g for 2,000 TL, 750 g for 7,500 TL)[3]. However, these
products were only intended for sale in the country’s touristic resorts. Solely the quantities
that could not be sold would be distributed to local dealers the article informs the reader
(Milliyet, 1983, p. 3, 31.08).
After the coup d’état, the military controlled the government for a three-year period and
banned political parties. In 1983, the military decided to delegate power back to civil
politicians and allowed parties that adopted policies it favored run in the elections set for
November 1983. The Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi, ANAP) led by Turgut Özal won
the elections. The new Prime Minister Özal opted for a liberal economic policy and
implemented several economic reforms and deregulations, which opened the Turkish
market to foreign companies (Zürcher, 2017, pp. 281-318).
Consequently, convinced by the improved import conditions, Nestlé decided to supply
the Turkish market again with Nescafé, which thus far was its globally most successful
product (Fenner, 2015, p. 417). In March 1984, Nestlé Turkey in the daily Milliyet announced
that it from now on would import Nescafé (Milliyet, 1984b, p. 4, 16.03). Accordingly, Nescafé
was offered in the following product range: Nescafé Gold 100 g (2,450 TL) (6.90 $), Nescafé
Gold 200 g (4,600 TL) (13 $), Classic Nescafé 100 g (2,375 TL), and 200 g (4,450 TL)
respectively. One month earlier, the Turkish businessman Irfan _ Cudal, who had already
been importing Maxwell House, a brand of General Foods and the biggest rival of Nestlé,
expressed that he would import everything that pleases the Turkish women. By “Turkish
women” he probably referred to upper middle-class housewives whose husbands often
made business travels abroad. Cudal and his company intended to import Nescafé that
would be introduced firstly by the Nestlé company. Despite the open market policy, Nescafé
JHRM and other foreign soluble coffees were still very expensive mainly because of the high tariffs.
11,3 According to Cudal 1 kg import coffee was about 19,000 TL ($53.50) including 3,500 TL
foreign exchange fees, 10,000 TL duty-fees, housing fund, and taxes. The remaining 5,500
TL were relocated among the importer (40 per cent), distributor and wholesaler (Türenç,
1984a, p. 4, Milliyet, 1984a, p. 1, 6, 02.).
As late as 1987, Nestlé was complaining about very high customs clearance fees, but the
308 company had to deal also with an increase in “smuggled” rival soluble coffee from Great
Britain and Germany that was offered for sales prices from 22 to 44 per cent below Nestlé’s
(AHN Dossier 8100-57, 28.11.1987). More or less simultaneously with Nescafé other brands
like Maxwell House, Elite, Cafe Pele, or Mocca Gold entered the market and were often
cheaper (Türenç, 1984a, 4; Milliyet, 1984c, p. 4, 14.12). All the same, these products were still
only affordable only for the affluent consumer. The dailies like Milliyet or Cumhuriyet on a
regularly basis discussed the huge price differences between local and imported goods,
Nescafé being always at the center. To illustrate the gap a basket of goods – among them
coffee – is compared in one article from April 1984. According to that report, 200 g of local
coffee cost 520 TL ($1.44), whereas the same amount of Nescafé with the price standing at
4,250 lira ($11.80) is eight times more expensive (Bengin, 1984, p. 7). One month earlier, in the
daily Cumhuriyet Serpil Gündüz stated that not everyone is destined to discover imported
goods such as instant coffee which were sold with a kilo price ranging between 16,500 TL
(Elite) up to 24.000 TL for Nescafé (Gündüz, 1984, pp. 1-14). Considering that the minimum
monthly wage for state employees was around 25,000 TL in March 1984 her evaluation is
hardly surprising (Milliyet, 1984d, p. 7, 30.03).
Prime Minister Turgut Özal made clear that his opening of the Turkish market was
necessary. By responding to critics warning against the import of luxury goods he said that
the tourism boom the country was experiencing was partly due to the import of these
products which were mainly intended for tourists. He then asked: “Why a tourist who is
used to consume Whisky and Nescafé should come to visit Turkey, if he cannot find such
products there?” (Barıs , 1985, p. 5, 17.08).
Discussion
Looking at the sales Nescafé’s formative years clearly must be seen as an unsuccessful
period. Nestlé was constantly seeking ways to channel the problems it was confronted
due to the instable political and economic conditions in Turkey. Its longstanding
presence in the country and broad network among the political elite helped to pursue
marketing strategies for Nescafé that addressed the upper-class society. These were
similar to those Nestlé were using for Western countries. Further, the company could
build on local distributers, but due to the governments import substitution policy during
the 1960s and 1970s, it had also constantly to cope with import restrictions. Certainly, the
developing tourism sector beginning in the 1960s helped to access a growing customer
pool that visited Turkey. Yet, the number of local consumers still remained low. For the
latter, Nescafé was hardly accessible let alone affordable. Even though Nescafé was a
hard to find product its strong media presence resulted in high brand recognition among
the Turkish society. Nestlé’s marketing displayed Nescafé as a desirable product that
symbolized modernity, luxury and Western style of living. Yet, it seems that more than
Nestlé’s own advertisements, it was above all the media coverage on topics like society
events, tourism and economic issues in which Nescafé often played a prominent role that
increased its public awareness. Not only tourists but also an increasing number of
Turkish migrant workers especially during the 1970s brought Western products to
Turkey, among them also Nescafé. In those years due to the low quality of locally
produced consumer items imported Western goods like cigarettes or alcoholic beverages
were generally highly esteemed. The economic liberalization following the years of the
military coup of 1980 opened the Turkish market and enabled growing imports of
Western goods which due to high custom duties still remained very expensive. It is only
after 1984 that Nestlé started with substantial advertising for Nescafé in the local press.
