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“Challenges faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education,

Employment, Health and Housing: focus on Czech Republic,
Romania and Greece”

Article · January 2015

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 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on
Education, Employment, Health and Housing - Focus on
Czech Republic, Romania and Greece

Roxana ANDREI
e-mail: roxanna.andrei@gmail.com

George MARTINIDIS
e-mail: gmart55@yahoo.com

Tana TKADLECOVA
e-mail: tana.tkadlecova@gmail

Abstract

Roma women in Europe are probably discriminated

against more than any other group, facing discrimination both
for their ethnic origin and their gender. Due to being part of a
minority facing isolation, poverty, discrimination and often
embracing masculine social values, Roma women have to face
multiple challenges. However, the nature of these challenges
varies between the different states, as is evident in the case of the
three countries examined here. Although positive steps have been
taken in all three countries lately, in practice, Roma girls and
women still face discrimination with respect to equal access to
education, employment, health care and housing. Current
policies and initiatives do not have a significant impact because
they are most often designed in a top-down approach, with little
or no consultation and direct involvement of the Roma
community. What is needed to produce a real impact is a
different approach: a bottom-up initiative taking place within
Roma communities, both geographically and organisationally.

Keywords: Roma women, discrimination, integration, minorities,

social policies, vulnerable social groups, education, employment,
health, housing
 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

INTRODUCTION

Discrimination against Roma women has a structural and pervasive

character, deeply rooted in the history and practices of many European
cultures and communities, and impregnating all sectors and areas throughout
their lives. Inequalities experienced by Roma women have a cumulative
effect, in the sense that discrimination experienced in one area at one stage of
their lives will lead to subsequent disadvantages later on. Discrimination thus
becomes a multi-layered phenomenon for Roma women, who are often
subjected to multiple discrimination.
Roma women face discrimination shared by their ethnic group in
terms of access to employment, education, health care and housing, but also
related to their gender, in the broader context of the discrimination of women,
especially in more traditional societies, as well as in the specific context of
Roma culture and role of Roma women. This leads to one of the „dilemmas of
intersectionality” (Oprea, 2005, p. 140): being forced to choose between their
gender and their race in an environment where they are constructed as
mutually exclusive. “There is a false dichotomy between women’s rights and
Romani-ness where they become construed as mutually exclusive, ultimately
forcing Romani women to chose between their race and gender” (Oprea, 2005,
p. 140).
In Europe, Roma are probably discriminated against more than any
other group. They seem to be an invisible minority living on the fringes of
European ‘mainstream’ society. The number of Roma in Europe is estimated
between 10 and 12 million, with more than half of them in the EU, making
them the largest minority in Europe by far. Most of the European Roma are of
Indian origin, moving from country to country the last 1,000 years to escape
persecution, like so many other minorities in Europe’s tumultuous history
(ENAR-ERIO, 2011). However, European Roma are far from a homogeneous
group in terms of origin, nationality, religion, culture or way of life. Perhaps
the strongest element they have in common is the degree of discrimination that
they face. This is even truer for the Roma women, who can face a double
discrimination, based on their gender as well as on their ethnicity.
The current article focuses on identifying the main challenges and
opportunities faced by Roma women with respect to access to education,
employment, health care and housing in Czech Republic, Romania and
Greece. The effect of the existing measures and policies is critiqued, and
feedback from Roma women is collected with respect to their impact. In an
attempt to work close to our target group, we have interviewed two
representatives of the Roma women community in order to best identify the

324 Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351

 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

most appropriate recommendations for changing and improving the condition

of Roma women on the way to their full empowerment.

I. THEORETICAL APPROACHES: EMPOWERMENT, DISCRIMINATION,

ROMA CULTURE, VALUES AND BEHAVIOURAL PATTERNS

To be disempowered means to be denied choice, while

empowerment refers to the processes by which those who have
been denied the ability to make choices acquire such ability. In
other words, empowerment entails change (Kabeer, 2005, p. 13).

The process of empowerment can be regarded as an internal one,

deeply rooted in the meaning, motivation, and purpose that individuals bring
to their actions, along with the external actions of decision-making. It is about
how people see themselves, thereby leading to other people’s perception on
them. The process also has external elements, such as the way in which
resources are distributed. “If a woman’s primary form of access to resources is
as a dependent member of the family, her capacity to make strategic choices is
likely to be limited” (Kabeer, 2005, p.15).
According to social psychology, discrimination refers to unjustifiable
negative behaviour towards a group or its members, where behaviour is
adjudged to include actions towards and judgements about, group members
(Al Ramiah et al., 2010, p.85). Discrimination is closely linked with other
social phenomena such as prejudice or stereotypes, but it is a distinct concept,
and social psychologists are careful to emphasise the distinction.
Discrimination can be fuelled by stereotypes and prejudice, but itself refers to
an outcome behaviour, which is unfortunately very common in every part of
the world and every sphere of life (Link & Phelan, 2001, p.365).
In addition, discrimination has many dire consequences that are often
more pervasive and far-reaching than is commonly assumed. Other than the
obvious issues with housing, education, healthcare and other fundamental
human rights, various study findings show that the stigma of discrimination
can lead to anxiety, stress and other problems related to mental well-being, to
underperforming in professional and personal capacities, and to poorer health
outcomes even if the same healthcare standards are provided (Al Ramiah et
al., 2010, p.103).
One needs to tread carefully in assessing Roma values and
behaviours, as a number of common myths and stereotypes have created an
image of Roma society as extremely “primitive” and “backwards” (ENAR-
ERIO, 2011). Modern studies show that masculine social values are quite