At that time, Nescafé had already become notoriously famous.
Conclusion
It is only recently that the history of marketing practice in the Ottoman Empire and its
successor state Republic of Turkey has attracted attention. Yet, Turkey has remained
rather underresearched when compared to Western countries such as Australia, Canada
and Italy, where special issues dedicated to the development of marketing practices and
thought exist. Given the long existence of the Ottoman Empire and considering its Introduction of
important political, cultural and economic role it had played throughout the early modern Nescafé into
period makes it an interesting subject of study for marketing historians (Köse, 2008;
Karababa, 2015; Genc and Igneci, 2018). Further, during the nineteenth and early
Turkey
twentieth centuries the Ottoman Empire/Turkey was a testing ground for foreign
companies to develop marketing strategies by adjusting to the ever-changing political,
social and cultural circumstances. For instance, the multiethnic, multireligious and
multilingual environment that companies encountered necessitated them to become more 311
flexible and innovative. Eventually, they developed marketing strategies that would take
into account the divers customer pool and their cultural peculiarities. This very specific
marketing environment is far from being thoroughly investigated (Köse, 2010). The same
holds true for the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire, a period when a new nation state was
established. Companies, locals as well as foreign, were forced to adapt to the new
situation and deal among others with the massive demographic changes that were the
result of war, displacement and genocide (Üngör, 2011). As a result quite a number of
foreign companies lost their mostly non-Muslim employees and customers literally
overnight (Köse, 2010). The Nestlé company was one of the few enterprises that survived
in the young Republic, and this was due to its ability to make use of the long experience in
the field of marketing practice in the region. It is within this context that the study of
Nescafé’s marketing in Turkey is relevant for the historical study of marketing. In this
paper, I have made an attempt to bring into spotlight a country with distinct
sociopolitical and cultural particularities which distinguish it from Western countries
and allow to scrutinize how marketing practice and thought may develop in a non-
Western setting. I have also showed that the development of Nescafé’s marketing
between the 1950s and 1980s Turkey shared many similarities with Western countries
which it emulated. Finally, the paper illustrated that, besides apparent similarities,
Nescafé’s trajectory in Turkey indicates that factors other than successful marketing
strategies played a not negligible role in successfully raising awareness for a new brand.
Notes
1. All translations from French and Turkish are provided by the author.
2. Between 1950 and 1960, the average annual exchange rate was US$1 for 2.8 TL. In 1960, the
exchange rate increased to 9 TL for US$1 and by 1970 to 11.3 TL. In 1979, it reached 31.1 TL.
The years between 1980 and 1987 were also marked by sharp currency devaluation; the
exchange rate increased from 76 TL for US$1 in 1980 to 703 TL in 1987. See http://fxtop.com/en/
historical-exchange-rates.php?MA=1 (accessed 19 March 2018).
3. Turkey’s average per-capita income for the year 1982 (based on purchasing power parities) was
around $2,540 (or $7 per day). This made Nescafé unaffordable for most of its citizens (data.
worldbank.org).
4. For advertisements see for instance Cumhuriyet, 10 Haziran 1985, p. 11, 30 Eyül 1986, p. 2, or
Milliyet 7 Haziran 1985, p. 2 and 16 Eylül 1986, p. 2.
5. From the early modern period on, Western observers referred to the Ottomans as “Turks”, a
definition the Ottomans never used when defining themselves.
6. The data were collected from following sources: Ebüziyya Tevfik, 1881, Servet-i Fünun 1318/
1902, Mecmua-i Ebüziyya, 1883, Renner, 1919, Ukers, 1922, Grunzel, 1892, Grunzel 1903.
7. www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/maps-and-graphics/tea-consumption-per-capita/ (accessed 19 March
2018).
JHRM 8. New interpretations of the Ottoman past labelled neo-Ottomanism could be traced back to the
11,3 1990s. It is a nationalist discourse that aims to offer a counter concept to the “older Kemalist
world view” (Taglia, 2016, p. 287).
9. https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/turkish-coffee-culture-and-tradition-00645 (accessed 30 August 2018).
10. http://en.turkkahvesidernegi.org/tkkad/detay/TCCRA/85/265/0 (accessed 30 August 2018). This
association issued a number of publications on Turkish coffee as preparation for the UNESCO
312 nomination.
11. https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/turkish-coffee-culture-and-tradition-00645 (accessed 30 August 2018).
12. In 2011, Nestlé Turkey launched Nescafé Falcı (meaning “seer” or “fortune teller”) presumably to
profit from the revival of the traditional Turkish coffee trend. Sy-Quia, Over a Cup of Coffee, p. 84.
In 2018, this product is not listed anymore on the Web presence of Nescafé Turkey. See www.
nescafe.com.tr/kahve-urunlerimiz
13. Already in the 1920s, Nestlé had realized that the Middle East is not a homogeneous market
and advertisements had to consider local sensibilities and mentalities. Whereas an
advertisement for Nestlé condensed milk with a drawing of a black man did not arouse any
reaction in Turkey a similar advertisement triggered protests in Syria. Nestlé concluded that
the Syrians lacked any sense for “publicité littéraire et artistique” (!) and changed its strategy.
See Köse, 2010, pp. 342-343.
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AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8103, Turquie Sales (1951-1958), “Rapport mensuel
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AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8103, Turquie Sales (1951-1958), “Rapport mensuel
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JHRM AHN Secretariat Direction Générale Dossier 8100-70 (1959-1965), Turquie – Publicité general, Gen. Mgt.
File, 7.6.1962, Visite de M. C. Champoud à Istanbul.
11,3
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Corresponding author
Yavuz Köse can be contacted at: yavuz.koese@univie.ac.at
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