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 325

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

strong within the European Roma. This is reflected in various aspects of social
life such as marriage, sexuality and domestic abuse. For example, nearly a
third of Roma parents in Europe that prefer to get their daughter married
before she completes basic education to make sure she does not start sexual
life before the marriage,, This proportion is quite high but not as high as
Roma stereotypes seem to indicate. Still, it is roughly three times the
percentage of non-Roma parents. However, there are staggering differences
among Roma parents in these percentages if age and education are taken into
account, so these masculine values are changing for younger and more
educated people, especially for more educated Roma women (Cukrowska &
Kocze, 2013, p.70).
Overall, masculine social values are still prominent within Roma
society and culture, although there seems to be a pattern of change. Still, it
would be extremely biased to attribute the prevalence of these values to some
“inherent backwardness” of Roma culture or society as local media are
sometimes quick to do (Petrova & Cahn, 2001, p.18). For a long time, similar
masculine values were equally prominent in the non-Roma groups of the
countries under study before they changed along with the shape of the
societies in these countries (Beynon, 2002). As the Roma in these countries
were generally excluded from the beneficial social developments, the
continued prevalence of chauvinist values can be associated with the
socieconomic and educational lag that the Roma experience. This notion is
supported by the findings that the impact of masculine values on Roma society
is much weaker for better educated Roma, being roughly the same as that for
non-Roma (Cukrowska & Kocze, 2013, p.69). In any case, the main victims of
the prevalence of masculine values seem to be Roma women, who become the
targets of multiple discrimination, both from within and from without Roma
society (Ziomas, Bouzas & Spyropoulou, 2011, p.13).
Positive steps have been taken in the last years to address the issue of
Roma women discrimination, both at domestic level, as well as at the
international level. However, there is still much to be done with respect to
their empowerment, a lengthy and challenging process. Of significant
importance is the prioritization of Roma-related issues and of the
empowerment of women on the international agenda. In this sense, the
Decade of Roma Inclusion (2005-2015), a project supported by 12
participating countries – Czech Republic, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Croatia, Hungary, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia,
Slovakia and Spain (plus Slovenia and US as external observers), focuses on
improving socio-economic conditions and inclusion for Roma population
(ERRC, 2013). The priority areas are education, housing, employment and

326 Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351

Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

health. Focus of the national projects is on self-employment and

entrepreneurship by providing business skills trainings and promoting
traditional Roma crafts (UNDP, 2006).

II. ROMA WOMEN AND ACCESS TO EDUCATION

1. Main problems related to education and their impact on Roma

women and girls

Poverty, early marriages and giving birth at a young age have been
identified as the main causes of school absenteeism and drop-out for Roma
girls in Central and Eastern Europe by the UNDP/ILO Survey. This survey
concluded, school attendance drops when “the opportunity costs of sending
children to school rise in households with falling incomes” (UNDP, 2002, p.
54). Poverty and associated factors such as the health risks associated with
poor-quality housing have also been identified as “possible causal factors for
the lower educational status of Roma” (UNDP, 2006, p. 29).

1.1 Roma culture and its role on access to education

In the framework of Roma culture and its impact on the development

of Roma women, it is generally considered that an important source of
discrimination stems from the Roma communities themselves being linked to
the role of women in Roma culture and family structure (Corsi et al., 2008). In
the traditional patriarchal Roma family, women are expected to assume a
subordinate position and to be in charge of the family from as early as 11
years old. Early marriages of Roma girls, a widespread practice and the main
intersectional ethnic-gender issue faced by them in Romania, have stirred up
political, cultural and legislative debates. By entering early marriages, Roma
girls are prevented from going to school and later on from entering the formal
labour market, being expected to marry and to care for their families already
since 15-16 years old. At the same time, divorce is not common among Roma
women, both in traditional and more modern marriages (Corsi et al., 2008). In
addition, lacking education and a secure job, Roma women face an increased
vulnerability, especially if they lose the support and acceptance of their
community, being thus exposed to illegal employment, trafficking in human
beings or delinquency.

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 327

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

Based on the sample averages of working age individuals (16-64) of

the 2011 UNDP/WB/EC regional survey on Roma communities, Roma males
spend on average 6.71 years in education, while Roma women 5.66 years,
significantly below the non-Roma population averages: 10.95 and 10.7. As a
consequence, “Romani women are subject both to ethnic as well as gender
gaps when it comes to the time spent in an educational system” (Cukrowska
and Kóczé, 2013, p. 14).
Moreover, the difference in the average number of years spent in
education between Roma and non-Roma women increases with age, possibly
due to the fact that Roma are more likely to leave school. If Roma males aged
18-34 spend 6.5 years in the education system compared to Roma females
who spend 5.8 years, in the 35-49 age group Roma males spend an average of
7 years in school while Romani females only 5.7 years (Cukrowska and
Kóczé, 2013). Also, 28% of Romani women aged 16 to 64 have no formal
level of education compared to 18% of Romani men and 2% of non-Romani
women.
Consequently, dropout rates amongst Roma are more than three times
higher than amongst non-Roma, with a slightly higher rate among Roma
women compared to Roma men. Therefore, ethnicity seems to play a more
important role than gender with respect to drop out rates, affecting Roma girls
and boys equally. UNDP/WB/EC regional survey on Roma communities also
highlights the fact that the differences in the literacy rate are mainly due to
ethnicity, while gender is less obvious as a differentiating criteria, non-Roma
women displaying slightly lower literacy rates than men (Cukrowska and
Kóczé, 2013).
However, “culture is constantly negotiated and is multiple and
contradictory” and Romani culture “is not constructed under ‘hermetically
sealed’ boxes” (Volpp, see Oprea, 2005, p. 137). Notwithstanding the role of
culture in the status of Roma women, Oprea (2005) draws attention to the risk
of overestimating its role, while ignoring the importance of other factors, of
turning a blind eye to the practices that are harmful to women within this
group in the name of preserving cultural autonomy or criticizing in a way that
portrays the entire culture as primitive.
Traditions related to early marriages of Roma girls and their level of
education and access on the labour market are closely entangled in a vicious
circle. On one hand, being expected to enter early marriages, Roma girls are
prevented from going to school and later on from accessing the formal labour
market. On the other hand, facing a double ethnic and gender discrimination,
Roma girls lack equal treatment in schools and are highly discriminated
against when it comes to employment; therefore, their families see no other

328 Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351

Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

viable option for them than marriage and the role of care givers for their
families.
There are also limits to education as a mean to women’s
empowerment, in the absence of a gender-awareness system and curricula.
Thus, “in societies that are characterised by extreme forms of gender
inequality ... where women’s role in society is defined purely in reproductive
terms, education is seen in terms of equipping girls to be better wives and
mothers, or increasing their chances of getting a suitable husband” (Kabeer,
2005, p. 17). Moreover, gender stereotyping is reproduced in the school
curricula and “can limit the development of the natural talents and abilities of
boys and girls, women and men, in their educational and professional
experiences as well as life opportunities in general” (Council of Europe, 2014,
p. 9).
With respect to Roma, references to them are almost absent in the
curricula, or quoted in pejorative contexts in the literature. However, steps
have been taken in some countries to improve this situation. In Romania,
topics such as the genocide of the Roma during the Second World War are
being taught in schools and high schools.

1.2 Czech Republic, Greece and Romania: Roma girls and women,
and their access to education

Czech Republic
The most severe problems encountered by Roma girls, along with the
Roma boys, regarding access to education are the overrepresentation of Roma
pupils in special schools
for children with mental
disabilities, despite the
absence of a disability,
and the segregation of
Roma pupils from the
non-Roma in ordinary
schools.
In the D.H. and
others v. the Czech
Republic, 2007, the
European Court of
Human Rights found
violation of Art.14
(prohibition of

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 329

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

discrimination) in conjunction with Art.2 of Protocol No. 1 (right to

education) of the European Convention of Human Rights: 18 applicants of
Roma origin were discriminated against in the enjoyment of their right to
education on account of their race or ethnic origin, being placed in special
schools for children (zvláštní školy) for children with learning difficulties.
The Court noted that the Czech authorities had admitted that in 1999 Roma
pupils made up between 80 % and 90 % of the total number of pupils in some
special schools. Moreover, although the exact percentage of Roma children in
special schools at present is difficult to establish, their number is
disproportionately high and Roma pupils represent the majority of the pupils
in special schools (European Court of Human Rights, 2007). Placing Roma
children in special schools for mentally disabled pupils prevents them from
accessing good education and employment opportunities later on compared to
the non-Roma children (European Roma Information Office, 2013; UNICEF,
2011; UNICEF, 2009).
Ordinary schools remain highly segregated. On one hand, segregation
in schools is linked to housing segregation, with Roma communities and
schools separated from the Czech ones. On the other hand, Roma parents do
not trust the ordinary schools fearing that their children will be there subjected
to discrimination and violence (European Commission against Racism and
Intolerance, 2009a, p. 27).

Greece
Roma children are still confronted with the refusal of schools to enrol
them, often under the pressure of non-Roma parents. Even when allowed to
register, Roma
children are placed in
separate classes,
increasing the
segregation. In the
Sampanis and Others
v. Greece, 2005, the
European Court of
Human Rights found
violation of Art.14
(prohibition of
discrimination) in
conjunction with
Art.2 of Protocol No.

330 Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351

 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

1 (right to education) of the European Convention of Human Rights: 11

applicants, Greek nationals of Roma origin, were refused enrolment in the
primary school by the principals of two schools and were later on placed in
special classes, in an annexe to the main Aspropyrgos primary school
building, a measure which the applicants claimed was related to their Roma
origin. The decision to segregate the Roma pupils followed the non-Roma
parents’ protests about the admission to primary school of Roma children and
blockade of the school, demanding that the Roma children be transferred to
another building, with the police intervening several times to prevent illegal
acts being committed against pupils of Roma origin (European Court of
Human Rights, 2008).
To highlight the impact of the intersection between ethnicity and
gender on the level of education of Roma women, the European Commission
found that in Greece, for example, Roma men have lower levels of illiteracy
than Roma women since they are more exposed to an environment where they
can learn how to read and write (European Commission against Racism and
Intolerance, 2009b).

Romania
Roma pupils in Roma record high rates of dropout and absenteeism,
although, according to European Commission against Racism and Intolerance
(2006), discrimination is not a reflection of institutional discrimination.
In this sense, it is
worth mentioning
that in the
Notification no.
29323/20.04.2004,
the Ministry of
Education and
Research has
banned all forms
of segregation in
Romanian schools.
School mediators
facilitated the
integration of
Roma pupils,
technical training
was provided to

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 331

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

Roma children who have left school and dedicated places have been reserved
for Roma students in Romanian universities. However, segregation still
persists in practice, Roma pupils being often forced to attend lower standards
schools or being placed in separate classes (European Commission against
Racism and Intolerance, 2006, p. 31).
Poverty and living in remote areas seem to be the main reasons
hindering Roma children to attend school, despite the authorities’ support
measures. Moreover, as in the case of adults, many Roma children do not
identify themselves as such and do not wish to study Roma language and
history, facing a self-esteem problem (European Commission against Racism
and Intolerance, 2006). Negative attitudes on the side of teachers and
colleagues still persist, or, in the words of Lia Gaudi, our Roma interview
guest, “there are so many negative examples of Roma students fighting much
more that many of the majority for their place in the academic environment,
and the details of these stories, just make integration, tolerance, equality and
‘peace among people’ fade”.
The main challenges faced by Roma girls and women with respect to
education and schooling in Romania have been identified to be: some aspects
of Roma culture and traditions, rejection by the society, general stereotypes
among teachers and public policies.

III. ROMA WOMEN AND ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT

The transition from socialist to market economy in Central and

Eastern Europe (CEE) has brought many changes and challenges to the
population of the region. The income inequality and unemployment has risen
and Roma people, particularly women, became even more vulnerable
(O’Higgins, 2010; O’Higgins and Ivanov, 2006; Ringold et al, 2005).
“Because of their low skills levels, as well as discrimination in the labour
market, Roma were frequently among the first to be laid off; this has directly
influenced Roma welfare” (Ringold et al, 2005, p. 38).
Since 2009, the economic crisis has resulted in the doubling of Roma
unemployment, affecting mostly Roma women. Unemployment rates for
Roma women are higher than for Roma men in most of the European
countries (Cukrowska & Kocze, 2013) Although, measuring unemployment
among Roma people might be a difficult task with respect to self-perceived
unemployment, which is often much higher than the real unemployment
(UNDP, 2002).

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Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

Main problems related to employment and their impact on Roma

women and girls

Based on an analysis of existing research on Roma and Roma women

employment, the major issues faced by Roma women hindering their
participation in labour market have been identified as lack of education, low
levels of employability skills, low income, and participation in informal work.
Lack of education can be perceived as one of the main problems
related to employment but also as the key source of the problem with
disproportionate unemployment rates among Roma women and whole Roma
population (O’Higgins, 2010, p. 164). Roma women are more likely to have a
lower level of education than Roma men due to their involvement in childcare
and other household activities. Therefore, due to traditional gender roles
among Roma people, their future job prospects might be rather limited
comparing to Roma men (UNDP, 2006). Lack of education presents a key
obstacle in future job seeking (O’Higgins, 2010; O’Higgins & Ivanov, 2006)
and number of years of schooling is commonly perceived as an important
determinant of employment for Roma women, as educated women are more
likely to look for employment than are Roma men (O’Higgins, 2010).
Low levels of employability skills closely relate to education and
present one of the major hindrances in Roma women labour market
participation (O’Higgins & Ivanov, 2006; UNDP, 2006; UNDP, 2002). Roma
people often interpret rejection from job interview as discrimination rather
than result of low employability skills. Under the Decade of Roma Inclusion,
several programmes have been launched in participating countries aiming at
improving employability skills of Roma population. Unfortunately, according
to O’Higgins (2010), general mistrust in trainings among Roma population
hinders such attempts.
According to Cukrowska & Kocze (2013), Roma women have
significantly lower wages than non-Roma women and generally lower income
than Roma men; however this trend varies country to country and type of job.
Thus, Roma women contribute to the household income much less than do
men. The gender pay gap is considerably higher among Roma population than
non-Roma population. Besides low levels of education, the gap between male
and female Roma population in employment might be caused by other
activities and responsibilities of Roma women, such as childcare and
household up-keeping (UNDP, 2006). Such activities are substantial part of
traditional status of Roma women. The role of Roma man is to protect his
family and to support his parents, while woman’s role mainly lies in giving
births, childcare and managing external family relations such as
communication with school and official bodies (Magyari-Vincze, 2006, p. 28).

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 333

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

Long-term unemployment might be identified as the most visible

impact of inactivity within the labour market. Generally long-term
unemployment leads to loss of employability skills as well as potential loss of
welfare benefits (ILO, 2014; O’Higgins & Ivanov, 2006), on which a large
proportion of Roma population relies. With low income, the housing and
health conditions of Roma families often deteriorate, presenting even more
obstacles in future job seeking and thus creating a vicious circle. In order to
save money on housing, Roma family might decide to move into a larger
Roma community, which will commonly be segregated. Roma people living
in mixed areas are more likely to find a job than those who live in segregated
areas (UNDP, 2006). Roma women have generally more access to
employment in urban rather than rural areas, particularly because of
prevalence of traditional gender roles in rural areas (UNDP, 2006).
Consequently, people living in rural areas might not have a formal address,
and thus face additional issues when looking for a job.
Regarding limited access to healthcare, the majority of UNDP, 2002
respondents stated that the reason for their poor health is the inability to pay
for medicines and insurance (UNDP, 2002). As a consequence of
unemployment, Roma women might have more limited access to reproductive
healthcare. A long-term consequence of this situation might be to hinder the
reduction of poverty rates, and the combating of HIV/AIDS (Magyari-Vincze,
2006).
As a result of short or long-term unemployment, participation in the
informal sector of economy might increase. Work in the informal sector is
usually equated with very low wages, poor job quality and very low social
protection (ILO, 2014; UNDP, 2006). Generally, Roma people tend to be
more involved in the informal sector than other ethnic and social groups
(UNDP, 2006). According to ILO (2014), women are more vulnerable within
work in the informal sector than men, applying particularly for Roma women.
Increased participation in the informal sector causes asymmetrical
participation in the state social welfare system. Thus Roma people who do not
participate in the official sector of economy do not pay the required social
taxes, which would in future cover their pensions and social benefits (UNDP,
2002). Therefore, Roma people might be active in accepting the benefits but
passive in producing them (UNDP, 2002), and resulting in weak social
protection (UNDP, 2006).

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Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

Czech Republic, Greece and Romania: Roma girls and women, and
their access to employment
Czech Republic
The Czech government has not signed yet the Council of Europe Convention
on violence against women, as “there is a general lack of political will to
promote gender equality beyond issues of work-life balance and domestic
violence” (European Women’s Lobby, 2013, p. 17).

Following
the issues
with
respect to
education
in Czech
Republic,
Roma
women
very often
do not
possess the
necessary
employabil
ity skills. Demand for low skilled workers has been decreasing in Czech
Republic; therefore training Roma women and improving their skills would be
desired.
Some of the Czech media promote stereotyping of Roma minority by
emphasizing their ethnic origin in criminal cases, and not producing any
positive news related to Roma issues. Anti-Roma reporting in several Czech
newspapers and online news, together with usage of anti-Roma catchphrases
in pre-election slogans by some extreme political parties (European
Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2009a), may further undermine
the status of Roma people and hence decrease their chances to participate in
the labour market. Potential prejudices of employers towards Roma candidates
for jobs might be caused and increased by promoting stereotypes of Roma
people on news. According to European Commission against Racism and
Intolerance (2009a), prejudices of employers towards Roma candidates remain
high in Czech Republic and in many cases, Roma people are likely to be
rejected from a job based on their ethnic background. Therefore, anti Roma
reporting on news can have far reaching consequences.
Living in a segregated community has a significant impact on
employment of Roma women due to lack of job opportunities and high levels

Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351 335

 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

of unemployment in such localities. According to European Commission

against Racism and Intolerance (2009a), the unemployment among Roma
population in segregated communities is reaching up to 90 %. Furthermore,
most of the regions with large Roma communities are suffering from low
average wages and low demand for unskilled or low skilled workers.
Therefore, Roma women with lack of education and previous work experience
are further hindered from access to formal employment.

Greece
Since the crisis affected Greece, unemployment among women
rapidly increased from 13.1 % in 2009 to 29 % in August 2012.
As one of
the many
consequenc
es of the
crisis,
several cuts
affecting
education,
healthcare
and
childcare
have had a
major
impact on
women
who are the primary beneficiaries of these essential services (European
Women’s Lobby, 2013). The Integrated Action Plan has been adopted aiming
at improving the situation in the sphere of education, employment, health and
housing.
The source of income for a majority of the Greek Roma population is
garbage collection and very few are in formal employment (European
Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2009b). Due to high
unemployment and very low incomes of Roma families, many Roma people
live in poverty in Greece which affects their access not only to employment
but also to education and health care.
Similarly as in the other cases, due to low levels of education Roma
women lack necessary qualifications and expertise to participate actively in
the formal labour market in Greece.

336 Balkan Social Science Review, Vol. 4, December 2014, 323-351

 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

Romania
During the communist era, Roma people were not able to practice their
traditional crafts and were mostly employed in rural areas (Magyari-Vincze,
2006; Ringold et al, 2005).
Since 1990, the
unemployment
rate of the Roma
population in
Romania has
grown. Also,
after the
collapse of
communism, the
general anti-
Roma attitude in
Romania has
strengthened.
Emphasis on
restoring
traditional roles
in Romanian
society promoted by ecclesiastical institutions as well as conservative political
parties applies successfully in rural areas of the country (Oprica, 2008). Thus
Roma women with their strong traditional inclinations might also be
influenced externally in turning their occupation preference into staying at
home with children. According to Magyari-Vincze (2006), Roma girls in
Romania do not usually graduate high school and leave education aged 13-15.
In some Roma communities they are ready to get married at this age. By early
marriages and interrupted education they are not developing and increasing
their employability skills, thus consequently reducing their chances to
participate in labour market and find permanent job.
The Romanian government has not presented many improvements that
would guarantee the integration of the Roma population in the labour market
(European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2006). Since 2002,
the unemployment rate has risen, but Romania still belongs to the countries
with rather lower levels of Roma unemployment compared to Greece and
Czech Republic. According to Women’s Watch report, there are no positive
developments towards women empowerment in Romania during the
researched period of 2009-2012. Unfortunately, since 2010, rather negative
developments are observable, such as the abolition of the National Agency for
Equal Opportunities for Women and Men by the government and also the

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 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

closure of the National Agency for Family Protection (European Women’s

Lobby, 2013).

IV. ROMA WOMEN AND ACCESS TO HEALTH CARE AND

HOUSING

1. Main problems related to health and their impact on Roma

women and girls

An analysis of the available literature on the health issue of Roma in

Europe (Foldes & Covaci, 2012) confirms that, clearly, Roma people suffer
from poorer health and unhealthier living conditions compared to the majority
populations in their home countries. Still, there is a need for better data in
order to explain the Roma health gap and design better interventions to reduce
it. However, such data does not seem to be easily available. For example, in
the Czech Republic and Slovakia since 1989, researchers have largely turned
away from health research on particular ethnic groups.
Available data show that Roma women in Europe report chronic
illnesses more frequently than Roma men, but the same pattern is true for non-
Roma and in fact the difference between women and men is double in the non-
Roma case (Cukrowska & Kocze, 2013). Interestingly, reproductive health
does not seem to be as much of a major issue as often assumed, In actuality,
younger Roma women (aged 15-24) have higher rates of visiting a
gynaecologist than non-Roma women, a trend that is reversed for the older
generations and might be indicative of an improvement in health awareness
among Roma. The same is true about the conditions of giving birth. Rates of
childbirths attended by professionals tend to be very high for Roma women in
most European countries, although in some countries, they are still extremely
low (Cukrowska & Kocze, 2013, p.53). Overall, it seems that Roma health
issues are directly connected to educational and economic issues. Lack of
education can create a lack of awareness of health issues, which in turn can
create an unwillingness to see a doctor. Even if awareness is present, however,
the lack of financial resources and thus affordability of healthcare services is
by far the main reason for not seeing a doctor when it is needed (Corsi et al.,
2008, p.46).

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Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

2. Main problems related to housing and their impact on Roma

women and girls

Housing might be one of the most critical issues for the Roma of
Europe and one of the most critical factors underpinning their exclusion from
“mainstream” society. Everywhere across Europe, Roma continue to be one of
the minorities most affected by inadequate housing conditions.
In many European countries, the authorities have failed to provide a
social housing programme for the Roma, as has been done for other social
groups, or are implementing it with limited results so far. The former is true
for the Czech Republic (European Commission against Racism and
Intolerance, 2008) and the latter for Greece (European Commission against
Racism and Intolerance, 2009b). In addition, Roma are often evicted from
even the poor housing they do have available, without authorities observing
the common legal procedure, as is the case in Greece and Romania (European
Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2006; Petrova & Cahn, 2001).
The negative impact of insecure and overcrowded housing on Roma is
stronger for those who inhabit the worst possible housing options; ruined
houses or slums, as the poor living conditions can affect the occurrence of
chronic illnesses and their general health condition. In general, there is an
expected disproportional presence of health problems among the Roma
compared to non-Roma, such as the incidence of airways and lung diseases
related to dampness or the effects of overcrowding on mental health, which
are more likely to occur in substandard housing conditions. On one hand, men
seem to suffer more in terms of their health than women, but on the other
hand, women, because of the traditional gender roles that are often present in
Roma families, remain at home for longer periods and are thus more exposed
to the health risks of the substandard housing conditions, a fact that might
mean that Roma women might be more affected by asthma and certain lung
diseases than Roma men in most cases (Cukrowska & Kocze, 2013).

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 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

Czech Republic, Greece and Romania: Roma girls and women, and
their access to healthcare and housing

Czech Republic
Between 1972 and
1991, the Czechoslovak and
then the Czech government
supported and encouraged
sterilisations of Roma
women, a policy aimed at
reducing the Roma
population. The majority of
such sterilisations had been
undertaken without the
women’s knowledge and
permission. In 2004, an
investigation was opened
based on Roma women’s
complaints. During the
investigation several legal
loops were found with consent process Roma women being forced to sign the
agreement to undergo sterilisation. Nevertheless, no woman has yet received a
formal apology or compensation. Proposal for compensations (Approximately
200,000 CZK – around 7,300 Euro per case) should be introduced soon
(European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, 2009a; European
Roma Rights Centre, 2013).
According to EC/UNDP/WB 2011 survey, very small fraction of the
Roma population resides in their own property. Segregation from non-Roma
communities is still a major issue. Almost one quarter of the total Roma
population lives in very poor conditions such as ruined houses or slums,
resulting in frequent sanitation issues, and half is under a serious threat of
eviction (European Roma Rights Centre, 2013). Children of many evicted
families are being taken into institutional care if the family “does not have
roof over their head” (European Commission against Racism and Intolerance,
2009a). Even if a more lenient eviction policy was enforced, that would not
resolve things as the living conditions in these slums are a major health
hazard. Some kind of social housing policy is needed to provide a long term
solution for this forced moving issue.

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 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

Greece
Most Roma who live
in settlements continue to
earn their income from scrap
and garbage collection,
which poses a major threat to
their health. Poor housing
conditions also aggravate the
situation, although Socio-
Medical Centres, providing
basic health care services
such as primary health care
and vaccination in Roma
settlements have been
created. Greek Roma have
higher rates of disease and ill health, higher rates of child mortality and lower
life expectation than non-Roma. These health issues are connected to the
socioeconomic and educational profile of the Greek Roma, as well as to
discrimination against them by healthcare providers (Ministry of Labour and
Social Security, 2011, p.14).
The Roma population is scattered all over Greece, with the greatest
concentration found in the areas in or around major urban centres, as well as in
rural regions that present the most employment opportunities. Contrary to the
popular myth that Roma are nomadic (ENAR-ERIO, 2011), recent surveys
tend to show that Greek Roma have lived in more or less the same places in
the past 15 or 20 years, so the vast majority of them are settled with regards to
their living situation. On the other hand, Greek Roma usually live in specific
areas, neighbourhoods, suburbs, villages or communities, mostly in isolation
from non-Roma, a fact that may be reinforcing their social exclusion (Ziomas,
Bouzas & Spyropoulou, 2011, p.6). Housing seems to be the fundamental
problem, as roughly half or more than half of the Greek Roma population lives
in makeshift accommodation without basic forms of infrastructure. The
housing issue is also a main obstacle in any effort towards social inclusion and
improvement in the standard of living. Some social housing policy is urgently
needed.
In the last few years, despite the Decade of Roma Inclusion initiative
running since 2005, there is no official policy framework or any governance
arrangements for addressing Roma poverty and social exclusion in Greece
(Ziomas, Bouzas & Spyropoulou, 2011). On the other hand, some
programmes and initiatives are under way. Housing loans allowing Roma

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 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

families to purchase their own houses or apartments are available at extremely

low interest rates and extremely beneficial conditions as was the case for the
Greeks of the former USSR who emigrated in the 1990s. Unlike that case,
however, the participation of the Roma themselves in the scheme has been
limited, with outreach proving insufficient (Ziomas, Bouzas & Spyropoulou,
2011). The Greek National Reform Programme 2011-2014, is processing a
medium and long term strategy for the social inclusion of Roma, the
Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013 includes
many actions for vulnerable social groups including the Roma, and various
separate independent projects are under way, including the “Progress” EU
project, targeted specifically on Roma women and gender mainstreaming in
Greek municipalities (Skoulas et al., 2012). Perhaps the challenge lies in
promoting these actions and initiatives and encouraging participation of the
Roma in them.

Romania
More than half of the
Roma population in
Romania suffers from
obesity and dental
issues. Majority of
children do not have the
compulsory
immunizations, which
might result in further
health problems and an
increase of child
mortality. Furthermore,
absence of identity
documents usually
limits access to
healthcare. Since 1996 in Romania, the Health mediation programme, with its
focus on health has played a significant role in the empowerment of Roma
women. The programme aims to improve access to health care for Roma
women, provide health education, child vaccination and many other
improvements (Roma Health Mediation in Romania, 2013).
According to the European Commission against Racism and
Intolerance Report, some members of the Roma minority continue to live in
unhealthy housing, often as a result of discriminatory measures by local

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 Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

authorities. Furthermore, Roma are sometimes unlawfully evicted from their

housing, even in the middle of winter and in the presence of the media,
without the observation of legal procedures (European Commission against
Racism and Intolerance, 2006, p.37). Also, Roma continue to live in
segregated communities, which has a major impact on access to better schools
and mobility for employment.

CONCLUSIONS

Although positive steps have been taken in all three countries to

improve the situation of women in general and of Roma in particular, in
practice, Roma girls and women still face discrimination with respect to equal
access to education, employment, health care and housing. Every
improvement is significant, but the main issues faced by Roma women still
remain unresolved. Roma girls spend fewer years in schools than Roma boys
due to the fact that they are expected to take up the role of care givers and
even to enter early marriages from the age of 11 and they display high dropout
rates. Low levels of education and early marriages hinder access to
employment for Roma women and girls due to deficiency of necessary skills
and qualifications. Furthermore, living in a segregated community presents an
additional challenge considering extreme unemployment and often poor
housing conditions in such areas. Roma girls might be more exposed to
traditional roles while living in segregated communities and due to the lack of
education and contact with other cultures, they might be forced to enter
marriage and start family life at a very young age. Doing so, Roma girls might
be entering a vicious circle of reliance on welfare benefits, inability to
participate in the labour market and hence incompetence to pay taxes.
Moreover, there seems to be no prospect of these issues being
resolved in the near future. Even recent legislation and policies are most often
designed in a top-down approach, with little or no consultation and direct
involvement of the Roma community. Roma culture is sometimes considered
to be responsible for the failure of the programmes and policies implemented,
ignoring the fact that it is often a reaction to a hostile society and to the lack of
trust in the system and in the majority population, or at least to poorly
designed policies that claim to be helping the Roma without taking their
specific needs and conditions into account. In practical terms, this results in a
waste of resources and effort with little effect on the quality of life of the
target population.

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 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

What is needed to produce a real impact is a different approach: a

bottom-up initiative taking place within Roma communities, both
geographically and organisationally, so that two common drawbacks of the
existing approaches, information not reaching the beneficiaries and lack of
active Roma involvement, can be surpassed. In addition, for this initiative to
prove more successful than the previous ones, a number of prerequisites are
necessary, such as proper information about the status and needs of the
beneficiaries, which must be collected as part of preliminary research, and also
political will and continuous and stable funding. If these requirements are met
then an innovative, active, bottom-up project has a fair chance of succeeding
where previous initiatives have failed and making an actual difference for one
of the most discriminated-against groups in Europe.

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Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

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Challenges Faced by Roma Women in Europe on Education, Employment…

APPENDIX

SUMMARIES OF INTERVIEWS WITH ROMA WOMEN1

Participant 1 – Lia Gaudi, Roma woman from Romania

Lia is a very well educated lady from Romania with a vast experience
of working with Roma people. We can say that she represents a prototype of
very strong Roma woman and could be an example for many other women. As
a Roma woman, she has not experienced many difficulties at school but
admits that Roma children usually have to usually work harder than others.
Her parents were supportive in her educational and life choices. In her
opinion, the main challenges for Roma girls are traditions to some extent,
stereotypes and rejection by the society. She also appreciates the affirmative
measures in Romania, helping Roma students to have access to education.
However, Lia admits that her case is a happy one, that there are many
negative examples of Roma students fighting much more that many of the
majority for their place in the academic environment.
To empower Roma women, Lia suggests following bottom up
approach and direct work with Roma women and listening to their needs.
With regards to health, there are observable issues particularly lack of health
insurance, but our participant has not experienced any problems.

Participant 2 – Roma woman from Romania

The interview has been conducted with a Romanian Roma woman
who lives and works in Greece. The semi-structured qualitative interview
consisted of 14 open questions covering the issues with education,
employment, health and housing. The participant has completed 12 years of
schooling unlike her siblings who completed only 2-4 years, and her mother
who is almost illiterate and never attended school. The participant has left her
house at aged 12, to continue her studies with great support of a teacher who
accommodated her and supported her in return for help in the household.
Regarding employment, the respondent has been active in labour
market since age of 12, to support herself while attending high school. After
completing high school the participant left Romania for Greece, where
problems with finding employment were not experienced.

1 For full text interviews, please see our dedicated blog:

http://wrestproject.blogspot.gr/

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 Roxana ANDREI, George MARTINIDIS, Tana TKADLECOVA

With respect to housing issues, the participant has lived in a shared

house with extended family, noting that nowadays it is extremely difficult for
young people to find decent and affordable accommodation. Access to
healthcare has never been an issue.
The respondent got married recently to non-Roma man and is
planning to leave Greece for the United Kingdom to start “better life”.

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